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Welcome to the Oxford Undergraduate Law Podcast, where we discuss the law and its implications

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on our relationships, our markets and our futures. I'm Jake Pronger, one of your podcast

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editors. We platform academics, practitioners and experts from different backgrounds on

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this podcast. This series was made possible by the generous support of Crown Office Chambers,

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one of the leading London sets of Chambers specialising in civil and commercial work.

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With the inauguration of Donald J. Trump on the 20th of January 2025, the elections which

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have been on many people's minds have been the elections which took place in the United

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States of America. However, just south of the border, Mexico is shaping up to face some

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of the most important elections in its history, which have the potential to shape the face

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of the North and South American continent and indeed the world for the foreseeable future.

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Over the course of 2025 and 2027, Mexico will look to hold elections to replace some 7,000

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judges and the soonest of these elections will take place in June of this year. Judicial

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reform in Mexico has long been a contentious issue with widespread calls to address corruption,

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inefficiency and lack of accountability within the judiciary. The latest reform initiative

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known as Plan C has sparked significant debate due to its sweeping proposals including electing

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judges by popular vote and creating a disciplinary court to oversee judicial conduct. On the

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15th of September, Mexico's Senate approved the reform by 86 to 41 and the constitution

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was therefore amended. Plan C follows two earlier reform attempts, imaginatively called

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Plan A and Plan B. Plan A was introduced by President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and

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his Morena party, aiming to make constitutional changes including reducing the number of electoral

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councillors and centralising electoral oversight under the National Electoral Institute, the

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INE. This proposal was rejected due to concerns of electoral interference and the risk of

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undermining the democratic process. Subsequently, Plan B was introduced in November of 2022,

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focusing on secondary laws to reduce the administrative powers of the INE and to introduce elections

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for its officials. However, in June of 2023, Mexico's Supreme Court declared Plan B unconstitutional

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in a 9 to 11 supermajority. It did so on the grounds that these reforms were rushed through

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Congress without proper debate and according to Justice Alberto Pérez Dayán, this violated

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the right to freedom of expression, transparency and access to public information and accountability.

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Supporters of Plan C, including Morena and some civil society groups, argued that the reforms

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would democratise the judiciary and address corruption and nepotism concerns. Conversely,

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organisations such as the INE, Human Rights Watch and Legal Scholars have warned that these

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reforms threaten judicial independence and risk concentrating power in the executive

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branch alone. Critics also highlight that the reforms could undermine the judiciary's

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role as a check on the government's power, potentially eroding democratic safeguards.

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The controversy surrounding Plan C underscores the tension between calls for judicial reform

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and the imperative to preserve the rule of law and constitutional balance in Mexico.

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Today I am delighted to be joined by my guest, Luz Orozco y Villa. She is a legal scholar

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and author of the article entitled, 'The Dangerous Path of Mexico's Judicial Reform: What is

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at stake for judicial independence in the Americas?' Luz is a DPhil (PhD) in law candidate

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at the Faculty of Law. Her research lies at the intersection of constitutional law and

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emerging technologies. Supervised by Professor Rowbottom, her doctoral thesis focuses on the

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constitutionalisation of the digital environment, specifically the case of online service providers

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regarding content moderation.

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Prior to joining Oxford, Luz worked as a career clerk for the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice

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and as a research adviser at the gender equality programme of the Federal Judicial Council.

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She has taught international human rights law, philosophy of human rights, family law

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and gender justice to undergraduate law students at different universities. She completed an

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LLM from Columbia Law School as a Fulbright Scholar and an LLB from el Instituto Tecnológico

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Autónimo de México. Luz is currently the co-convener of the Future of Technology and

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Society Discussion Group.

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Thanks so much for having me, Jake. I'm delighted to be here.

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Thank you. Well, I think we should get straight into the questions. So, most of our audience

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are not familiar with the Mexican judicial system, nor would they have any links to Mexico

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at all. But I think it's important to highlight Mexico's role as a key player in the Americas.

