WEBVTT

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Morning to everyone in the room, on Zoom. Lovely

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to be here with you. Today I'm going to introduce

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us to the idea of class, or as some of you prefer

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me to say it, class. And that is precisely the

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point, and in a sense the ironic pointlessness

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of a day like this. It's one thing to see the

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word written down. Written up on a lecture room

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screen behind me here. But it's quite another

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thing when we start to pronounce on it or even

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to pronounce the word itself. Suddenly, each

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and every one of us in some ways, known or unknown

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to us, are unravelled. We're enrolled. We're

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entangled in this strange, strange thing called

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class. By how we say it, how we wear it, how

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we style ourselves, whether that's our hair.

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or our titles, our codes of humour and honour,

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the jobs we take, the jobs that are taken from

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us, the answers we give, the appraisals others

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give to us. At the very outset, this notion is

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sticky, even before we open our mouths. Class

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is wet paint. We brush against it, it comes off

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us. Something of it marks us, whether we like

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it or not, whether we understand it or not. It

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can be frustrating, whether because it's elusive,

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but nevertheless, you know, when you see it,

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when you hear it, when you taste it, when you

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smell it, or because if you ignore it, it simply

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goes away. Glass is both social and antisocial.

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It's visible in places, people and lives. But

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at the same time, it's invisible, but still powerful

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in the walls inside our heads. our hearts, our

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comfort zones. Class is felt. It's emotional

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in a range of ways. And it's also embodied, affecting

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our health and life chances and life outcomes.

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Indeed, increasingly so at this present time

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of cost of living crises, with despair and stagnation

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in what are sometimes called left behind places.

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increasing numbers of young people and not so

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young people feeling failed and failing and weakened

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civic and political allegiances. We're holding

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this day on class for these reasons and for others.

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Class also affects our churches, again, whether

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we're aware of it or not. Yes, a key conviction

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is that we believe that the gospel of Jesus Christ

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makes calls on our lives to repent and to believe,

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to belong and to behave differently towards one

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another. But so often that call seems to struggle

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to reach across the class spectrum. Our churches,

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indeed our colleges, our courses for evangelism,

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training and discipleship, too often... they

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are more class -bound than is good for the gospel.

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While there might be short -term game and comfort

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in focusing on people like us, the Great Commission

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is not so limited, reaching very much to people

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not like us. And that call to be not so limited

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comes to each of us. Thus, class becomes implicated

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as a gospel issue, as much as the gospel involves

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deeds in keeping with repentance that are enacted

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together. This is especially so whenever class

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has been neglected in our thinking, our acting,

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our believing, and the kinds of gospel cultures

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we seek to shape in our lives and in our churches.

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If culture is defined by the best things we celebrate

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and the worst things we tolerate, then class

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and classism, that is discrimination, devaluation,

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marginalisation on the basis of class, is a matter

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of gospel culture and of gospel life. Today is

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an opportunity for us to begin addressing these

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things. To start this, my presentation has three

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steps in it. The first and longest will be to

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introduce and seek to define this slippery concept,

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class. I'll do so by tracing its journey through

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British history to the present and noting some

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ways in which class is entangled in our churches.

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Second, I'm going to make a reverse step, looking

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into the New Testament world to see how its society

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was structured. and how Paul navigated class,

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such as we can see it there. In my closing section,

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I'll take us into the book of Acts to finish

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with some direction forward for our day ahead

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and what might flow from it. So first then, the

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history of class in the United Kingdom. The word

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class first entered the English language in the

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late 16th century as a term imported at that

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time from ancient Roman history. From the outset,

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then, it's been a term related to rank and hierarchy,

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coming as it did from classical society, its

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rank and rankings. Also, it entered into English

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language and society with its own pre -existing

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ranks and rankings, stretching back into history,

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into feudal, medieval times and earlier. But

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among its first uses in English, this new term

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class had an educational function. A usage still

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seen today in our classification of university

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degrees as first class, upper and lower second

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class and so on. Now meanings of terms rarely

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stand still and class is one of those words which

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has had a shifting impact on our culture and

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society in the centuries since then. A big change

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for class came in the 1700s with three revolutions

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and indeed the absence of a fourth one. The first

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of these revolutions is what became known as

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the Industrial Revolution, in a century of transformation

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stretching from the 1700s into the 1800s. Britain

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was the first country in the world to undergo

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large -scale industrialisation. Massive urbanisation

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came with it, causing a large -scale disruption

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of rural orderings of society. New industrial

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towns and cities altered the lives of many. created

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vast riches for some, and caused society -wide

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searches for what this new order meant. During

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the same time, there was a second and third revolution.

