WEBVTT

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Here is a medical test scenario. A disease affects

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one in a thousand people. There is a test for

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the disease that is 99 % accurate, meaning it

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correctly identifies the disease when it is present

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99 % of the time and correctly comes back negative

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when the disease is absent 99 % of the time.

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You take the test. It comes back positive. What

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is the probability that you actually have the

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disease? Most people's instinct is 99%. The test

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is 99 % accurate. You tested positive, so you

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almost certainly have the disease. The actual

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answer is just under 9%. And if you feel a jolt

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of disorientation right now, if that number seems

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impossible, if you want to go back and check

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the problem, that reaction is exactly what this

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episode is about. Our intuitions about probability

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are not just slightly off. They are systematically,

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predictably, catastrophically wrong in ways that

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affect our medical decisions, our legal judgments,

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our financial choices, and our assessment of

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risk in almost every domain of life. Welcome

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to Philosophy for Lunch. I'm Claire. And I'm

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Sean. Today we are in the strange and certain

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pillar, the territory where rigorous thinking

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produces results that genuinely surprise us.

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We are talking about probability. What it is,

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why we get it wrong so reliably, what Bayes'

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theorem reveals about how we should update our

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beliefs, how Pascal used probability to argue

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for God, and what all of this means for the examined

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life. New episodes every Monday. Big ideas. Human

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conversations. Let's go. Before we get into why

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we get probability wrong, it is worth spending

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a moment on what probability actually is, because

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the concept is less straightforward than it appears,

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and the philosophical debates about its foundations

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are genuinely interesting. There are two main

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interpretations of probability that have competed

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in the philosophy of mathematics and the philosophy

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of science for the last three centuries. The

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first is the frequentist interpretation. Probability

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is a property of the real world, specifically

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of the long run frequency of outcomes in repeated

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trials. The probability of a fair coin coming

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up heads is one half because in a very large

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number of flips, it will come up heads approximately

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half the time. On this view, Probability is objective

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and empirical. It describes something about the

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world that can, in principle, be measured. The

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second interpretation is the Bayesian one. Probability

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is a measure of degree of belief, specifically,

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of rational credence in a proposition given the

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evidence available. On this view, probability

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is not primarily a feature of the world, but

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a feature of an agent's epistemic state. When

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we say the probability of rain tomorrow is 70%,

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We are not claiming that 30 % of identical tomorrows

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in identical weather conditions will be sunny.

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We are expressing a degree of confidence, grounded

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in evidence, that rain will occur. The Bayesian

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interpretation has become increasingly dominant

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in statistics, cognitive science, and the philosophy

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of science over the last several decades, and

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for good reason. Many of the probability statements

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we care about most, the probability that a defendant

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is guilty, the probability that a medical hypothesis

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is true, The probability that a policy will have

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a desired effect are not naturally understood

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as long run frequencies. They are assessments

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of confidence given evidence. And the Bayesian

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framework gives us rigorous tools for thinking

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about how that confidence should be updated as

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new evidence arrives. Thomas Bayes was an 18th

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century English minister and mathematician who

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developed the theorem that bears his name. He

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never published it during his lifetime. It was

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published posthumously by his friend Richard

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Price in 1763. The core idea is simple but profound.

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The probability that a hypothesis is true, given

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some evidence, is a function of how probable

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the evidence would be if the hypothesis were

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true, how probable the evidence would be if the

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hypothesis were false, and how probable the hypothesis

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was before the evidence arrived. That last component,

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the prior probability, or simply the prior is

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the key to the medical test problem in the opening.

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Before you took the test, the probability that

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you had the disease was one in a thousand point

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one percent. The test is very accurate, but starting

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from such a low prior probability means that

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even a positive result does not move the posterior

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probability very far. Working through the arithmetic,

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out of every thousand people tested, one actually

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has the disease and will almost certainly test

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positive. But nine or ten of the 999 healthy

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people will also test positive because no test

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is perfect. So of the 10 or 11 people who test

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positive, only one actually has the disease.

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That is roughly 9%. The lesson is not that the

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test is useless. It is that the interpretation

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of the test result depends entirely on the prior

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probability on how likely the disease was before

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the test. For a patient with symptoms strongly

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associated with the disease, the prior might

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be much higher and a positive test becomes much

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more informative. For a population being screened

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without symptoms, where the disease is rare,

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even a very accurate test produces mostly false

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positives. This is why medical screening for

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rare conditions is so complicated, and why the

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naive interpretation of test results 99 % accurate

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means 99 % certain can be genuinely dangerous.

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We covered cognitive biases in some depth earlier

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in the show, and probability is the domain where

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those biases do some of their most serious damage.

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Let me run through the most consequential ones,

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because I think understanding them specifically,

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not just abstractly, is what makes the difference.