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And therefore, if we could provide a brief overview of judicial reforms in Mexico, including

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the background on Plan C and why these reforms are considered so controversial.

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Yes, of course, Jake. Thanks so much for the question. I think it would be important to

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highlight three components of the very massive judicial overhaul that was passed by Congress.

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I would address the removal of all sitting judges at all levels, the replacement with

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newly popularly elected judges and the creation of the disciplinary court. And I think each

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one of these components is truly controversial.

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The first one is this idea of removing all sitting judges from the justices of the Supreme

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Court to all local judges as well as at the federal level. We're talking about more

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than 6,000 people being immediately removed from office during the next three years. And

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this is highly controversial because according to international human rights law standards,

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you can only remove judges under permitted grounds such as age, retirement, misconduct,

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serious incompetence. And the rationality that is behind this is pretty simple. Judges

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have a guarantee of tenure. You need some breathing space in order to do the job. In

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order to be able to decide cases freely, you need to not fear the possibility of losing

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your job. You're not having the fear of losing your job, right? So this is in itself unprecedented,

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I think, in the global scale. There's not another case in history where all the judiciary

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of a country is removed. And then the second component is a replacement with newly elected

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judges by the people, right? Like this idea of electing through popular vote all the judiciary.

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And well, according to international human rights law, there's not an established specific

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procedure to designate judges. International human rights standards do establish that these

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elections should be based in personal merit and qualifications, not your political endorsements,

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right? So it's very important to guarantee that judges have, as I've said, the qualifications

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in order to do their job. And it really doesn't matter how popular you are, but that you're

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in a position to take a technical decision when you are deciding over a case. And the

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third element that I would say is important of this reform, and it's also very problematic

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under constitutional law, is the creation of this disciplinary court that will be in

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charge of overseeing and disciplining judges. And these members of the court will also be

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elected by popular vote. And I think the design in itself is problematic because the reform

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grants the executive and the legislative branches a lot of power to preselect the candidates

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that were eventually run for the elections in order to contend for one place at the court.

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And according again to international human rights law, any disciplinary system should

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be isolated from political interference. And not only that, the reform also provides for

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disciplinary grounds for sanctioning judges that are too vague and too open-ended. So

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this grants a broad discretion for this disciplinary court that I would say does not provide the

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possibility for a judge to check on political power or protect minorities as it's their

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job to do so.

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I think there's certainly something to be said that if, for example, at a nation's

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entire level, if you're electing around 7,000 judges, there's a possibility for the people

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in those elections, if you have over 80 candidates on your ballot, the likelihood of you knowing

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the extent to which each candidate is going to be able to contribute in a positive way

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to your future is very decreased. You're not making an informed decision in the same way

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that you are when you're electing the president of the country. So what would you make of

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the commentators who say that Morena was elected and they have been re-elected under Claudia

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Sheinbaum with a huge majority in Congress and that they were elected on the grounds

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of introducing reform into the judicial system for the country as a whole. And therefore

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these reforms are needed to bring about that reform.

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Yeah, I think you raise a relevant point. One of the arguments that the Morena Party uses

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in order to legitimize this judicial overhaul is that they actually have a popular mandate

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after their sweeping victory in June elections. I would push back on that argument because

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I don't think that actually these reforms were passed in a very deliberative process

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that respects actually that democratic substance. I think actually the way that Morena secured

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the vote in order to pass this bill was deeply problematic. It was more about political extortion

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rather than having a broad consensus among the different parties in both chambers of

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Congress. So I don't see a linear, I don't see the connection between a sweeping victory

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which of course happened and Claudia Sheinbaum was elected by I think 35 million votes. Still

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I don't think the Mexican people had enough time to actually get engaged and discuss thoroughly

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this reform that was presented in February. We're talking only about a few months and

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I think all the relevant stakeholders in terms of civil society actually caution against

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the passing of this reform which I think it's important to take into account. Like every

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single NGO that works in justice, universities, students, there were massive civil protests

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in Mexico asking maybe not necessarily against the reform but asking for more time in order