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First, an American one, breaking free of British

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colonial rule. And second, quickly in its wake,

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the French one, breaking free of aristocratic

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rule. On both fronts, this was a period of immense

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debate, struggle. over political, social and

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economic rights, which played out differently

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in different countries for the varying classes

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within them. But curiously, there was not a fourth

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revolution at this time. There was no British

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revolution, not in the political sense, such

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as happened in America and France. Despite the

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massive impact of industrial change, no royal

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heads rolled in Britain in the period. No republican

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fervour bought regime change. How come? In part,

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the answer lies with how class as a category

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morphed and accommodated changes within Britain

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at the time. Initially, class in a British context

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was applied to people's social position. typically

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indicating if they were nobility or not. Upper

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and lower became its two subcategories. But as

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revolutionary fervour burned over the Channel

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and across the ocean, class in Britain underwent

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an evolution, not a revolution. The innovation

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was the insertion of middle into this dual ranking,

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in recognition of an intervening middle class.

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Now what created this break, preventing similar

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revolt in Britain? Historians debate the point,

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some seeing its roots in earlier times, during

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the Tudor period perhaps, and then being nourished

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by the spread of British imperial power. Overseas

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there was a growing need for administrators in

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newly acquired colonies, an increased scope for

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a trading merchant class to take root in Britain.

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helping quell political revolutionary potential

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back home. Perhaps now, likewise then, people

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were slightly confused by class. That said, any

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assertion, insertion of middle into the ranking

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order of class is always by definition indeterminate.

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And here lie some of the seeds for our definitional

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difficulties today. Another impact at this time

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was happening at the top of the class structure

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of that period. During industrialisation, wealth

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grew in newly industrialising towns and cities,

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whereas the old upper class were located predominantly

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elsewhere. It wasn't the case that the upper

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class dropped out of sight completely, but that

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term became increasingly assigned to a different

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and somewhat distant part of society, distant

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from the industrial towns, that is. Less visible

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there, upper class became something of a residual,

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respected, but essentially displaced aristocracy.

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Meanwhile, things weren't staying still down

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at the lower end of this societal ranking league.

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Another contrast marker was emerging. This was

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the term working, used to indicate those who

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were useful or productive in this new industrial

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world, unlike the landed aristocracy, who by

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contrast were simply... privileged, the ISIL

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class. Initially, this working label was a wide

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one, applied to both middle and lower rankings.

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Its considerable overlap is seen in a 1797 reference

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to the middle and industrial classes bound together.

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But this overlap was not to remain. Instead,

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as industrialization became more established,

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a further separation of terms emerged. in this

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category of class with a still very general identification

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of the poor and working classes. By the 1840s,

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middle class and working class were becoming

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common terms, separating out from one another.

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And as the 19th century lengthened and more and

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more aspects of life and nature became classified,

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so people began to differentiate between lower

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and upper middle classes. And in working class,

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skilled, semi -skilled labourer. Now, at this

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point, let us pause and consider the logics.

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Logics, plural, what is in play here. Side by

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side, class has evolved in this British context

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with two different processes, two different ways

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of thinking in mind. On the one hand, the term

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middle retains the old sense of rank. ranking

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and hierarchy, whereas the term working indicates

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a different sense of production and usefulness.

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Neither term is the exact mirroring of the other.

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And here, in how the word is unfold and become

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used, we see something of the opposing tensions,

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the pride and disdain, the kind of emotional

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potential for superiority. and inferiority which

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stalk class classifications to this day. Labels

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make a difference to people's identities. And

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it's in this complex and dynamic already existing

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landscape of class that we encounter Karl Marx.

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Not as the inventor of the term but as one who

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worked with it. At this time together with Friedrich

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Engels he developed a revolutionary philosophy.