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The first is the base rate neglect we just saw

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in the medical test problem. When we receive

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specific information, a positive test result,

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a witness identification, a news story, we tend

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to anchor on that information and neglect the

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prior probability that should be shaping our

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interpretation. This is related to what Kahneman

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calls the substitution heuristic. We answer the

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easy question, how accurate is this test? Rather

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than the harder one, given how rare this disease

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is, what does the positive result actually tell

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me? The prosecutor's fallacy is a particularly

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important and particularly dangerous version

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of base -rate neglect. It arises in criminal

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trials when statistical evidence is misinterpreted.

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The classic case, a DNA test shows a match between

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a suspect and evidence from a crime scene, and

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the expert witness testifies that the probability

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of this match occurring by chance is one in a

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million. The jury hears, the probability that

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this person is innocent is one in a million,

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but those are not the same statement. The probability

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of a random match given innocence is one in a

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million. The probability of innocence given a

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match depends also on how many potential suspects

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there are, how the suspect was identified, and

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other factors the one in a million figure says

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nothing about. The Sally Clark case in Britain

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is one of the most heartbreaking illustrations

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of this. Clark was a solicitor convicted in 1999

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of murdering her two infant sons, both of whom

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had died of what appeared to be sudden infant

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death syndrome. A statistician testified that

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the probability of two sudden infant death syndrome

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deaths in the same family was one in 73 million,

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a figure arrived at by squaring the probability

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of a single such death, assuming the two events

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were independent. The jury convicted. Clark spent

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three years in prison before her conviction was

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overturned. After it was established that the

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statistical analysis was flawed in multiple ways,

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including the assumption of independence, When

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in fact biological and environmental factors

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mean second, sudden infant death syndrome deaths

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in the same family are considerably more likely

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than the calculation assumed. She never recovered

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psychologically from her imprisonment and died

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of acute alcohol intoxication in 2007. The gambler's

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fallacy is the mirror image of base rate neglect.

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Where base rate neglect makes us ignore prior

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probabilities, the gambler's fallacy makes us

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believe that independent events are connected

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when they are not. A coin comes up heads five

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times in a row. The gambler thinks, tails is

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due. The probability of heads is 50%. The coin

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has no memory. The fact that it has come up heads

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five consecutive times does not alter the probability

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of the next flip. Each flip is independent. The

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intuition that a streak creates a debt that the

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universe owes you a correction is deeply embedded

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and completely wrong. is especially powerful

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in the domain of risk assessment. We judge the

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probability of an event by how easily examples

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of it come to mind. Plane crashes are vivid,

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emotionally salient, and heavily covered by media,

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so we overestimate the probability of dying in

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a plane crash and underestimate the probability

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of dying in a car accident, which is statistically

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far more common. Terrorism is overestimated as

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a risk. Heart disease is underestimated. The

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salience of an event in our imagination is not

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a reliable guide to its frequency in the world.

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The Sally Clark case is also a window into something

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philosophically important about the relationship

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between statistics and narrative. The statistical

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evidence, 1 in 73 million, was compelling in

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the way that large numbers are always compelling.

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But it was presented in isolation from the narrative

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context that would have made it interpretable.

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What is the background rate of false accusations

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in child death cases? What does the medical literature

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actually say about sudden infant death syndrome

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recurrence within families? Those questions require

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the base rate reasoning that Bayesian thinking

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demands, and that was conspicuously absent from

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the courtroom. Statistics without base rates

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are not just incomplete, they are actively misleading.

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The forensic use of probability has improved

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significantly since the Clark case, partly because

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of the sustained philosophical and legal work

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done in its aftermath. Courts now generally require

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expert witnesses to address base rates explicitly.

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And there are developed guidelines for presenting

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probabilistic evidence in ways that reduce the

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likelihood of the prosecutor's fallacy and its

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mirror image, the defense attorney's fallacy,

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which involves the error of treating a low probability

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of a match as itself exculpatory without considering

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the prior probability of guilt. Getting probability

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right in the courtroom is not just a technical

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problem. It is a justice problem. And then there

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is overconfidence, the tendency to assign higher

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probabilities to our own beliefs than the evidence

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warrants, and to be more certain about predictions

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than we should be. Studies consistently show

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that when people say they are 95 % confident

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in an answer, they are right about 70 % of the

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time. Experts in many domains, economists, political

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scientists, doctors, are frequently overconfident

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in their predictions. Philip Tetlock's work on

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forecasting, summarized in his book Superforecasting,

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suggests that most experts are not significantly

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better at probabilistic prediction than educated

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laypeople, and that the best forecasters are

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distinguished not by expertise but by epistemic

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humility, by their willingness to express genuine

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uncertainty and update their estimates frequently

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as new information arrives. I want to turn to

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one of the most famous and most philosophically

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interesting uses of probabilistic reasoning in

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the history of philosophy, Pascal's wager. because

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it illustrates both the power and the limits

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of applying probability to the largest questions.

