WEBVTT

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Hello, and welcome to Administrative Remedies,

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because you can't fix what you don't understand.

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Brought to you in part by the University of Tulsa

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College of Law. I'm Gwendolyn Savitz, an associate

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professor here at TU and the associate dean of

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research and intellectual life. And I'm Mark

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Rourke. I'm the dean of the College of Law. We'll

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be breaking down complex doctrines with real

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-life analogies and examples to demystify the

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world of administrative law for everyone trying

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to understand how government actually works.

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Agencies are the main way the federal government

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gets things done. It's not through Congress for

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reasons we'll be addressing over the course of

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this series. All right, Mark, picture a job,

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pneumatic tube operator. You receive cylinders

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that arrive through a network of tubes running

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through a building. You unload whatever's inside,

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paperwork or small items. You route them to the

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right department and you send the tubes back.

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Sure, like what they use at pharmacies and banks

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at the drive -thru. Yeah, they still have a specific

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purpose, but what they don't really have are

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people dedicated solely to operating them all

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day long. In large department stores, hospitals,

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and office buildings, that used to be an actual

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job, doing that all day. All right. Let's talk

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about another one now. Nuts order. You sit at

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a conveyor belt and you separate the good nuts

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from the bad nuts as they go by, by hand. Yeah,

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the trained squirrels in Willy Wonka, right?

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So not really a thriving profession. Right. Except

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until June of 2024, the Social Security Administration

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was using both of these jobs and others like

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them as reasons to deny people disability benefits.

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OK, what do you mean using them? The last step

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of the disability evaluation, and we will get

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to this in detail, the agency has to show that

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even if you can't do your old job, there's some

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other job you could do. And when it's looking

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for that other job, it reaches for a federal

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catalog of occupations. And that catalog's last

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edition came out in 1991. 1991. Right. And for

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years, if you applied for disability and you

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couldn't go back to your old job, the agency

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might tell you, well, you could be a pneumatic

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tube operator or a nut sorter and deny your claim

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on that basis. So real people have actually been

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denied disability because a federal adjudicator

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said that they could potentially be a pneumatic

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tube operator. Thousands of times. The Washington

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Post did a piece on it. Congress looked at it.

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Courts have been complaining about this for years.

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And in 2024, they fixed it, right? Well, they

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did something. They issued two emergency messages

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on the same day. The first one identified 114

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occupations that it called isolated. These were

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jobs that only existed in very limited numbers,

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like astronomer or oral and maxillofacial surgeon

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or director of a state historical society. Adjudicators

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can't cite to any of these to deny a claim anymore.

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Those don't sound like the jobs we were just

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talking about, though. No, they're not. And that's

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the point. So most of those on the first list

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weren't jobs that people were citing in the first

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place. Nobody was saying, we understand you can't

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go back to your old job, but that's fine. You

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can just become an astronomer. Yeah. So what

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about the pneumatic tube operator or the nut

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sorter or the document preparer or the addresser?

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All right. Those are on the second list. Those

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are 13 occupations that had been showing up in

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denials and that federal courts had been questioning.

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So the second list is where the reform actually

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bites. Right. It doesn't prohibit citing those

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jobs, but it requires the ALJ to get additional

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evidence from the vocational expert that the

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job, as it is currently performed, is consistent

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with the claimant's functional capacity and exists

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in significant numbers. Okay, hold on. That's

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not a fix. That's a paperwork requirement. The

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same V .E. who was citing pneumatic tube operator

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in 2023 can now cite it in 2026 as long as they

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say the magic words. Hundreds of cases per year

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per judge. How much friction does adding a sentence

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to the testimony actually create? Well, potentially

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not that much, but that's the question of the

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whole episode. Notice what they didn't do in

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either message. They didn't update the catalog.

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They didn't revise any of the job descriptions.

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They didn't fix how the agency understood modern

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work. They pulled a few entries off one list

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and they added a documentation step to another.

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Although certainly if someone were denied because

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it was claimed that there were more than a thousand

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local pneumatic tube operating jobs, that would

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be something they could challenge. OK, I feel

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like I should be angrier about this than I am.

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Why am I not that angry? It might be because

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you're not applying it to the 2 .5 million disability

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applications that Social Security receives every

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year. 2 .5 million? We've talked about it before,

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but really we're talking about the population

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of Chicago applying for disability every year.

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And every one of those applications has to get

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decided. Someone has to look at the medical evidence,

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figure out whether this person can still work,

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and say yes or no. Okay, I think I see where

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you're going. The stuff we've been talking about

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this season with due process, the inquisitorial

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model, the ALJ developing the record, credibility

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findings, internal appeals, those are designed

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for the individual case. We were talking about

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one claimant, one record, one hearing, one decision.

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And today we're asking what happens to all of

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that when you run it two and a half million times

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a year? And the 1991 catalog is what it looks

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like. Right. The catalog isn't the problem. The

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catalog is the symptom. The problem is a system

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that has to decide all these cases and can't

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afford to look too closely at any one of them,

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including the question of whether the job the

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agency says you could still do exists in the

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form it's described. So this isn't a new doctrine

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episode. Right. It is a stress test episode.

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We've spent the season building a model of how

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adjudication is supposed to work. And Social

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Security is what happens when you run it at industrial

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volume. And this 1991 catalog is one of the places

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where the strain shows. Plus, it's also just

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generally interesting. So there are roughly two

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and a half million applications every year, and

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most of them get decided on paper at the initial

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stage. And most of those initial decisions are

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denials. So how many denials of that two and

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a half million are we talking about roughly?

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So they historically run 60 to 70 percent. So

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out of two and a half million applicants. A million

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and a half -ish are being told no in the first

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round before any hearing, before any judge, just

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based on the paper review by a state disability

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examiner working with the medical file. And then

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what happens to those denials? They could ask

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for a reconsideration, which is another paper

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review by a different examiner in the same state

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agency. Most reconsiderations affirm the denial.