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with a distinctive economic and political agenda,

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looking at desperate living conditions within

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Victorian industrial cities such as Manchester,

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one area of which Engles described as hell on

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earth. Marx saw potential for a salvation of

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sorts, a class consciousness arising from individual

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workers forming a class formation. underpinned

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by a shared understanding of their working conditions

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and their place within what he called capitalist

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economic relations. Such consciousness could

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lead to action, revolutionary action, to overturn

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the economic structures holding workers in its

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thrall. And in the early 20th century, in the

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immediate aftermath of the First World War, such

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class revolution did happen, but in Russia, not

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Britain. Instead, helped by a series of stepped

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changes through the interwar period and beyond,

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Britain preserved and to some extent embedded

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its three -part class system. That is a somewhat

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remote upper class. a reasonably robust middle

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class and a large, if not quite revolutionary,

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working class. In their interactions, these three

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groups managed to keep together a shared sense

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of British pride in a capitalist system, albeit

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one supported and subsidised by a vast overseas

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empire and increasingly underpinned by government

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-led welfare provision. The rise of the Labour

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Party and trade unionism brought a measure of

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progress for the working class, and the ruling

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classes managed to bribe enough through government

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provision to keep that spectre of communism at

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bay. After the Second World War, following a

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few years of austerity and rationing, from about

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the 1950s onward, Britain saw a period of sustained

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economic growth and an unprecedented sharing

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of rising wealth. A promise of cradle -to -grave

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support for all classes ran through the National

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Health Service, provision of council housing

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and state pensions, and state -owned industries

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such as coal and steel. Indeed, if we jump back

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to 60 years ago, to the year 1966, not only did

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the England men's team win the Football World

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Cup, one highlight of sorts, but also the country's

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manufacturing employment reached its all -time

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high. If you want a snapshot of a certain take

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on the three classes at what was, with retrospect,

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this high point of 1966, you can't do much better

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than searching online for a black -and -white

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television comedy sketch from the same year,

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involving John Cleese, Ronnie Barker and Ronnie

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Corbett. Googling class sketch, not now, later,

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will lead you to it. Class, however, does not

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stand still. Even if this somewhat neat tripartite

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understanding of class endures to this day in

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some casual assumptions of what class is somehow

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meant to mean, fed by memories from black and

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white television comedies from a now far off

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era. Rather... The four pillars underpilling

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the British class system were slowly decaying

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and disappearing. And it's this process that

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brings us towards today. First, empire. Post

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-war decolonisation saw its ending as a mass

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supply line and market for British wealth production.

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Second, industry. 1966 was an irrecoverable peak

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for the UK economy, as well as for the English

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football team. By the end of the 1970s, economic

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decline was all too evident. In 1979, when Margaret

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Thatcher became Prime Minister, promising change,

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the traditional manufacturing industries, the

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heavy industries which had made Britain in the

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19th century the workshop of the world, were

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inefficient and in rapid decline. The new government,

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unwilling to prop them up, allowed market forces

00:17:03.500 --> 00:17:06.680
to do their work. One -fifth of all manufacturing

00:17:06.680 --> 00:17:10.019
jobs were lost within a three -year period. One

00:17:10.019 --> 00:17:13.640
-fifth of all manufacturing jobs were lost between

00:17:13.640 --> 00:17:19.099
1979 and 1982. Coal mining too was well past

00:17:19.099 --> 00:17:22.160
its peak. Whereas in 1984 there were a quarter

00:17:22.160 --> 00:17:24.680
of a million striking coal miners, in Britain

00:17:24.680 --> 00:17:27.920
today there are fewer than 3 ,000 coal workers

00:17:27.920 --> 00:17:31.859
in the entire industry. Traditional industrial

00:17:31.859 --> 00:17:35.400
heartland suffered greatly. economically and

00:17:35.400 --> 00:17:39.079
socially, and in many contexts have never recovered.

00:17:39.319 --> 00:17:42.039
The power of trade unions and organised labour

00:17:42.039 --> 00:17:44.619
and what went there in terms of social cohesion

00:17:44.619 --> 00:17:47.559
was much diminished. New jobs were too often

00:17:47.559 --> 00:17:50.140
in other places or didn't need the same manual

00:17:50.140 --> 00:17:54.380
skills or simply were lower paid and less secure.

00:17:55.299 --> 00:17:57.859
Another change from the 1980s onwards was the

00:17:57.859 --> 00:18:00.240
sale of council houses without a corresponding

00:18:00.240 --> 00:18:04.009
rebuilding programme to replace them. Over time,

00:18:04.130 --> 00:18:07.029
inequalities in income and wealth, marked in

00:18:07.029 --> 00:18:09.650
their own way by house prices and house availabilities,