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Blaise Pascal was a 17th century French mathematician,

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physicist, and philosopher, a genuinely extraordinary

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intellect who made foundational contributions

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to probability theory, fluid mechanics, and projective

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geometry, and who underwent a profound religious

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conversion in his mid -30s that shaped the rest

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of his life. His posthumously published Pensees'

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Thoughts in French contains the wager argument.

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which is probably the most famous decision theoretic

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argument for religious belief ever made. The

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argument runs roughly like this. You cannot know

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with certainty whether God exists, but you must

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choose how to live belief or non -belief without

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that certainty. So the choice is a wager. If

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you wager on God's existence and God exists,

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you gain eternal life, infinite reward. If you

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wager on God's existence and God does not exist,

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you lose some finite goods, pleasures, and freedoms

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you gave up in living a religious life. If you

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wager against God's existence and God does not

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exist, you gain those finite goods. If you wager

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against God's existence and God does exist, you

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face eternal damnation, infinite loss. The expected

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value calculation is straightforward. Infinite

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reward times any positive probability is infinite.

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Any finite loss is finite. Therefore, you should

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wager on God's existence. The argument is elegant.

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and has generated centuries of philosophical

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response. The most powerful objection is what

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is sometimes called the many gods problem. Pascal

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assumes a specific theological picture, the Christian

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god who rewards belief and punishes non -belief.

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But, there are many possible gods with different

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reward structures. A god who rewards sincere

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inquiry and punishes vain belief would recommend

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the opposite of Pascal's strategy. A god who

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rewards a different religion would make Pascal's

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wager actively harmful. Once you multiply the

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possible gods, the expected value calculation

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becomes vastly more complicated and the clean

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dominance argument dissolves. The second major

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objection is about the nature of belief. Pascal

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assumes that you can simply decide to believe

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that wagering on God is enough, but belief is

00:13:15.360 --> 00:13:18.220
not typically a direct object of will. You cannot

00:13:18.220 --> 00:13:20.899
simply choose to believe something you find implausible

00:13:20.899 --> 00:13:22.580
any more than you can choose to find something

00:13:22.580 --> 00:13:25.320
funny. Pascal was aware of this and had a response.

00:13:25.639 --> 00:13:28.580
Begin by acting as if you believe, attend church,

00:13:28.759 --> 00:13:31.139
practice the rituals, and belief will follow

00:13:31.139 --> 00:13:34.340
from habit and practice. This is actually a psychologically

00:13:34.340 --> 00:13:36.659
sophisticated point. There is genuine evidence

00:13:36.659 --> 00:13:38.820
that behavior shapes belief as much as belief

00:13:38.820 --> 00:13:41.700
shapes behavior. But it raises its own philosophical

00:13:41.700 --> 00:13:44.460
problems about the authenticity of belief arrived

00:13:44.460 --> 00:13:47.299
at through deliberate self -manipulation. William

00:13:47.299 --> 00:13:49.779
James, whose will to believe we covered last

00:13:49.779 --> 00:13:52.419
week, was both influenced by and critical of

00:13:52.419 --> 00:13:55.539
Pascal. He agreed that in certain forced, live,

00:13:55.860 --> 00:13:58.159
and momentous decisions, passion or commitment

00:13:58.159 --> 00:14:01.120
is legitimate. But he objected to Pascal's purely

00:14:01.120 --> 00:14:03.159
calculative approach, the idea that religious

00:14:03.159 --> 00:14:05.899
belief can be justified by an expected value

00:14:05.899 --> 00:14:08.940
argument. James thought, genuine religious belief

00:14:08.940 --> 00:14:11.519
required something more than a bet. It required

00:14:11.519 --> 00:14:14.399
an actual live hypothesis, a genuine openness

00:14:14.399 --> 00:14:17.259
in the believer, and an experience that the belief

00:14:17.259 --> 00:14:19.919
was tracking something real. The Jamesian will

00:14:19.919 --> 00:14:22.940
to believe is not Pascal's wager. It is considerably

00:14:22.940 --> 00:14:26.970
more psychologically and epistemologically demanding.

00:14:27.450 --> 00:14:29.509
There's a third objection to Pascal's wager that

00:14:29.509 --> 00:14:32.129
I find philosophically important and it has to

00:14:32.129 --> 00:14:34.429
do with the structure of infinite values in decision

00:14:34.429 --> 00:14:37.269
theory. Pascal's argument works because infinite

00:14:37.269 --> 00:14:39.990
reward times any positive probability, however

00:14:39.990 --> 00:14:42.950
small, is infinite and therefore dominates any

00:14:42.950 --> 00:14:45.929
finite consideration. But this structure creates

00:14:45.929 --> 00:14:48.350
problems that go beyond the many gods objection.

00:14:48.700 --> 00:14:51.179
If we allow infinite values into our decision

00:14:51.179 --> 00:14:53.820
calculus, almost any action can be justified

00:14:53.820 --> 00:14:56.639
by constructing a sufficiently exotic theological

00:14:56.639 --> 00:14:59.299
scenario in which it produces infinite reward.