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Only then do you get to ask for your hearing

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in front of the administrative law judge. So

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by the time you actually see a judge, you've

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already been told no twice. Right. And statistically,

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the people who may get to the hearing level are

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much more likely to win than people at the earlier

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stages, which is kind of telling on its own.

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That's a strange signal. The initial determinations

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are getting things wrong often enough that a

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meaningful percentage of them flip when someone

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actually listens. That would certainly be one

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reading of it. The agency would tell you that

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the cases look different by the hearing stage

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because by that point, more medical evidence

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has been developed. Both things are probably

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true, but yes, the paper review process at the

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front end is doing something the hearing keeps

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correcting. And how many hearings is that now?

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Hundreds of thousands a year. And these are conducted

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out of the more than 160 hearing offices scattered

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across the country. And their own performance

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dashboard put the backlog at about 330 ,000 hearings

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as of January 26, with an average wait time of

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about nine months, which is actually a big improvement.

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In 2023, the average was more like 15 months.

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And it was worse in fiscal year 2018 when it

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was 595 days. Wow. People wait over a year, sometimes

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years, multiple years for their hearing. Right.

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And so before we go further, nothing we're about

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to talk about is an accusation of misconduct.

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The ALJs, the disability examiners, the support

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staff, they're doing their jobs. The system itself

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is what's under stress. So when I hear a judge

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is deciding hundreds of these cases a year...

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This is not a criticism of the judge. That's

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their job. We talked about this in the acquisitorial

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model episode. The ALJ isn't a neutral referee

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listening to two sides. The ALJ is supposed to

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be developing the record, questioning witnesses,

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and deciding the case. So the judge is theoretically

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the prosecutor's job, the defense attorney's

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job, and the judge's job all at once. Right.

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And they get to do that several hundred times

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a year. So you can ask how deep the record realistically

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is going to be developed in any single case.

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The structural problem isn't that anyone is lazy

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or careless. It's that the model assumes an amount

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of attention per case that's just mathematically

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impossible at this volume. Yeah, that's part

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of what we're talking about this episode. All

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of this is in one way or another a response to

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that math. Okay, how do you actually decide in

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two and a half million cases? What's the framework?

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This is the five -step sequential evaluation.

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It is the doctrinal heart of how disability gets

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decided, and we haven't really talked about it

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before. Let's look at 20 CFR 404 .1520. The sequential

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evaluation process is a series of five steps

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that we follow in set order. If we can find you

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are disabled or not disabled at a step, we can

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make our determination or decision, and we don't

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go to the next step. If we cannot find that you

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are disabled or not disabled at a step, we go

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on to the next step. All right. So there was

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a previous episode where we talked about Kathleen.

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She was 54 living in Oklahoma. She'd worked 22

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years as a warehouse supervisor. She had degenerative

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disc disease and she'd gotten denied at the initial

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stage by a state DDS analyst she'd never met.

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Then she got denied again at reconsideration

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by a different analyst at the same agency. And

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we sat with her in her hearing. But what we weren't

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walking through is exactly what the determination

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was based on, what those five steps ask. That's

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what we do today. Okay, step one. Substantial

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gainful activity. Are you working right now above

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a certain income threshold? If yes, you're automatically

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denied. It doesn't matter how sick you are. What

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amount do you think that is? Oh, I would say

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it's got to be above the poverty rate. I'm going

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to say $40 ,000. That's per month. Oh, per month.

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So per month, 40 ,000 divided by 12 would be

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3 ,000. So I'm going to say $3 ,500 a month.

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All right. It is actually $1 ,690 per month.

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Wow. So if you make more than $1 ,690 per month,

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you're automatically denied. Yes. Wow. So here

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Kathleen lost her job. She used it for Family

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Medical Leave Act. She couldn't perform the essential

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functions anymore. So she's not working. She's

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earning nothing. So she passes step one. Okay,

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what's step two? Step two, we ask, is there a

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severe impairment? Does she have a medically

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determinable impairment that significantly limits

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basic work activities? Degenerative disc disease

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with imaging to back it up? Sure. That counts

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as severe. She passes step two. This isn't a

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really hard bar to pass. And step two is mostly

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a filter for people with really minor conditions.

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Right. So mild allergy, a sprained ankle, these

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won't make it past step two. But most serious

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medical conditions do. Step three is where things

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start to get interesting. OK. This is where we

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say, does your condition meet or equal one of

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the listings? The listings are Social Security's

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catalog of conditions that are presumptively

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disabling. If you can document that your impairment

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matches the specific medical criteria of one

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of these listed impairments, you're approved

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without having to go any further. About 10 to

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15 percent of approvals happen at step three.

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This would be like you've been diagnosed with

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Huntington's disease or ALS. They're not going

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to need a lot of time figuring out exactly what

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you can do. Okay. So most people don't clear

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step three. Right. Most people don't get approved

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at step three. We still have to keep going. So

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here for Kathleen, her degenerative disc disease

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is real, but it probably doesn't meet the specific

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listing criteria for spinal disorders. They require

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things like specific neurological findings, particular

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MRI evidence, a lot of really detailed specific

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stuff. She's not going to get approved at step

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three, but she's also not going to get denied,

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so we move on. Okay, what about step four? Can

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you do your past relevant work? Here, the agency

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is making what it calls a residual function capacity

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finding, an RFC. What can you still do given

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your limitations? Can you lift stuff? How much

00:12:29.570 --> 00:12:32.070
can you lift? How long can you stand? Can you

00:12:32.070 --> 00:12:34.570
bend and reach? Okay, what about for Kathleen?