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to be able to actually discuss it and reach a broader consensus. I would tend to agree

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with the statements that you make, in particular to other scholars, Mr. Parra and Mr. Heckel

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in one of the recent articles that they wrote. They mentioned that the way in which the reform

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was passed in Congress, because of the protests it was held in another room and at one point

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one of the senators who said he wasn't previously going to vote for the reform, he was no longer

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ill and turned up to vote in favour of the reform. Many people argue that there must

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have been some back works, behind-the-scenes political meandering for him to be forced

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to vote in a way allegedly the senator had corruption investigations and he was going

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to face charges which he no longer is facing. So I wonder to what extent do you think the

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reform in and of itself was passed in a democratic manner in which the people elected the Morena

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party to do so? Yes, I agree with you. I think it was like a whole Mexican telenovela happening

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in Congress. There was not only the change of venue that you mentioned, like at the end

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I think at the Chamber of Deputies it was passed in a gym, literally. But yeah, you

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mentioned that there were three votes that were highly contentious people from the opposition,

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legislators from the opposition that eventually voted with Morena party and it seems to be

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the case that it was in exchange of the dropping of some charges so it was definitely political

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extortion behind it. One could argue that this is politics but I would say that since

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it was amidst huge massive civil protests we should be much more committed to broader

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consensus, more public involvement if we really want to reform that constitution in a legitimate

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way. Yes, yeah. So I think I read recently that 74 of AMLO's proposed laws were struck

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down by the Supreme Court under Norma Piña's presidency. He obviously saw that as an affront

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to his role as the president and therefore instituted the change of Plan A which failed

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and then Plan B and then followed by Plan C which finally passed. Do you think it's

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legitimate for a president who, again, they would argue that the mandate is from the people,

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if their laws are in some way affronted to the constitution, should that process be hindered

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by an independent judiciary which is unelected and therefore unaccountable to the people?

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Yes, I think if we look back and take into account the real motives behind the reform,

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I don't think right at the centre is access to justice. I think this comes out of political

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revenge, right? As you mentioned, the Supreme Court struck down several of former President

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Andrés Manuel López Obrador initiatives. For instance, we can think about Plan B in

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terms of the electoral authorities, but we can also think about the militarization, this

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idea of putting the Guardia Nacional, the institution that is in charge of public safety,

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under the Secretary of Defense, which was super controversial and that was struck down

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by the Supreme Court as well. So it seemed that the Supreme Court began, it was like

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a public enemy of the executive. It was precisely the only institution that put some obstacles

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to his political project and that's the reason behind what we're looking at now as the judicial

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reform. Yeah. When you mention like 'enemy of the people' or 'enemy of the public', it,

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as someone who's studying in the English jurisdiction and English law, it brings one to think about

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the Miller cases, which were obviously those famous cases where the government or I suppose

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the executive tried to pass laws without the approval of the legislative body. And in that

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case, the Supreme Court did not allow the government to do so and they had to require

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consent from parliament to leave the European Union for the reasons of Brexit. In the high,

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in the Divisional Court's decision, some of the tabloids in the UK printed the faces of the

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pictures of the judges and called them 'enemy of the people'. So I think this brings us to

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a point that you had in your article that it's very easy for when a populist figure

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thinks that there's an improper check on their power, they turn to, I suppose, demagoguery

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to suit their own ends. So it really is what the question that I'm asking is behind these

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reforms. Is it less of reforming the Mexican judicial system and more so of a power grab

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in favour of the executive?

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I would agree with that reading. I think since maybe 2022, we can even trace it back a bit

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in Andrés Manuel's career. He was, he's been always very critical and skeptical about judges

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but his derogatory rhetoric became really strong in 2022. And after the Supreme Court

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actually struck down some of his initiatives, he had like this open, hostile and intimidating

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discourse against judges in his mañaneras, as you know, these like morning sessions that

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he would address the people and basically complain about the judiciary. So he began

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building on this idea of Supreme Court and particularly President Chief Justice Piña

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as a public enemy, right?