00:14:59.620 --> 00:15:01.740
The expected value framework breaks down when

00:15:01.740 --> 00:15:04.259
infinite utilities are in play, because infinite

00:15:04.259 --> 00:15:06.759
expected values cannot be meaningfully compared

00:15:06.759 --> 00:15:09.299
or traded off against each other. Contemporary

00:15:09.299 --> 00:15:11.960
decision theorists have spent considerable effort

00:15:11.960 --> 00:15:14.379
trying to construct versions of Pascal's Wager

00:15:14.379 --> 00:15:17.019
that avoid these problems. Versions that produce

00:15:17.019 --> 00:15:20.340
the same conclusion without invoking actual infinities.

00:15:20.779 --> 00:15:23.340
The results are technically sophisticated, but

00:15:23.340 --> 00:15:25.720
none of them has the clean, intuitive force of

00:15:25.720 --> 00:15:28.700
the original. What Pascal's Wager does, at its

00:15:28.700 --> 00:15:31.960
best, is force us to think seriously about the

00:15:31.960 --> 00:15:35.419
asymmetry between the costs and benefits of religious

00:15:35.419 --> 00:15:37.379
commitment. The question of whether the goods

00:15:37.379 --> 00:15:39.500
that come from a life of religious commitment

00:15:39.500 --> 00:15:42.360
community, meaning ethical structure, the comfort

00:15:42.360 --> 00:15:45.960
of belief are worth the costs of that commitment.

00:15:46.360 --> 00:15:48.889
Even in the absence of certainty, about God's

00:15:48.889 --> 00:15:51.370
existence is a serious one. It just does not

00:15:51.370 --> 00:15:53.570
have the clean mathematical answer Pascal wanted

00:15:53.570 --> 00:15:55.730
to give it. I want to move from the abstract

00:15:55.730 --> 00:15:58.110
to the practical to what Bayesian reasoning actually

00:15:58.110 --> 00:16:00.529
looks like as an orientation to everyday life,

00:16:00.669 --> 00:16:02.529
because I think this is where the philosophy

00:16:02.529 --> 00:16:05.710
of probability pays off most directly for the

00:16:05.710 --> 00:16:08.629
examined life. The core Bayesian practice is

00:16:08.629 --> 00:16:11.210
updating taking your current beliefs as priors

00:16:11.210 --> 00:16:14.409
and revising them in response to evidence, proportionally

00:16:14.409 --> 00:16:16.909
to how strongly that evidence bears on the question.

00:16:17.049 --> 00:16:19.889
This sounds simple and is surprisingly hard.

00:16:20.350 --> 00:16:22.409
The difficulty is not primarily mathematical,

00:16:22.750 --> 00:16:25.429
it is psychological. We have strong motivated

00:16:25.429 --> 00:16:27.690
resistance to revising beliefs we are attached

00:16:27.690 --> 00:16:30.309
to, especially when the evidence bears on our

00:16:30.309 --> 00:16:33.090
identity, our relationships, or our worldview.

00:16:33.590 --> 00:16:35.789
The confirmation bias we covered in the cognitive

00:16:35.789 --> 00:16:38.750
bias episode is the systematic failure of Bayesian

00:16:38.750 --> 00:16:41.450
updating. We tend to seek out evidence that confirms

00:16:41.450 --> 00:16:44.330
our existing beliefs, interpret ambiguous evidence

00:16:44.330 --> 00:16:47.000
as confirming, and discount or ignore evidence

00:16:47.000 --> 00:16:49.159
that disconfirms. The result is that we become

00:16:49.159 --> 00:16:51.659
more confident in our beliefs over time, regardless

00:16:51.659 --> 00:16:54.279
of whether the evidence actually supports increasing

00:16:54.279 --> 00:16:57.279
confidence. This is not just a failure of reasoning.

00:16:57.659 --> 00:17:00.320
It is a failure of intellectual honesty, and

00:17:00.320 --> 00:17:02.919
it is one that the examined life specifically

00:17:02.919 --> 00:17:05.940
requires us to resist. What does good Bayesian

00:17:05.940 --> 00:17:08.880
practice actually look like? Philip Tetlock's

00:17:08.880 --> 00:17:11.460
research on superforecasters gives some concrete

00:17:11.460 --> 00:17:14.880
answers. The best probabilistic reasoners share

00:17:14.880 --> 00:17:17.299
a cluster of habits. They express their beliefs

00:17:17.299 --> 00:17:19.640
in numerical probabilities rather than vague

00:17:19.640 --> 00:17:22.740
qualifiers. Not, it is unlikely, but I think

00:17:22.740 --> 00:17:25.660
there is about a 20 % chance. They update their

00:17:25.660 --> 00:17:28.220
estimates frequently as new. Information arrives,

00:17:28.819 --> 00:17:31.039
and they update in both directions, increasing

00:17:31.039 --> 00:17:33.839
and decreasing confidence as the evidence warrants.