00:18:09.950 --> 00:18:12.609
were increasing and new divisions were coming

00:18:12.609 --> 00:18:16.190
into being. Overlaid on this, the collapse of

00:18:16.190 --> 00:18:18.609
the USSR and the communist project at the end

00:18:18.609 --> 00:18:21.509
of the 1980s seemed only to confirm the failure

00:18:21.509 --> 00:18:25.470
of alternatives to market forces. As the old

00:18:25.470 --> 00:18:28.049
century closed, it seemed that capitalism in

00:18:28.049 --> 00:18:31.410
its new globalising format had won and that class

00:18:31.410 --> 00:18:37.000
was somewhat... But it was not an end. It is

00:18:37.000 --> 00:18:39.759
not an end to the underlining difficulties and

00:18:39.759 --> 00:18:41.839
tensions that were traditionally seen as class

00:18:41.839 --> 00:18:45.019
related. Labour's return to government in the

00:18:45.019 --> 00:18:47.259
1990s with the promise that things could only

00:18:47.259 --> 00:18:51.160
get better would not be a lasting optimism. Instead,

00:18:51.279 --> 00:18:54.099
a financial crash, a global financial crash in

00:18:54.099 --> 00:18:58.680
2007 to 2008 exposed and extended national debt

00:18:58.680 --> 00:19:02.170
and led to years of austerity. briefly interrupted

00:19:02.170 --> 00:19:05.150
by vast government spending during the COVID

00:19:05.150 --> 00:19:09.710
-19 pandemic. Today, welfare provision such as

00:19:09.710 --> 00:19:13.130
the NHS is under increasing stress and strain.

00:19:14.289 --> 00:19:17.170
In secular terms, this history of past then is

00:19:17.170 --> 00:19:20.690
not a happy one. Where, we might then ask, were

00:19:20.690 --> 00:19:23.309
the evangelical churches during these long changes

00:19:23.309 --> 00:19:27.690
and developments? In broad terms, the story is

00:19:27.690 --> 00:19:30.900
mixed. Historian David Bevington, looking back

00:19:30.900 --> 00:19:35.019
at the 17th century, sees evangelicalism then

00:19:35.019 --> 00:19:38.099
as appealing to artisans, but it is, quote, then,

00:19:38.240 --> 00:19:41.599
rarely the religion of the poorest and the outcast.

00:19:42.440 --> 00:19:45.019
This was not an inherent limitation of reach,

00:19:45.160 --> 00:19:48.140
however, as the impact of the 18th century evangelical

00:19:48.140 --> 00:19:52.440
revival and the birth of Methodism show. That

00:19:52.440 --> 00:19:56.009
said, by the late Victorian period, the high

00:19:56.009 --> 00:19:58.750
period of industrialisation, a rising middle

00:19:58.750 --> 00:20:01.230
class was becoming a dominant cultural force

00:20:01.230 --> 00:20:04.869
in evangelical churches. And the previous century's

00:20:04.869 --> 00:20:08.890
gospel work amongst the poor was less, but not

00:20:08.890 --> 00:20:11.890
lost. We might as well look at the Salvation

00:20:11.890 --> 00:20:14.329
Army, the Church Army, and the Welsh Revival

00:20:14.329 --> 00:20:16.710
in the early years of the last century to point

00:20:16.710 --> 00:20:20.009
to actual, not just potential, reach of the gospel.

00:20:21.289 --> 00:20:24.049
But even such brief historical mentions are not

00:20:24.049 --> 00:20:27.819
enough. to show that the gospel always plays

00:20:27.819 --> 00:20:30.740
its theological resources for reach across the

00:20:30.740 --> 00:20:34.859
entire class spectrum. If we fast forward to

00:20:34.859 --> 00:20:38.099
today, we certainly benefit from diaspora brothers

00:20:38.099 --> 00:20:40.980
and sisters in our midst bringing fresh vibrancy

00:20:40.980 --> 00:20:45.400
to a seemingly post -Christian Britain. That

00:20:45.400 --> 00:20:48.039
said, some of us are rightly reflecting on the

00:20:48.039 --> 00:20:51.059
negative impact of some influential Christian

00:20:51.059 --> 00:20:53.839
ministries from recent decades where abuse has

00:20:53.839 --> 00:20:57.500
come to light, some of which seems infused and

00:20:57.500 --> 00:21:03.039
fed by class biases and distortions. Gathering

00:21:03.039 --> 00:21:05.839
such as this then, we're looking humbly for existing

00:21:05.839 --> 00:21:09.599
good practices and pointers forwards for how

00:21:09.599 --> 00:21:12.779
to nurture Christian ministries across class

00:21:12.779 --> 00:21:18.880
divides today. How then, in light of these changes,