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Yes, yeah. And so some scholars have argued that at its very best, if we take, I suppose,

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an optimistic view of the situation, Mexico's judiciary or I suppose judicial system is

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in dire need of some reform. I think according to the judiciary's own data, they received

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391 complaints of corruption and nepotism within the ranks, but none led to the dismissal

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of any judges. And so there's an idea or conception of the judiciary in Mexico being full of nepo-babies,

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I suppose you could call them, or people who have some tangential link to the judiciary.

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And in that sense, you're not getting the, it's not a meritocratic system where you're

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getting the best judges to produce the best judicial outcomes. You're just keeping it

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within a close-knit circle. So at its very best, the reform is seeking to change that

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in a misguided way. But obviously at its very worst, it can be seen as authoritarianism

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in action. I wonder what you make of those claims. Which one do you think is more likely

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to be the case?

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Well, I believe that both nepotism and corruption are definitely one of the problems that we

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are facing in the judiciary. And this is not new. I think a thorough reform of the administration

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of justice in Mexico is long overdue. I think the big problem is that this judicial reform

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is not solving any of those issues. And I would actually identify other problems as

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even more urgent than corruption and nepotism. If we look at the structural obstacles to

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the access of justice in Mexico, I think those are much more relevant to address. Of course,

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oversight of nepotism is an element, but it's only one among many.

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Yeah. I think that's certainly true. Another aspect of these reforms is the move to increase

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the amount of time someone on trial can be kept in pretrial detention before they've

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actually received their conviction. And many people seem to overlook the human rights implications

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of doing so. In Mexico, prosecutors are responsible for investigating and prosecuting crimes.

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And in 2022, they opened 2.2 million investigations, but only 238,000 made it before a judge, which

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is about 10%. So clearly there is a disparity between the amount of people who are being

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held in pretrial captivity and the amount of those people who are genuinely, possibly

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guilty of a crime. So I wonder what you make of if the headlines of electing judges is

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hiding some arguably more impactful human rights violations beneath the surface.

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I think that's definitely the case. I think, yeah, the 'la prevención preventiva', which is what

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you're describing precisely, is contrary to international human rights law. It has already

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been decided by the Inter-American Court of Justice. Mexico is actually violating its

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international obligations by keeping this figure in the constitution. And yeah, we have

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high impunity rates and huge delays, overloaded prosecutors, underfunded police. We have structural

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obstacles and clearly electing judges is not going to solve any of them.

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Yes. Yeah. I think to borrow a phrase from Lord Leggatt in a recent Supreme Court case

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in the UK, he said that "you can only care about that, but you know about." So this brings

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us back to the practical issues of electing around 7,000 judges, 1,300 in Mexico City

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alone. How are, I suppose, the general public meant to inform themselves about which judge

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they have the possibility of electing? And therefore, how can we say that there's any

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benefit being accrued to the Mexican people by electing these officials? It seems that

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the party in power, which is Morena right now, would have a more than average chance

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of being able to push the candidates which they prefer or which are more likely to align

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with their views. And therefore, those people are more likely to be voted in by the general

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public because they would have more, I suppose, more screen time with them, more chance of

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being known by them.

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Yes, definitely. There are two puzzling elements of that, of that election first. Actually,

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there will be a preselection done by the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, and that

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will be the first filter. So it's not a direct popular vote. And in that preselection, you

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can imagine the influence that the party in power can have. And there is a second element

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I would add, and it's the possibility for the normal citizen to actually engage with

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the campaigns, right? Candidates are supposed not to receive any public or private funding

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for their campaign. So I wonder how are they going to actually communicate with the citizens

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and the electorate in that way. So yes, it seems that there is a really bad design in

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terms of this electoral system for judges.