00:17:34.420 --> 00:17:36.680
They actively seek out disconfirming evidence

00:17:36.680 --> 00:17:38.880
and take it seriously. They have what Tetlock

00:17:38.880 --> 00:17:41.269
calls a growth mindset. about their own reasoning,

00:17:41.490 --> 00:17:43.390
they track their predictions, notice where they

00:17:43.390 --> 00:17:46.250
go wrong, and try to understand why. The philosopher

00:17:46.250 --> 00:17:49.210
of science, Imri Lakatos, introduced a concept

00:17:49.210 --> 00:17:52.170
he called the protective belt, the set of auxiliary

00:17:52.170 --> 00:17:54.470
assumptions that scientists use to shield their

00:17:54.470 --> 00:17:56.670
core theoretical commitments from disconfirming

00:17:56.670 --> 00:17:59.190
evidence. When an experiment produces a result

00:17:59.190 --> 00:18:02.089
that seems to contradict a central theory, scientists

00:18:02.089 --> 00:18:04.470
typically blame the experimental conditions,

00:18:04.930 --> 00:18:07.690
the instruments, the auxiliary assumptions before

00:18:07.690 --> 00:18:10.589
they revise the central theory. This is not always

00:18:10.589 --> 00:18:13.470
wrong. Sometimes the auxiliary assumptions really

00:18:13.470 --> 00:18:15.849
are the problem. But it can become a pathology

00:18:15.849 --> 00:18:18.049
when the protective belt is maintained not by

00:18:18.049 --> 00:18:20.250
genuine reasoning, but by the desire to preserve

00:18:20.250 --> 00:18:22.490
a commitment that is no longer warranted by the

00:18:22.490 --> 00:18:25.869
evidence. In everyday life, we all maintain protective

00:18:25.869 --> 00:18:28.769
belts around our most important beliefs. The

00:18:28.769 --> 00:18:30.750
belief that a relationship is fundamentally healthy,

00:18:31.269 --> 00:18:34.069
that our approach to work is sound, that our

00:18:34.069 --> 00:18:36.769
political framework accurately describes reality.

00:18:36.910 --> 00:18:39.730
These are surrounded by auxiliary explanations

00:18:39.730 --> 00:18:42.269
that absorb anomalies. The Bayesian practice

00:18:42.269 --> 00:18:44.890
is not to abandon core commitments at the first

00:18:44.890 --> 00:18:46.630
sign of disconfirming evidence that would be

00:18:46.630 --> 00:18:48.690
a different kind of error. It is to be genuinely

00:18:48.690 --> 00:18:50.990
open to the possibility that the anomalies are

00:18:50.990 --> 00:18:52.990
accumulating in ways that warrant revising the

00:18:52.990 --> 00:18:55.309
core commitment, and to track that accumulation

00:18:55.309 --> 00:18:57.869
honestly rather than explaining it away. Gerd

00:18:57.869 --> 00:19:00.430
Gigerenzer, the German psychologist who has spent

00:19:00.430 --> 00:19:03.069
his career studying statistical reasoning and

00:19:03.069 --> 00:19:05.680
its failures, makes a point that I find both

00:19:05.680 --> 00:19:08.500
empirically interesting and philosophically important.

00:19:08.920 --> 00:19:11.420
He argues that many of our probabilistic failures

00:19:11.420 --> 00:19:14.039
are not failures of human rationality per se,

00:19:14.579 --> 00:19:17.019
but failures to present information in a format

00:19:17.019 --> 00:19:19.700
that human minds can process naturally. People

00:19:19.700 --> 00:19:21.859
are much better at reasoning about frequencies

00:19:21.859 --> 00:19:24.480
than about probabilities expressed as percentages

00:19:24.480 --> 00:19:27.380
or decimals. The medical test problem in our

00:19:27.380 --> 00:19:29.720
opening, expressed as a percentage, it produces

00:19:29.720 --> 00:19:32.480
systematic confusion. expressed as a frequency

00:19:32.480 --> 00:19:35.099
out of a thousand people tested, how many test

00:19:35.099 --> 00:19:38.099
positive and actually have the disease. It becomes

00:19:38.099 --> 00:19:40.960
considerably more tractable. Gigerenzer's point

00:19:40.960 --> 00:19:43.319
has practical implications for how we communicate

00:19:43.319 --> 00:19:46.519
risk and evidence. Doctors who present risk information

00:19:46.519 --> 00:19:49.339
as frequencies rather than probabilities produce

00:19:49.339 --> 00:19:51.839
better informed patients. Judges who receive

00:19:51.839 --> 00:19:54.660
statistical evidence in frequency format make

00:19:54.660 --> 00:19:57.059
fewer errors than those who receive the same

00:19:57.059 --> 00:20:00.579
information as probabilities. The format of information

00:20:00.730 --> 00:20:03.930
matters as much as its content. And designing

00:20:03.930 --> 00:20:06.130
information environments that work with our cognitive

00:20:06.130 --> 00:20:08.609
architecture rather than against it is a genuine

00:20:08.609 --> 00:20:10.970
contribution to public health and public reason,

00:20:11.170 --> 00:20:13.289
one that does not require changing human nature,

00:20:13.609 --> 00:20:15.970
but simply changing how we present the facts.