00:12:36.139 --> 00:12:38.519
This can find that she can do light work, like

00:12:38.519 --> 00:12:41.179
maybe lifting up to 20 pounds occasionally, 10

00:12:41.179 --> 00:12:43.620
pounds frequently, standing and walking about

00:12:43.620 --> 00:12:46.200
six hours a day. She clearly cannot go back to

00:12:46.200 --> 00:12:48.000
warehouse supervision at that level. That job

00:12:48.000 --> 00:12:50.740
required serious lifting, prolonged standing,

00:12:50.940 --> 00:12:54.399
climbing. So she passes step four. And now we're

00:12:54.399 --> 00:12:56.519
at step five, which I'm guessing is the one that

00:12:56.519 --> 00:12:58.860
actually matters in most cases. Right. So this

00:12:58.860 --> 00:13:01.480
is where most claims are won or lost. Given this

00:13:01.480 --> 00:13:04.179
person's residual functional capacity, plus their

00:13:04.179 --> 00:13:06.279
age, their education, and their work history,

00:13:06.519 --> 00:13:09.100
is there other work in significant numbers in

00:13:09.100 --> 00:13:11.580
the national economy that they could do? Any

00:13:11.580 --> 00:13:14.279
other work at all? Right. In the entire national

00:13:14.279 --> 00:13:16.320
economy. This is where the vocational expert

00:13:16.320 --> 00:13:18.840
comes in. They testify at the hearing, and the

00:13:18.840 --> 00:13:21.600
ALJ will describe a hypothetical claimant. a

00:13:21.600 --> 00:13:25.100
54 -year -old with limited education and a residual

00:13:25.100 --> 00:13:27.620
functional capacity for light work, and ask the

00:13:27.620 --> 00:13:29.659
vocational expert what jobs someone like them

00:13:29.659 --> 00:13:32.960
could do. And the VE says, what exactly? So in

00:13:32.960 --> 00:13:34.740
a lot of these cases, they might say something

00:13:34.740 --> 00:13:37.299
like surveillance system monitor or document

00:13:37.299 --> 00:13:41.379
preparer or addresser. But surveillance system

00:13:41.379 --> 00:13:45.159
monitor, like watching security cameras? Yes.

00:13:45.600 --> 00:13:48.480
Where are these jobs coming from? Like, who actually

00:13:48.480 --> 00:13:51.399
has this list? This is the Dictionary of Occupational

00:13:51.399 --> 00:13:54.419
Titles, the 1991 catalog. The one we opened with.

00:13:54.539 --> 00:13:56.899
Yep. Now you can see where it actually operates

00:13:56.899 --> 00:14:00.120
in the framework. It is step five. The vocational

00:14:00.120 --> 00:14:02.659
expert at Kathleen's 2026 hearing can look at

00:14:02.659 --> 00:14:05.519
her file and say she could be a document preparer.

00:14:05.559 --> 00:14:08.139
Document preparer is in the catalog. The description

00:14:08.139 --> 00:14:11.519
is from 1991. This was before widespread internet,

00:14:11.700 --> 00:14:15.149
before most people had email. And the ALJ handling

00:14:15.149 --> 00:14:17.470
hundreds of cases generally isn't going to go

00:14:17.470 --> 00:14:20.289
behind the VE's testimony and litigate whether

00:14:20.289 --> 00:14:23.009
the document preparer is performed the same way

00:14:23.009 --> 00:14:26.929
it was in 1991. Right. Not at this volume. So

00:14:26.929 --> 00:14:29.169
the vocational expert cites the job, the ALJ

00:14:29.169 --> 00:14:31.370
accepts it, and the claim is denied at step five.

00:14:31.590 --> 00:14:34.649
Even after the 2024 cleanup. Right. The cleanup

00:14:34.649 --> 00:14:37.740
wouldn't reach this case. All it did was remove

00:14:37.740 --> 00:14:40.159
jobs that nobody was citing anyway. There's not

00:14:40.159 --> 00:14:43.139
really a lot of National Historical Society operators

00:14:43.139 --> 00:14:45.940
at the national level. The list that actually

00:14:45.940 --> 00:14:48.320
mattered was the 13 occupation one. And for those,

00:14:48.480 --> 00:14:51.019
the agency didn't even prohibit citing it. It

00:14:51.019 --> 00:14:53.379
just added a documentation requirement. At the

00:14:53.379 --> 00:14:55.519
volume we're talking about, a documentation requirement

00:14:55.519 --> 00:14:59.379
can get satisfied. And so the VE says yes, as

00:14:59.379 --> 00:15:01.860
currently performed. And here's my supplementary

00:15:01.860 --> 00:15:04.240
explanation. And the ALJ accepts it and writes

00:15:04.240 --> 00:15:07.279
the denial. So the underlying problem, the catalog

00:15:07.279 --> 00:15:11.100
that dates from the year AOL was born and years

00:15:11.100 --> 00:15:14.200
before most of our students were born. So this

00:15:14.200 --> 00:15:16.299
is being used to tell present day claimants what

00:15:16.299 --> 00:15:18.980
jobs they could do. It's still there. The cleanup

00:15:18.980 --> 00:15:20.779
changed the words that get spoken at the hearing,

00:15:20.899 --> 00:15:23.340
but it didn't change a lot of the outcome. And

00:15:23.340 --> 00:15:25.700
that is because of the grids. They are officially

00:15:25.700 --> 00:15:27.980
called the medical vocational guidelines, but

00:15:27.980 --> 00:15:30.799
everyone calls them the grids. And what are the

00:15:30.799 --> 00:15:34.320
grids? These are literal rows and columns. They

00:15:34.320 --> 00:15:36.779
have four inputs, your residual functional capacity

00:15:36.779 --> 00:15:39.919
level, your age, your education, and your work

00:15:39.919 --> 00:15:42.659
experience. You plug those four values in, you

00:15:42.659 --> 00:15:44.519
read across the row, and the table tells you

00:15:44.519 --> 00:15:47.019
whether you're disabled or not. So the table

00:15:47.019 --> 00:15:49.460
decides the case. For a huge category of step

00:15:49.460 --> 00:15:53.299
five cases, yes, the table decides. So that's

00:15:53.299 --> 00:15:55.700
a core tension from Goldberg, isn't it? The whole

00:15:55.700 --> 00:15:57.679
point of an individualized hearing is that the

00:15:57.679 --> 00:16:00.720
human being considers your particular circumstances.