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Yes. And I noticed that the proposers of the reform have mentioned that there'll be free

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time or airtime allocated to all the candidates. Obviously, I'm not sure about the feasibility

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of that for so many candidates. Obviously, the election will be spread out between 2025

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and 2027. But again, I think it brings us back to this problem of if the airtime is

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being administered by the party in power, the people who are likely to receive the primetime

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slots are those which are likely to align with their views. Do you think there's a possibility

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of international organisations such as the UN or the Inter-American Court to somehow

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be involved in this process and make it more democratic in the sense that it will ensure

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that the body which is administering the process by which judges are elected is held to account

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to do it in a way which is fair and impartial?

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I'm kind of pessimistic about this. I think the UN rapporteur on the independence of judges

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has already warned Mexico, caution against this reform. There's already a communication

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in that sense. It's the same for the Inter-American Commission. Recently, we held some hearings

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regarding the judicial reform. Although there was, of course, not yet a decision on it,

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some of the comisionados clearly stated their doubts and their concerns regarding this judicial

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reform and the Mexican state is still carrying the reform and implemented it on those terms.

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For the future, if thinking about the influence that international organisations can have,

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I'm a little bit sceptical. For me, it's so antithetical, the idea of electing judges

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with a constitutional democracy, that even if in the process there are some kind of channels

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for civil society to participate. I think in terms of the design, simply judges should

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not respond to the electorate. In order to be able to do their job, they need to be independent

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from political interference. Even if civil society can participate, for instance, in

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the designating processes, I'm quite pessimistic that this will change and that the best judges,

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the more prepared ones, the more technical, will actually be elected. I think the ones

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that will be elected, as you said, are the ones that are more close to Morena.

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That would be very unfortunate indeed. I wonder, in your opening statement and in your article

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you mentioned that the significant role Mexico plays in influencing the politics and I suppose

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setting the judicial precedent, judicial standard for the rest of South and North America.

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What can be learned from any attempt in North or South America to elect judges, number one?

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And number two, has there been any success in this regard?

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Yes. When we were discussing, scholars were discussing, because this happened honestly

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so fast that we didn't have a broad discussion about these issues. Of course, Bolivia and

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the US cases were highlighted, but I don't think that either Bolivia or the US have meaningful

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experiences or significant experiences in terms of this idea. I think actually that

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there is a false analogy and Francisco has an extraordinary article regarding how we

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shouldn't look at the US as an argument for the judicial reform because the case of the

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US is very exceptional and it also circumscribes to local judges whereas the Mexican judicial

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reform is actually overhauling both the federal and the local state and is removing all of

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them, not only local judges. And the case of Bolivia is also deeply problematic. I wouldn't

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look at Bolivia as a successful story about the democratization of the judiciary. It hasn't

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worked. The electorate was not engaged with the whole process and now you have a political

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capture of apex courts. And it was also only in the case of Bolivia only related to

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the apex courts, not the whole judiciary. So the cases are different. We shouldn't draw

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quick analogies and even if we draw these analogies, they are not successful cases,

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I would say. On the point about apex courts, I think it's also important to note that the

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election of the Supreme Court was changing the Supreme Court's constitution from 11

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to 9 justices in line with the US, but they will all be up for election. So that makes

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it very likely in the US there's talk of the US Supreme Court being packed by Donald Trump's

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nominees. But the same will be true to a much larger degree in the Mexican case where the

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likelihood, as we said, of judges being elected because they have backing from the Morena

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party, the likelihood of the Supreme Court being made up of Morena candidates or Morena

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affiliated judges is a lot higher. Because there's less judges now, the likelihood of

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being in the majority is increased. And so I wonder if Mexico's Supreme Court has the

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power to determine laws to be unconstitutional. And that was one of the last checks on the

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executive power. Where did we get the rest of these checks on the powers of the executive

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branch or the presidential decisions? If you dismantle the branches that are supposed

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to check on power, then you have nothing. It sounds like an exaggeration, but if you

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capture the court, there is nothing left. That's true. I suppose in the UK we have a

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conception of the ability of our legislative body and I suppose conjoined with the executive

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here in the House of Commons, the executive has a very powerful position because they

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command the majority of the House of Commons. And so we have the doctrine of parliamentary

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sovereignty which all first-year lawyers would be familiar with from their constitutional