00:20:16.509 --> 00:20:18.710
I want to close the substantive part of the episode

00:20:18.710 --> 00:20:20.849
by connecting probability back to the broader

00:20:20.849 --> 00:20:23.230
project of this show, to what thinking carefully

00:20:23.230 --> 00:20:25.609
about probability means for how we live. The

00:20:25.609 --> 00:20:28.009
most direct connection is to what we said in

00:20:28.009 --> 00:20:30.759
the episode on living philosophically. The exam

00:20:30.759 --> 00:20:34.140
in life requires honest inventory. Honest inventory

00:20:34.140 --> 00:20:36.200
applied to belief means holding your beliefs

00:20:36.200 --> 00:20:38.579
at the confidence level they actually deserve

00:20:38.579 --> 00:20:40.539
given the evidence, not at the confidence level

00:20:40.539 --> 00:20:43.339
that feels comfortable or that protects your

00:20:43.339 --> 00:20:46.460
identity or that your social group endorses.

00:20:46.559 --> 00:20:49.200
That is a demanding standard. It means being

00:20:49.200 --> 00:20:51.480
genuinely uncertain about things you are uncertain

00:20:51.480 --> 00:20:54.880
about and being willing to say so even when uncertainty

00:20:54.880 --> 00:20:57.420
is socially uncomfortable or personally threatening.

00:20:57.630 --> 00:20:59.930
It also means being appropriately confident about

00:20:59.930 --> 00:21:02.690
things you have good reason to believe. Epistemic

00:21:02.690 --> 00:21:04.930
humility does not mean treating all beliefs as

00:21:04.930 --> 00:21:07.309
equally uncertain. Some things are well supported

00:21:07.309 --> 00:21:10.349
by evidence and deserve high confidence. The

00:21:10.349 --> 00:21:12.789
skill is calibration, matching your confidence

00:21:12.789 --> 00:21:15.789
level to the quality of your evidence. Overconfidence

00:21:15.789 --> 00:21:18.430
is a failure of calibration in one direction.

00:21:18.890 --> 00:21:21.289
Performative uncertainty, claiming not to know

00:21:21.289 --> 00:21:23.369
things you actually have good grounds to believe

00:21:23.369 --> 00:21:26.230
is a failure in the other direction. The Bayesian

00:21:26.230 --> 00:21:29.069
ideal is neither. There is also a deep connection

00:21:29.069 --> 00:21:32.650
to the question of moral judgment. We make probabilistic

00:21:32.650 --> 00:21:34.690
assessments about people all the time, about

00:21:34.690 --> 00:21:37.710
their intentions, their character, their reliability,

00:21:37.869 --> 00:21:40.029
and those assessments are subject to the same

00:21:40.029 --> 00:21:42.549
biases that affect our probabilistic reasoning

00:21:42.549 --> 00:21:45.029
in other domains. We anchor on vivid initial

00:21:45.029 --> 00:21:47.849
impressions. We neglect base rates, the fact

00:21:47.849 --> 00:21:50.529
that most people are not malicious, most accusations

00:21:50.529 --> 00:21:53.349
are not fabricated, most anomalies have innocent

00:21:53.349 --> 00:21:56.289
explanations. We are overconfident in our ability

00:21:56.289 --> 00:21:58.920
to read people. The Bayesian correction in the

00:21:58.920 --> 00:22:01.839
domain of moral judgment is not to suspend all

00:22:01.839 --> 00:22:05.000
judgment, but to hold it more lightly, to update

00:22:05.000 --> 00:22:07.920
it more readily, and to be more aware of the

00:22:07.920 --> 00:22:10.339
prior probabilities that should be shaping our

00:22:10.339 --> 00:22:12.819
interpretation of the evidence. And finally,

00:22:12.859 --> 00:22:15.400
there is the question of decisions under uncertainty,

00:22:15.599 --> 00:22:17.700
which is essentially all important decisions.

00:22:18.039 --> 00:22:20.359
We rarely have complete information when we need

00:22:20.359 --> 00:22:23.259
to act. The question is not how to eliminate

00:22:23.259 --> 00:22:26.099
uncertainty, but how to act wisely in its presence.

00:22:26.400 --> 00:22:28.480
The Bayesian framework suggests that the right

00:22:28.480 --> 00:22:30.559
approach is not to wait for certainty that will

00:22:30.559 --> 00:22:33.839
not come, but to identify your best current estimate

00:22:33.839 --> 00:22:36.980
of the probabilities, act on that estimate, and

00:22:36.980 --> 00:22:39.279
remain genuinely open to revising your assessment

00:22:39.279 --> 00:22:41.880
as new information arrives. That is, in some

00:22:41.880 --> 00:22:44.619
ways, a mathematical formalization of what William

00:22:44.619 --> 00:22:46.940
James was arguing for with the will to believe.