00:16:01.519 --> 00:16:04.679
But what the grid does is it basically amateurizes

00:16:04.679 --> 00:16:07.179
your disability. It puts a matrix in the middle

00:16:07.179 --> 00:16:10.440
of that. Right. This is before we've had any

00:16:10.440 --> 00:16:12.299
sort of property interest attached. We're deciding

00:16:12.299 --> 00:16:14.500
whether somebody gets something. The due process

00:16:14.500 --> 00:16:17.539
protections don't happen. And this mattered when

00:16:17.539 --> 00:16:20.789
it was challenged. In Heckler v. Campbell, this

00:16:20.789 --> 00:16:24.210
is 1983, Carmen Campbell had a bad back and hypertension.

00:16:24.529 --> 00:16:26.610
She couldn't do her job as a hotel maid anymore.

00:16:26.850 --> 00:16:29.470
The ALJ applied the grids and denied her claim.

00:16:29.690 --> 00:16:31.789
She argued the grids violated her right to an

00:16:31.789 --> 00:16:34.529
individualized determination. Okay, and so what

00:16:34.529 --> 00:16:36.690
happened? The Supreme Court upheld the grids

00:16:36.690 --> 00:16:40.509
here. Ah, that's shocking. I know. The court

00:16:40.509 --> 00:16:43.070
said the inquiry requires the secretary to determine

00:16:43.070 --> 00:16:46.110
an issue that is not unique to each claimant.

00:16:46.409 --> 00:16:48.590
the types and numbers of jobs that exist in the

00:16:48.590 --> 00:16:50.970
national economy. This type of general factual

00:16:50.970 --> 00:16:54.210
issue may be resolved as fairly through rulemaking

00:16:54.210 --> 00:16:57.049
as by introducing the testimony of vocational

00:16:57.049 --> 00:16:59.950
experts at each disability hearing. As the Secretary

00:16:59.950 --> 00:17:02.909
has argued, the use of published guidelines brings

00:17:02.909 --> 00:17:05.250
with it a uniformity that previously had been

00:17:05.250 --> 00:17:07.589
perceived as lacking. To require the Secretary

00:17:07.589 --> 00:17:10.450
to re -litigate the existence of jobs in the

00:17:10.450 --> 00:17:12.730
national economy at each hearing would hinder

00:17:12.730 --> 00:17:15.950
needlessly an already overburdened agency. A

00:17:15.950 --> 00:17:18.750
lot of people will have really standard residual

00:17:18.750 --> 00:17:22.130
functional capacities, RFCs. And so the grid

00:17:22.130 --> 00:17:24.710
works well for those. It's when you're deviating

00:17:24.710 --> 00:17:26.430
from what they define it. That's when we need

00:17:26.430 --> 00:17:30.349
the vocational experts. All right. So that last

00:17:30.349 --> 00:17:32.769
line there, that it would hinder needlessly an

00:17:32.769 --> 00:17:37.109
already overburdened agency. That was 1983. So

00:17:37.109 --> 00:17:39.990
the court is openly saying, we're letting you

00:17:39.990 --> 00:17:42.210
do this because doing it the other way would

00:17:42.210 --> 00:17:45.160
crush the system. Yes. These grids are a deliberate

00:17:45.160 --> 00:17:47.440
trait. Congress and the agency looked at the

00:17:47.440 --> 00:17:50.119
scale of disability claims and decided that some

00:17:50.119 --> 00:17:52.079
part of the individualized determination had

00:17:52.079 --> 00:17:54.359
to give way to a rule -based table or the system

00:17:54.359 --> 00:17:57.880
wouldn't function. So the grids are admin law's

00:17:57.880 --> 00:18:01.200
clearest example of agencies replacing individualized

00:18:01.200 --> 00:18:03.720
judgment with systemized rules for the explicit

00:18:03.720 --> 00:18:06.539
reason of keeping up with volume. Yes. And Campbell

00:18:06.539 --> 00:18:09.519
gave that trait a constitutional blessing. Who

00:18:09.519 --> 00:18:12.200
gets hurt by that trade -off? It's the people

00:18:12.200 --> 00:18:14.740
who don't fit into the table cleanly. And the

00:18:14.740 --> 00:18:17.059
cleanest example of fitting is probably age.

00:18:17.539 --> 00:18:20.779
Kathleen is 54. There is a reason for that. That

00:18:20.779 --> 00:18:23.019
puts her at what the grids call closely approaching

00:18:23.019 --> 00:18:26.460
advanced age, the 50 to 54 bracket. If she were

00:18:26.460 --> 00:18:30.059
55, she'd be in advanced age. So on her exact

00:18:30.059 --> 00:18:33.259
facts, limited education, semi -skilled past

00:18:33.259 --> 00:18:35.980
work with limited transferable skills, light

00:18:35.980 --> 00:18:38.200
work residual functional capacity, the grids

00:18:38.200 --> 00:18:40.000
direct different outcomes for the two brackets.

00:18:40.650 --> 00:18:44.130
How is that different? So at 55, the grids direct

00:18:44.130 --> 00:18:47.329
a finding of disabled. At 54, it directs a finding

00:18:47.329 --> 00:18:50.430
of not disabled. So one year of age is the difference

00:18:50.430 --> 00:18:53.450
between a yes and a no. Yes. Same medical condition,

00:18:53.690 --> 00:18:56.269
same residual functional capacity, same education,

00:18:56.549 --> 00:18:59.250
same work history. The grid treats the move from

00:18:59.250 --> 00:19:02.250
54 to 55 as a structural break in the labor market.