00:21:19.529 --> 00:21:22.990
and our circumstances are we best able to understand

00:21:22.990 --> 00:21:27.269
the present outlook thrown up by this shape shifter

00:21:27.269 --> 00:21:32.529
of a category called class not i suggest by returning

00:21:32.529 --> 00:21:36.710
to neat three -part formations such as we see

00:21:36.710 --> 00:21:40.710
in comedy sketches nor by returning or relying

00:21:40.710 --> 00:21:46.369
on a former marxist analysis at essence class

00:21:46.369 --> 00:21:50.180
in contemporary britain haunts us but in new

00:21:50.180 --> 00:21:53.579
and challenging ways that challenge us in how

00:21:53.579 --> 00:21:57.500
we respond in our day and age with the perennial

00:21:57.500 --> 00:22:02.339
gospel. I think class remains inescapably about

00:22:02.339 --> 00:22:06.579
haves and have -nots. But this differential is

00:22:06.579 --> 00:22:10.019
also increasingly experienced and felt in social

00:22:10.019 --> 00:22:13.880
relations, how people interact or don't interact,

00:22:14.140 --> 00:22:17.160
their connections. their networks, their friendships

00:22:17.160 --> 00:22:20.920
and associations. And additionally, class plays

00:22:20.920 --> 00:22:24.640
through culturally, involving matters of taste

00:22:24.640 --> 00:22:27.640
and evaluation, the interests and activities

00:22:27.640 --> 00:22:32.200
that people access and enjoy. And these two things,

00:22:32.279 --> 00:22:35.920
the social and the cultural, inform the doors

00:22:35.920 --> 00:22:38.960
that are thought to open a future for us, such

00:22:38.960 --> 00:22:43.009
as, for instance, the prestige or otherwise that

00:22:43.009 --> 00:22:47.470
is put on having a university degree. The French

00:22:47.470 --> 00:22:50.490
sociologist Pierre Bourdieu provides a framework

00:22:50.490 --> 00:22:54.009
which can help us here. In a move beyond and

00:22:54.009 --> 00:22:57.569
out of Marxist analysis, Bourdieu identifies

00:22:57.569 --> 00:23:02.829
multiple capitals. What we have or do not have

00:23:02.829 --> 00:23:06.029
is more than merely economics. For Bourdieu,

00:23:06.049 --> 00:23:08.549
other areas of life come into play, giving us

00:23:08.549 --> 00:23:12.910
a sense of someone's social capital, their cultural

00:23:12.910 --> 00:23:17.109
capital, as well as their economic capital. Someone

00:23:17.109 --> 00:23:20.890
might be, we could say, rich in one area, poor

00:23:20.890 --> 00:23:24.250
in another. And together, these different areas

00:23:24.250 --> 00:23:27.509
of our life, Bourdieu suggests, create what he

00:23:27.509 --> 00:23:31.130
calls a habitus. That is a combination of our

00:23:31.130 --> 00:23:34.670
habitat. the places and spaces we are comfortable

00:23:34.670 --> 00:23:41.069
in, and our habits and how they shape us. In

00:23:41.069 --> 00:23:43.289
this regard, some forms of these capitals will

00:23:43.289 --> 00:23:46.910
be useful in some contexts and useless or positively

00:23:46.910 --> 00:23:49.710
unhelpful in another. For instance, a university

00:23:49.710 --> 00:23:53.470
degree might help us in an academic debate, but

00:23:53.470 --> 00:23:56.829
it's not so helpful in a street fight. At least

00:23:56.829 --> 00:24:02.309
most university degrees are not. Enough of streetlights.

00:24:02.730 --> 00:24:05.170
Let's return instead to the lived experience

00:24:05.170 --> 00:24:07.990
of coming to our churches, my church, your church.

00:24:08.269 --> 00:24:11.390
We can turn Bordeaux's categories back on ourselves.

00:24:11.730 --> 00:24:17.609
What capitals, economic, cultural, social, are

00:24:17.609 --> 00:24:22.369
needed to feel comfortable, valued, at home,

00:24:22.549 --> 00:24:26.650
in my church, in your church? The question's

00:24:26.650 --> 00:24:29.559
well worth asking. Doing so will invite us to

00:24:29.559 --> 00:24:33.259
quiz our own assumptions, our taken -for -grantednesses,

00:24:33.259 --> 00:24:36.380
and to invite others in our church or beyond

00:24:36.380 --> 00:24:39.759
our churches to tell us what they see as our

00:24:39.759 --> 00:24:44.539
habitus, the practices that we assume or expect

00:24:44.539 --> 00:24:48.660
other people to adopt. Some of these will be

00:24:48.660 --> 00:24:51.039
our blind spots, which by definition we cannot

00:24:51.039 --> 00:24:56.000
see ourselves. We need others. We need one another

00:24:56.000 --> 00:25:00.000
to tell them to us. We need to be in close and

00:25:00.000 --> 00:25:03.519
trusting enough relationship for them to tell

00:25:03.519 --> 00:25:07.759
us and to hear it from them in undefended ways.