00:22:47.460 --> 00:22:49.819
The courage to commit to your best current estimate

00:22:49.819 --> 00:22:52.460
while maintaining the intellectual honesty to

00:22:52.460 --> 00:22:55.200
revise it. The two orientations are complementary

00:22:55.200 --> 00:22:58.200
rather than contradictory. James says, do not

00:22:58.200 --> 00:23:00.299
let the demand for certainty prevent you from

00:23:00.299 --> 00:23:03.779
acting. Bayes says, make your uncertainty explicit,

00:23:04.140 --> 00:23:06.339
track it honestly and update it as the evidence

00:23:06.339 --> 00:23:08.759
accumulates. Together they describe a way of

00:23:08.759 --> 00:23:11.119
being in the world under uncertainty that is

00:23:11.119 --> 00:23:14.099
both practically workable and epistemically honest,

00:23:14.680 --> 00:23:17.319
neither paralyzed by doubt nor hardened into

00:23:17.319 --> 00:23:19.630
false confidence. There is one more connection

00:23:19.630 --> 00:23:21.990
worth drawing between probabilistic thinking

00:23:21.990 --> 00:23:24.430
and the virtue of intellectual humility that

00:23:24.430 --> 00:23:25.869
has been running through this show since the

00:23:25.869 --> 00:23:28.390
first episode. Genuine intellectual humility

00:23:28.390 --> 00:23:31.109
is not the performance of uncertainty. The person

00:23:31.109 --> 00:23:33.289
who says, I could be wrong about everything as

00:23:33.289 --> 00:23:35.670
a social ritual while actually holding their

00:23:35.670 --> 00:23:38.269
beliefs with full confidence. It is the genuine

00:23:38.269 --> 00:23:40.829
calibration of confidence to evidence that Bayesian

00:23:40.829 --> 00:23:43.130
reasoning describes. It means being willing to

00:23:43.130 --> 00:23:46.049
say, I think there is about a 60 % chance I am

00:23:46.049 --> 00:23:48.420
right about this. and I am genuinely open to

00:23:48.420 --> 00:23:50.779
updating that if the evidence warrants. That

00:23:50.779 --> 00:23:53.740
kind of explicit, trackable, revisable confidence

00:23:53.740 --> 00:23:56.539
is both epistemically honest and practically

00:23:56.539 --> 00:23:59.000
useful. It is what the examined life looks like

00:23:59.000 --> 00:24:01.319
when it encounters the irreducible uncertainty

00:24:01.319 --> 00:24:04.099
of being a finite creature in a complex world.

00:24:04.380 --> 00:24:06.900
The medical test problem in the opening is the

00:24:06.900 --> 00:24:09.319
one I keep coming back to because I think it

00:24:09.319 --> 00:24:11.519
illustrates something important about the relationship

00:24:11.519 --> 00:24:14.460
between expertise and understanding. The mathematics

00:24:14.460 --> 00:24:17.210
of the problem is not complicated. A high school

00:24:17.210 --> 00:24:20.269
student with basic probability skills can work

00:24:20.269 --> 00:24:23.069
through it, but it routinely trips up doctors,

00:24:23.490 --> 00:24:26.269
lawyers, and judges, people whose decisions about

00:24:26.269 --> 00:24:28.769
medical treatment and criminal conviction depend

00:24:28.769 --> 00:24:31.049
on getting it right. The problem is not lack

00:24:31.049 --> 00:24:33.569
of mathematical ability. It is the failure to

00:24:33.569 --> 00:24:36.109
translate abstract statistical principles into

00:24:36.109 --> 00:24:38.789
concrete reasoning about specific cases. That

00:24:38.789 --> 00:24:40.910
gap between knowing a principle and applying

00:24:40.910 --> 00:24:43.849
it correctly in context is exactly the gap that

00:24:43.849 --> 00:24:46.559
the examined life is trying to close. and it

00:24:46.559 --> 00:24:49.460
is not unique to probability. We know that cognitive

00:24:49.460 --> 00:24:52.079
biases distort our reasoning, but we still fall

00:24:52.079 --> 00:24:54.619
for them. We know that confirmation bias exists,

00:24:54.839 --> 00:24:57.339
but we still seek confirming evidence. We know

00:24:57.339 --> 00:24:59.500
that the availability heuristic misleads us,

00:24:59.740 --> 00:25:01.880
but we still let vivid examples dominate our

00:25:01.880 --> 00:25:04.039
risk assessment. Knowledge of the principle does

00:25:04.039 --> 00:25:06.539
not automatically produce correct application.