00:19:02.680 --> 00:19:04.799
The working theory is someone closer to retirement

00:19:04.799 --> 00:19:07.059
has a meaningful, harder time learning new work.

00:19:07.160 --> 00:19:09.400
And the regulations bake that theory in as a

00:19:09.400 --> 00:19:12.420
categorical line. That's the grids doing what

00:19:12.420 --> 00:19:16.240
they were designed to do. Predictable, uniform,

00:19:16.480 --> 00:19:20.660
and quite honestly, brutal. Yes. The whole point

00:19:20.660 --> 00:19:23.039
is to remove judgment from this question. The

00:19:23.039 --> 00:19:25.319
cost is a cliff at the category boundary, which

00:19:25.319 --> 00:19:27.140
the regulations themselves noticed eventually

00:19:27.140 --> 00:19:31.309
and created a rule for it. Here, this is 20 CFR

00:19:31.309 --> 00:19:35.450
404 -1563. We will not apply the age categories

00:19:35.450 --> 00:19:38.450
mechanically in a borderline situation. If you

00:19:38.450 --> 00:19:41.329
are within a few days to a few months of reaching

00:19:41.329 --> 00:19:44.220
an older age category. and using the older age

00:19:44.220 --> 00:19:47.220
category would result in a determination or decision

00:19:47.220 --> 00:19:49.880
that you are disabled, we will consider whether

00:19:49.880 --> 00:19:52.279
to use the older age category after evaluating

00:19:52.279 --> 00:19:55.319
the overall impact of all the factors in your

00:19:55.319 --> 00:19:58.920
case. So if Kathleen is 54 and 10 months, the

00:19:58.920 --> 00:20:02.960
ALJ can then just round up her age to 55. The

00:20:02.960 --> 00:20:05.880
ALJ can consider rounding up. This rule is permissive.

00:20:05.880 --> 00:20:08.859
It is not automatic. And the agency reads a few

00:20:08.859 --> 00:20:11.509
days to a few months really narrowly. Howeck's

00:20:11.509 --> 00:20:13.529
guidance treats six months as the outer edge.

00:20:13.670 --> 00:20:16.650
And in 2025, the Fifth Circuit affirmed a denial

00:20:16.650 --> 00:20:19.069
where the claimant was five months shy at 55.

00:20:19.609 --> 00:20:22.690
Five months shy of 55 at his onset date. Five

00:20:22.690 --> 00:20:25.670
months wasn't close enough. Five months? Wow.

00:20:25.849 --> 00:20:28.269
The court held the ALJ wasn't required to apply

00:20:28.269 --> 00:20:30.930
the borderline rule. So the rule exists, but

00:20:30.930 --> 00:20:32.710
the agency's working definition of borderline

00:20:32.710 --> 00:20:34.769
is tight enough that a substantial number of

00:20:34.769 --> 00:20:36.549
claimants who are close to the next category

00:20:36.549 --> 00:20:39.910
still get their current chronological age outcome.

00:20:40.440 --> 00:20:44.180
So, Kathleen, at 54, how close to 55 does she

00:20:44.180 --> 00:20:47.079
need to be to get pushed over the edge? All right.

00:20:47.259 --> 00:20:49.819
54 and 11 months, she should be inside the borderline

00:20:49.819 --> 00:20:51.940
window. Any lawyer would argue for the older

00:20:51.940 --> 00:20:54.859
category and probably get it. 54 and 7 months?

00:20:55.079 --> 00:20:57.380
Well, we're really at the outer edge here. Some

00:20:57.380 --> 00:21:00.319
ALJs would apply it. Plenty wouldn't. The circuits

00:21:00.319 --> 00:21:02.319
are split on whether the failure to address this

00:21:02.319 --> 00:21:05.299
issue is itself reversible error. If she's 54

00:21:05.299 --> 00:21:07.339
and 2 months, the borderline rule isn't going

00:21:07.339 --> 00:21:09.730
to help her. She has to win on the merits at

00:21:09.730 --> 00:21:12.109
light work residual functional capacity in front

00:21:12.109 --> 00:21:14.309
of a vocational expert who's about to cite document

00:21:14.309 --> 00:21:18.309
preparer. So the grid's uniformity has a softening

00:21:18.309 --> 00:21:20.829
rule built into it. And the softening rule has

00:21:20.829 --> 00:21:23.289
its own categorical line. And Kathleen is on

00:21:23.289 --> 00:21:26.390
the wrong side of that one, too. Right. It's

00:21:26.390 --> 00:21:28.089
worth noting that somebody can also partially

00:21:28.089 --> 00:21:31.009
win. The ALJ might say they are disabled as of

00:21:31.009 --> 00:21:34.029
their 55th birthday. But this is how the system

00:21:34.029 --> 00:21:36.150
handles its own brittleness. It adds a rule.

00:21:36.859 --> 00:21:38.700
The rule has its own edges. The cliff doesn't

00:21:38.700 --> 00:21:41.619
go away. It just moves. Okay. We spent three

00:21:41.619 --> 00:21:43.539
episodes on how the structural picture works.