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law seminars. But essentially if you had to boil it down, it would be that whatever parliament

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decides or enacts is law, is passed by virtue of their parliamentary sovereignty. So some

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people would suggest that because Mexico's Congress, they voted however you want to cut

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it, in the end the vote was passed for the reform. Could the argument be made that Mexico

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is a beneficiary of the same principle of parliamentary sovereignty or is there a difference

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between the two contexts of the UK and Mexico? That's a hard question. I would not dare to,

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because I'm not an expert in parliamentarism  and sovereignty of parliament according to

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the British system. But I would say that right now, since basically Morena has a strong majority,

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it's not a qualified majority, but it's a strong majority, and we have a presidential

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tradition that maybe on paper is not that strong, but in terms of culture, the presidential

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figure still is super powerful, then you have full House, right? So not anymore checks and

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balances. So I wonder if you can move on to some questions about some alternatives of

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what we might have preferred. Alternatives? Yeah. So what alternative reforms would you

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suggest to address the legitimate concerns about the judiciary without compromising its independence?

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That's also a big question. The way that I thought that I could address it was by highlighting

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the shortcomings of the current system, but I think I already mentioned the high impunity rates

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that delays overloaded courts, marginalized communities doesn't have any access. But I

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would say that going forward, I think instead of electing judges, we have a fair amount

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of important measures that we should take into account. And I would say that these measures

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should be much more structural and vicious. Instead of focusing on the selection methods

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of judges that could lead, as we've said, potentially to political capture, I would

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say that we need to fund police, we need to fund prosecutors, we need to fund public defenders.

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There is a need for a professionalization of all public servants and also to work at

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the local level. I think it's very important to strengthen the local judiciaries. But this

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involves money. So that's part of, I would say, the trick of the judicial reform that

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even without funding, you're saying that you're doing something, but at the end, you're actually

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not changing, as I've said, the structural problems of the administration of justice

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in Mexico. Yes. So on a more optimistic note, many people seem to regard that Claudia Sheinbaum

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is less radical than her predecessor, AMLO. And obviously, the constitutional reform lays

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out the broad framework by which judges will be elected and the changes to the pre-incarceration

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regulations, et cetera. But do you think on a more practical note that Claudia Sheinbaum

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being more measured in her presidential approach would be laying out the framework of this

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reform in a more measured and sensible way, with secondary legislation? That's a very

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interesting point. And actually, I think she has been in power for just a few months, but

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seem to be originally a much more maybe moderate leader. I think in terms of the results, she

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hasn't been a more moderate leader. And I don't see how secondary legislation can make

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up for what the constitution says right now, that is that we are going to have elections

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next June and that we are going to remove all these sitting judges. So I don't see any

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moderation at all. Let's see how this works in the following months. But things are looking

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kind of gloomy, to be honest. And I am curious to see how the reform will be implemented.

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But I think there will be a counter-reform. And we can also see this maybe happening already

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in terms of the feasibility of the judicial reform by the electoral authorities saying

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that they actually don't have time. So they actually asked for more time in order to organize

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the elections. This was denied by Congress, both the executive and the legislative power.

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But let's see if they actually get away with it. Maybe even the implementation of the reform

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will prove to be impossible. So reality will hit before. I don't know.

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I think that is certainly possible. So I think we have been speaking for about 40 minutes,

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so we are going to take a quick break. Before we move on to the next segment of the

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podcast, we would like to express our gratitude for the generous support of Crown Office Chambers.

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Crown Office Chambers is a leading set consisting of over 100 commercial and common law barristers,

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00:36:22,840 --> 00:36:28,000
arbitrators and mediators. They have just released a short film introducing their pupilages.

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00:36:28,000 --> 00:36:32,480
The film, as well as other information about pupilages, can be found on their website at

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00:36:32,480 --> 00:36:39,680
www.crownofficechambers.com/careers/pupilage. Thank you

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once again to Crown Office Chambers. Now back to our discussion.