00:25:06.980 --> 00:25:09.789
It requires practice. feedback, and the kind

00:25:09.789 --> 00:25:12.349
of honest self -monitoring that good probabilistic

00:25:12.349 --> 00:25:14.690
reasoning demands, and that the philosophical

00:25:14.690 --> 00:25:17.470
tradition keeps returning to as the core practice

00:25:17.470 --> 00:25:20.750
of the examined life. Blaise Pascal, who gave

00:25:20.750 --> 00:25:23.710
us both probability theory and the wager, was

00:25:23.710 --> 00:25:26.170
also the author of one of the most quietly devastating

00:25:26.170 --> 00:25:28.809
observations in the history of philosophy. He

00:25:28.809 --> 00:25:30.970
wrote that all of humanity's problems stem from

00:25:30.970 --> 00:25:33.529
the inability to sit quietly in a room alone.

00:25:33.869 --> 00:25:36.710
That is, on its face. a strange thing for the

00:25:36.710 --> 00:25:39.230
inventor of probability theory to say, but I

00:25:39.230 --> 00:25:41.130
think it points at the same thing that Bayesian

00:25:41.130 --> 00:25:42.910
reasoning points at from the other direction.

00:25:43.529 --> 00:25:46.289
The examined life requires slowing down, resisting

00:25:46.289 --> 00:25:49.309
the fast confident answer, sitting with uncertainty

00:25:49.309 --> 00:25:52.450
long enough to actually assess it rather than

00:25:52.450 --> 00:25:54.690
fleam it. The probability is in the patience.

00:25:55.170 --> 00:25:57.549
I want to end with a practical note because this

00:25:57.549 --> 00:25:59.869
is an episode that I think rewards application

00:25:59.869 --> 00:26:02.519
more than most. The next time you encounter a

00:26:02.519 --> 00:26:05.380
statistic presented as a percentage, a test accuracy

00:26:05.380 --> 00:26:08.519
rate, a risk reduction claim, a polling figure,

00:26:08.539 --> 00:26:11.119
try to translate it into a frequency. Out of

00:26:11.119 --> 00:26:13.660
a thousand people in this situation, how many

00:26:13.660 --> 00:26:16.200
would this apply to? Out of a hundred exposures,

00:26:16.460 --> 00:26:19.000
how many would produce this outcome? The frequency

00:26:19.000 --> 00:26:21.640
format is more cognitively natural and almost

00:26:21.640 --> 00:26:23.660
always more informative than the percentage.

00:26:24.019 --> 00:26:26.359
It forces the question of base rates into view

00:26:26.359 --> 00:26:28.400
rather than letting them be swallowed by the

00:26:28.400 --> 00:26:30.900
headline figure. And the next time you find yourself

00:26:30.900 --> 00:26:33.279
very confident about something, especially something

00:26:33.279 --> 00:26:35.819
you have strong feelings about, ask, what would

00:26:35.819 --> 00:26:38.700
it take to change my mind? What evidence would

00:26:38.700 --> 00:26:40.920
move me? If you cannot answer that question,

00:26:41.200 --> 00:26:43.480
if there is no imaginable evidence that would

00:26:43.480 --> 00:26:45.920
revise your belief, that is Popper's criterion

00:26:45.920 --> 00:26:49.039
for a non -falsifiable claim. It does not necessarily

00:26:49.039 --> 00:26:51.420
mean the belief is wrong, but it means you are

00:26:51.420 --> 00:26:53.599
holding it in a way that is immune to evidence

00:26:53.599 --> 00:26:56.240
and that is worth noticing. Because it is the

00:26:56.240 --> 00:26:58.559
signature of the protective belt working at full

00:26:58.559 --> 00:27:00.750
strength. rather than the examined life working

00:27:00.750 --> 00:27:03.329
at all. Next week we are asking a question that

00:27:03.329 --> 00:27:05.809
sounds simple and turns out to be one of the

00:27:05.809 --> 00:27:09.130
deepest in philosophy. Was Epicurus actually

00:27:09.130 --> 00:27:12.130
an Epicurean? The historical Epicurus argued

00:27:12.130 --> 00:27:14.809
for a philosophy of moderate pleasure, friendship,

00:27:15.309 --> 00:27:17.630
and the withdrawal from political ambition. The

00:27:17.630 --> 00:27:19.950
word Epicurean has come to mean something almost

00:27:19.950 --> 00:27:23.049
opposite sensual indulgence. Luxury, the pursuit

00:27:23.049 --> 00:27:26.210
of refined pleasure. How that happened, what

00:27:26.210 --> 00:27:29.079
Epicurus actually taught, and whether his philosophy

00:27:29.079 --> 00:27:31.380
is a more useful guide to the good life than

00:27:31.380 --> 00:27:33.960
either his ancient critics or his modern admirers

00:27:33.960 --> 00:27:49.759
suggest. Sources and further reading are in the

00:27:49.759 --> 00:27:57.880
show notes. See you next week.