00:21:44.019 --> 00:21:46.539
How does it actually land here? I mean, what

00:21:46.539 --> 00:21:48.339
does this trilogy look like when you run it through

00:21:48.339 --> 00:21:50.980
two and a half million cases per year? So you

00:21:50.980 --> 00:21:53.019
get the numbers we were looking at in that first

00:21:53.019 --> 00:21:56.160
episode. The ALJ approval rates can range from

00:21:56.160 --> 00:22:00.200
below 20 % to above 80%. Same agency, same regulations,

00:22:00.460 --> 00:22:03.339
same five steps, same grid, which means that

00:22:03.339 --> 00:22:05.319
two claimants with essentially identical files

00:22:05.319 --> 00:22:07.299
can get different outcomes based on which judge

00:22:07.299 --> 00:22:09.539
they happen to draw. All right, we covered that

00:22:09.539 --> 00:22:11.839
as a structural claim, but what does it look

00:22:11.839 --> 00:22:14.480
like for Kathleen? Last week, we talked about

00:22:14.480 --> 00:22:17.359
Judge Williams. This was the approval rate around

00:22:17.359 --> 00:22:20.950
the office median. Disc disease claim that she

00:22:20.950 --> 00:22:23.009
had approved and the quality review memo three

00:22:23.009 --> 00:22:25.009
months later that taught her something about

00:22:25.009 --> 00:22:27.869
what the system considers adequate. So if we

00:22:27.869 --> 00:22:31.049
put Kathleen in front of her in 2026, after a

00:22:31.049 --> 00:22:33.609
decade of those memos accumulating, whereas if

00:22:33.609 --> 00:22:36.809
we put her in 2010 before any of them, same medical

00:22:36.809 --> 00:22:38.910
record, same testimony, this would even be the

00:22:38.910 --> 00:22:41.309
same ALJ, but we could have a different system

00:22:41.309 --> 00:22:44.170
around her. And the outcome then also moves.

00:22:44.430 --> 00:22:46.930
Right. And it can move pretty dramatically. That's

00:22:46.930 --> 00:22:49.299
what we were talking about last week. Because

00:22:49.299 --> 00:22:52.279
Judge Williams in 2096 has absorbed a decade

00:22:52.279 --> 00:22:54.480
of guidance, training, and quality review feedback

00:22:54.480 --> 00:22:57.380
that the Judge Williams of 2010 hadn't seen yet.

00:22:57.519 --> 00:23:00.619
Same judge, same evidence, but the system around

00:23:00.619 --> 00:23:03.059
the judge tilted. Now let's hold the year steady

00:23:03.059 --> 00:23:06.039
and run the other axis. She's in 2026 with two

00:23:06.039 --> 00:23:08.000
different judges. She testifies she can only

00:23:08.000 --> 00:23:10.079
stand for about 20 minutes before the pain gets

00:23:10.079 --> 00:23:12.319
severe and that she has to lie down a couple

00:23:12.319 --> 00:23:14.039
of times during the day and her pain medication

00:23:14.039 --> 00:23:16.539
makes her foggy. The objective medical evidence,

00:23:16.660 --> 00:23:18.460
the MRI, is the same in front of both judges.

00:23:18.740 --> 00:23:21.400
But? But Judge A finds her testimony credible.

00:23:22.119 --> 00:23:24.299
The residual functional capacity ends up more

00:23:24.299 --> 00:23:27.220
restrictive. With her age and education and limited

00:23:27.220 --> 00:23:29.779
transferable skills from the warehouse job, she

00:23:29.779 --> 00:23:31.920
can land in a category where the - Grids direct

00:23:31.920 --> 00:23:34.680
to find disabled and she gets approved. Judge

00:23:34.680 --> 00:23:36.859
B might find the same testimony only partially

00:23:36.859 --> 00:23:40.059
credible. And so we'd come out as a residual

00:23:40.059 --> 00:23:42.779
functional capacity of light work with some qualifications.

00:23:43.059 --> 00:23:45.539
The grids say not disabled and she's denied.

00:23:45.819 --> 00:23:48.359
OK, so the same woman with the same medical record,

00:23:48.460 --> 00:23:50.500
but with different outcomes because of different

00:23:50.500 --> 00:23:53.220
years. So that was different outcomes because

00:23:53.220 --> 00:23:55.599
of different judges. OK, same woman with the

00:23:55.599 --> 00:23:58.000
same medical record, but different outcomes because

00:23:58.000 --> 00:24:00.210
of different judges. Right. And that judge who

00:24:00.210 --> 00:24:01.849
denied her wouldn't have inherently done anything

00:24:01.849 --> 00:24:04.210
wrong. They might have written a decision citing

00:24:04.210 --> 00:24:06.509
the medical evidence and explained why they found

00:24:06.509 --> 00:24:09.390
the testimony only partially credible and then

00:24:09.390 --> 00:24:11.450
apply the grids. On review, that credibility

00:24:11.450 --> 00:24:14.190
finding gets substantial deference. So all of

00:24:14.190 --> 00:24:15.710
the structural features we talked about across

00:24:15.710 --> 00:24:18.450
the trilogy, the horizontal variation, the weak

00:24:18.450 --> 00:24:21.190
internal review, the ex -ante mechanisms, they

00:24:21.190 --> 00:24:23.910
all run through the credibility finding and the

00:24:23.910 --> 00:24:26.690
RFC, which determine what the grids then output.

00:24:27.259 --> 00:24:29.880
Right. This is why social security outcomes look

00:24:29.880 --> 00:24:32.400
the way they do. The structural picture isn't

00:24:32.400 --> 00:24:34.319
abstract. We have this five -step framework,

00:24:34.480 --> 00:24:36.559
and the grids give it a specific funnel at the

00:24:36.559 --> 00:24:39.279
end. Credibility determines what evidence counts.

00:24:39.700 --> 00:24:41.859
That leads to what you have as a residual functional

00:24:41.859 --> 00:24:44.700
capacity, and that determines where we land on

00:24:44.700 --> 00:24:47.400
the grids. So whatever is shaping the ALJ's approach

00:24:47.400 --> 00:24:49.480
to credibility and the residual functional...