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In your article, you mentioned that these reforms are part of a broader trend towards

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'autocratisation’. I wonder if you could expand on what you meant by this and how significant

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this is for the Americans and what it signals to other countries in the region.

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Yes, thank you very much for the question. I refer to these reforms as a playbook on

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autocratisation that happens when a legitimately elected leader dismantles the capacity of

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other branches to check their power. And I think this is precisely what we are looking

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at with the Mexican judicial reform. Basically, removing judges from office and blaming it

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on the Supreme Court is clearly an excuse for trying to eliminate all the checks and

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balances and to basically, I would say, capture the judiciary. And this is pretty, I would

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say concerning and should raise all the alarms in the region. Not only, I would say even

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in Latin America, but in the whole world that is this can actually happen. And it happens

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in Mexico in less than a I would say seven months. So also there is a time trap here.

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As you recall, at the same time, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador proposed 18 constitutional amendments

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and it was impossible for academics, political science, people that were involved actually

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to even follow up with what he was doing. And of course civil society, I would say,

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didn't have the time to actually engage with all the reforms that were put down on the

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table. So this is part, I guess, of a larger trend and we need to keep an eye on that.

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Yes, yeah, I totally agree with you. I mentioned or I noticed that you had an expertise in

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the family law system of Mexico. And I wondered just now how you think that the, as part of

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the reforms, as a certain qualifications that a judge must meet, they must be nominated

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by certain parties and also have reference letters, but they also have to have a law

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degree, but only average of grade of I think it was a seven or an eight, which is not particularly

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high. And in the people who have been, you know, gone through the Mexico's education

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system in the law suggest that that's too low of a threshold. And what potential impacts

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that might have on the day to day running of a family court, for example, for the justice

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being done to those people involved.

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Yes, totally. I think that the current requirements to run for an election for an electoral, for

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a judicial position are even ridiculous, like the five letters of recommendation, eight

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out of 10. I guess that the most concerning part of these judicial reform or component

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is precisely that is destroying the judicial career. Like Mexico, of course, faces many,

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many challenges in terms of access to justice. But one of the, I would say topics that where

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we had really made some progress was precisely building a strong judicial career, meritocratic,

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I would say judges needed to pass exams. And it was not easy. It took like usually it was

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almost like 20 years in order for a judge to become a judge. And that is all gone. Now

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you need five letters of recommendation and eight out of 10 points in your degree.

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Yeah, I think some student-run societies here have stricter requirements to run for those

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political offices. Well, we've been talking for nearly an hour now and I think the discussion

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has been very fruitful. Thank you so much for your time. I would have one more question,

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if I may. I noticed that you have an interest in the use of AI and commercial systems. But

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more broadly speaking, there's some talk in the UK jurisdiction about the possibility

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of AI one day becoming so advanced that it's capable of producing judgments with a high

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probability of valid conclusions in the sense that, you know, a judge is only as fallible

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as the next human being, but obviously much more experienced in that judicial system. But if

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an AI could do the same role, then it could be desirable for reasons of efficiency and

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cost to introduce AI-assisted decision making. And in parts of Mexico's judiciary, that's

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already being done, apparently. So I wonder if you think that AI could have any or could

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provide any risks or advantages to these reforms. Could it help mitigate some of the things

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that we've discussed as a challenge or do you not see it as being capable of doing so

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at this stage at the very least? Yes, thank you very much for the question. I cannot predict

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the future, but I think currently, at least in the Mexican landscape, in terms of the

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AI ecosystem, we don't have the safeguards in place in order to open up the black boxes

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that come along with AI systems working for the public system. And I would say the use

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of AI technologies may pose great risks in terms of being opaque. If it would be possible

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to work on accountability and transparency measures, I would be more optimistic. But

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I would say currently, we still have a long way to go. Yes, I think that's certainly

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the least dystopian of the two views to take. Well, thank you so much for your time, Luz.

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And that concludes this recording of the podcast. Well, that's all the questions that we have

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for today. Thank you so much for taking the time to listen to this episode of the podcast.

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Once again, thank you to Crown Office Chambers for making this series possible.