00:24:49.740 --> 00:24:52.359
capacity, like their experience in the local

00:24:52.359 --> 00:24:54.519
office culture and quality review environment,

00:24:54.779 --> 00:24:57.480
those shape the outcomes. And the data on claimants

00:24:57.480 --> 00:25:00.599
who don't make it to the end? So the GAO and

00:25:00.599 --> 00:25:02.559
Social Security's own inspector general have

00:25:02.559 --> 00:25:04.700
both reported on claimants dying while waiting

00:25:04.700 --> 00:25:07.400
for a hearing, which makes sense. This is a process

00:25:07.400 --> 00:25:11.299
people only start when they're not 100%. So at

00:25:11.299 --> 00:25:13.579
current processing times with a nine -month average

00:25:13.579 --> 00:25:17.069
and some offices running longer than that, the

00:25:17.069 --> 00:25:18.630
number of people who die during the pendency

00:25:18.630 --> 00:25:20.109
of their claim is going to be meaningful every

00:25:20.109 --> 00:25:22.390
year. And that's not the system failing in some

00:25:22.390 --> 00:25:24.869
exotic way. That's the system working as described

00:25:24.869 --> 00:25:27.970
at volume with a better wait time than it used

00:25:27.970 --> 00:25:30.890
to be. Okay. Everything we built this season

00:25:30.890 --> 00:25:33.990
shows up in this one system. Let's walk through

00:25:33.990 --> 00:25:38.789
how it does. What a great idea. Here's the doctrinal

00:25:38.789 --> 00:25:42.079
point anchoring all of it. Once disability benefits

00:25:42.079 --> 00:25:44.700
are awarded, they are a statutory entitlement

00:25:44.700 --> 00:25:46.940
that the Constitution is going to protect. That

00:25:46.940 --> 00:25:49.299
was Goldberg, Roth, and then Matthews itself.

00:25:49.460 --> 00:25:51.559
If you have benefits and the government wants

00:25:51.559 --> 00:25:54.359
to take them away, due process attaches. You're

00:25:54.359 --> 00:25:56.200
entitled to notice. You're entitled to be heard.

00:25:56.420 --> 00:25:58.640
The Constitution has things to say about how

00:25:58.640 --> 00:26:02.079
that has to happen. And once it's awarded, that's

00:26:02.079 --> 00:26:04.839
the termination cases? Right. So Matthews v.

00:26:04.859 --> 00:26:06.799
Eldridge was a termination case. He was already

00:26:06.799 --> 00:26:08.740
receiving benefits when Social Security moved

00:26:08.740 --> 00:26:11.150
to cut them off. That's when the three -factor

00:26:11.150 --> 00:26:13.369
balancing test got applied. What the court was

00:26:13.369 --> 00:26:15.750
deciding was how much process was constitutionally

00:26:15.750 --> 00:26:17.650
required before the government could take away

00:26:17.650 --> 00:26:20.410
something elders already had. Okay, and the initial

00:26:20.410 --> 00:26:22.950
application is different. Constitutionally different.

00:26:23.150 --> 00:26:25.470
So the first -time applicant doesn't have a property

00:26:25.470 --> 00:26:27.670
interest. There's no entitlement to a benefit

00:26:27.670 --> 00:26:29.990
you haven't been awarded. You have a statutory

00:26:29.990 --> 00:26:32.130
right to whatever process Congress put in the

00:26:32.130 --> 00:26:35.369
statute. Paper review, reconsideration, the ALJ

00:26:35.369 --> 00:26:37.710
hearing, appeals counsel, eventually federal

00:26:37.710 --> 00:26:39.950
court. But those are procedural rights Congress

00:26:39.950 --> 00:26:42.490
chose to give. The Constitution isn't requiring

00:26:42.490 --> 00:26:44.589
them. It's not requiring much of anything at

00:26:44.589 --> 00:26:46.730
the initial stage. So the two and a half million

00:26:46.730 --> 00:26:49.410
initial applications aren't getting a constitutional

00:26:49.410 --> 00:26:51.970
hearing. They're getting a statutory one. Yes.

00:26:51.970 --> 00:26:53.970
And it's going to be thinner. And that's a design

00:26:53.970 --> 00:26:57.559
choice that is driven in part by volume. So if

00:26:57.559 --> 00:27:00.000
we run Matthews over it, not for those initial

00:27:00.000 --> 00:27:02.220
applications, but for what happens when someone's

00:27:02.220 --> 00:27:04.759
in the system and the agency wants to deny continuing

00:27:04.759 --> 00:27:07.539
benefits or try and terminate them or recoup

00:27:07.539 --> 00:27:09.819
overpayments, those are the cases where the three

00:27:09.819 --> 00:27:12.460
-factor test actually does work. So Matthews

00:27:12.460 --> 00:27:14.619
balances the private interest, the risk of erroneous

00:27:14.619 --> 00:27:16.980
deprivation with additional procedure, and the

00:27:16.980 --> 00:27:19.140
government's administrative burden. Right. We

00:27:19.140 --> 00:27:21.660
plug the numbers in. The private interest, pretty

00:27:21.660 --> 00:27:23.299
big. These are people losing benefits they've

00:27:23.299 --> 00:27:25.059
been living on. I would say enormous, but the

00:27:25.059 --> 00:27:26.880
court has said. It is inherently not enormous.

00:27:27.200 --> 00:27:30.640
The risk of erroneous deprivation. It's demonstrably

00:27:30.640 --> 00:27:33.019
real. The GAO has documented that it's real.

00:27:33.279 --> 00:27:35.799
And the administrative burden of more individualized

00:27:35.799 --> 00:27:38.740
process. This is where the burden can get staggering.

00:27:39.519 --> 00:27:41.839
Continuing disability reviews alone run somewhere

00:27:41.839 --> 00:27:44.380
between one and a half and two million a year.

00:27:44.539 --> 00:27:47.279
So overpayment cases, there's hundreds of thousands

00:27:47.279 --> 00:27:49.980
more of those. The post -award population that

00:27:49.980 --> 00:27:52.660
Matthews actually governs is its own multi -million

00:27:52.660 --> 00:27:56.019
case per year system. And when you balance those

00:27:56.019 --> 00:27:59.359
three things honestly at that volume, you tend

00:27:59.359 --> 00:28:02.059
to get this. Yes, you get these truncated termination

00:28:02.059 --> 00:28:05.019
procedures. You get CDR processes that mostly

00:28:05.019 --> 00:28:07.680
run on paper, overpayment recruitment that starts

00:28:07.680 --> 00:28:09.799
before the claimant has meaningfully been heard,

00:28:09.920 --> 00:28:12.640
and an appellate path that can take years. The

00:28:12.640 --> 00:28:14.779
Constitution is in the room applying Matthews,

00:28:14.779 --> 00:28:16.839
and Matthews is doing what it does, which is

00:28:16.839 --> 00:28:19.200
ballots. And what it produces at this volume

00:28:19.200 --> 00:28:21.259
is a process that's much thinner than you might

00:28:21.259 --> 00:28:24.089
imagine. Matthews itself was a Social Security

00:28:24.089 --> 00:28:26.970
disability case. The court knew it was setting

00:28:26.970 --> 00:28:29.329
the rules for federal benefits program processing

00:28:29.329 --> 00:28:31.809
hundreds of thousands of terminations a year.

00:28:32.250 --> 00:28:35.509
It wasn't sitting there imagining one isolated

00:28:35.509 --> 00:28:38.190
termination case. Right. The court built the

00:28:38.190 --> 00:28:40.230
administrative burden into the test as the third

00:28:40.230 --> 00:28:42.450
factor precisely because it was thinking about

00:28:42.450 --> 00:28:45.109
these high volume benefit systems. Scale isn't

00:28:45.109 --> 00:28:47.309
an accident in Matthews. It is part of the intentional

00:28:47.309 --> 00:28:50.250
design. And so the third factor was designed

00:28:50.250 --> 00:28:53.599
to then count the volume. Yes. And it was designed

00:28:53.599 --> 00:28:55.640
to do that from the start. But what has changed

00:28:55.640 --> 00:28:59.319
since 1976 is the ratio. The disability adjudication

00:28:59.319 --> 00:29:01.779
system today is an order of magnitude bigger

00:29:01.779 --> 00:29:04.019
than the one the court was looking at. The initial

00:29:04.019 --> 00:29:06.420
applications, the CDRs, the terminations, the

00:29:06.420 --> 00:29:09.259
overpayments, same test, but a much bigger denominator.

00:29:10.029 --> 00:29:12.569
So the doctrinal question isn't whether Matthews

00:29:12.569 --> 00:29:15.170
was misapplied. It's whether a test that counts

00:29:15.170 --> 00:29:17.930
administrative burden as a factor at all can

00:29:17.930 --> 00:29:20.130
ever produce a result that requires more process

00:29:20.130 --> 00:29:22.730
once the system is big enough that the burden

00:29:22.730 --> 00:29:25.710
dominates the math. Yeah. If one of those factors

00:29:25.710 --> 00:29:28.049
is going to be the administrative burden, then

00:29:28.049 --> 00:29:30.450
eventually at a sufficient scale, that factor

00:29:30.450 --> 00:29:33.430
will tend to outweigh or almost outweigh everything

00:29:33.430 --> 00:29:35.750
on the other side. Not because the test is being

00:29:35.750 --> 00:29:37.650
misapplied, but because this is the way it was

00:29:37.650 --> 00:29:40.460
built. The court accepted scale as a legitimate

00:29:40.460 --> 00:29:42.619
counterweight from the beginning. And the test

00:29:42.619 --> 00:29:45.799
doesn't have a built -in floor. Right. It tells

00:29:45.799 --> 00:29:47.660
you you need to balance. It doesn't tell you

00:29:47.660 --> 00:29:50.000
that some minimum amount of process is required

00:29:50.000 --> 00:29:52.519
regardless of what the balance produces. There's

00:29:52.519 --> 00:29:55.200
no real doctrinal limit on how thin process can

00:29:55.200 --> 00:29:57.140
become if the system is big enough to make the

00:29:57.140 --> 00:30:00.319
burden factor dominant. And let's be clear, what

00:30:00.319 --> 00:30:02.500
we've been talking about so far this episode

00:30:02.500 --> 00:30:05.660
is the largest administrative adjudication system

00:30:05.660 --> 00:30:08.410
in this country. It is. It is big, but it is

00:30:08.410 --> 00:30:11.990
not the only big one. So next episode, the last

00:30:11.990 --> 00:30:14.769
official episode of the season until slaughter

00:30:14.769 --> 00:30:17.490
comes out, is the other major deep dive we're

00:30:17.490 --> 00:30:20.029
doing on immigration adjudication. And specifically,

00:30:20.089 --> 00:30:22.650
we're talking about asylum. It's a different

00:30:22.650 --> 00:30:24.829
system, a different structure, and the constitutional

00:30:24.829 --> 00:30:27.650
stakes are higher. Social security is about income.

00:30:27.930 --> 00:30:29.589
Immigration is about whether you get to stay

00:30:29.589 --> 00:30:31.769
in the country. You might accept the procedural

00:30:31.769 --> 00:30:34.619
protections would be stronger there, but. Surprise,

00:30:34.700 --> 00:30:36.839
they are not. They are weaker, and the volume

00:30:36.839 --> 00:30:40.319
problems get worse, not better. So that does

00:30:40.319 --> 00:30:42.039
it for today's episode on administrative remedies.

00:30:42.220 --> 00:30:45.140
Thank you for joining us today. Please, if you

00:30:45.140 --> 00:30:47.519
enjoy this podcast and enjoy this episode, give

00:30:47.519 --> 00:30:51.319
us a like on Spotify, iTunes, or whatever platform

00:30:51.319 --> 00:30:54.180
you're listening on. And be sure to tune in next

00:30:54.180 --> 00:30:56.339
time where we'll continue to dive into the contours

00:30:56.339 --> 00:30:58.559
of administrative law, because remember, you

00:30:58.559 --> 00:31:00.200
can't fix what you don't understand.