00:25:09.279 --> 00:25:12.180
Here I hope we begin to see the need to take

00:25:12.180 --> 00:25:14.619
class seriously for the health of our churches

00:25:14.619 --> 00:25:18.299
and ourselves, as well as the spread of the gospel.

00:25:18.940 --> 00:25:21.319
Otherwise, we effectively turn people away as

00:25:21.319 --> 00:25:24.539
they sense that church. is not a place for someone

00:25:24.539 --> 00:25:28.700
like them. You see, class is emotional. As I've

00:25:28.700 --> 00:25:31.140
said, it involves hopes and fears, anger and

00:25:31.140 --> 00:25:34.720
contentment, risk and outcome. People carry that

00:25:34.720 --> 00:25:37.779
with them as they come to their churches in those

00:25:37.779 --> 00:25:41.619
seen and unseen ways. And it's linked with how

00:25:41.619 --> 00:25:44.839
we are formed as people in relationship with

00:25:44.839 --> 00:25:48.160
one another. And I think it's a small and necessary

00:25:48.160 --> 00:25:51.420
set to say that class is therefore theological.

00:25:52.750 --> 00:25:56.309
Infusing our lives, our ministries, our identity

00:25:56.309 --> 00:25:58.910
within the body of Christ in our communities,

00:25:59.109 --> 00:26:02.890
our churches, as well as our world. To close

00:26:02.890 --> 00:26:04.950
this section, let's look briefly at how class

00:26:04.950 --> 00:26:08.190
might be mapped today. This might help us in

00:26:08.190 --> 00:26:10.490
terms of thinking through who is in our churches

00:26:10.490 --> 00:26:13.930
and who is not. First, for government purposes,

00:26:14.130 --> 00:26:17.609
the Office of National Statistics uses a socioeconomic

00:26:17.609 --> 00:26:22.450
classification established in the 1970s. If we

00:26:22.450 --> 00:26:25.369
want to understand socio -economic profile in

00:26:25.369 --> 00:26:27.690
the area we live in, this is likely to be the

00:26:27.690 --> 00:26:31.509
framework the data we get will come in. It's

00:26:31.509 --> 00:26:33.869
based around questions about someone's occupation,

00:26:34.089 --> 00:26:37.049
the nature of their employment contract, are

00:26:37.049 --> 00:26:39.690
they wage, salaried, self -employed or whatever,

00:26:39.910 --> 00:26:42.670
and the size of the organisation they work in.

00:26:43.869 --> 00:26:46.150
This kind of data is available through time.

00:26:46.950 --> 00:26:49.710
If we've got an idea of how our area used to

00:26:49.710 --> 00:26:52.390
be, but isn't now. This is the kind of data that

00:26:52.390 --> 00:26:55.930
we can draw on for it. To assess socio -economic

00:26:55.930 --> 00:26:59.009
background and mobility, one further question

00:26:59.009 --> 00:27:02.589
is asked. This is the question. What was the

00:27:02.589 --> 00:27:06.009
occupation of your main household earner when

00:27:06.009 --> 00:27:09.630
you were aged about 14? And I guess all of us

00:27:09.630 --> 00:27:12.130
have quietly got an answer to that question.

00:27:13.259 --> 00:27:16.039
For identifying class, this question is foundational

00:27:16.039 --> 00:27:18.119
when, for instance, the Church of England is

00:27:18.119 --> 00:27:20.259
measuring the class distribution of its clergy

00:27:20.259 --> 00:27:23.940
as it tries to appraise how middle class it is

00:27:23.940 --> 00:27:27.019
and how it can change in that regard. And it

00:27:27.019 --> 00:27:29.980
might well be one key question to take from this

00:27:29.980 --> 00:27:33.279
framework. What was the occupation when you were

00:27:33.279 --> 00:27:37.720
age 14 of the main household earner in your household?

00:27:39.119 --> 00:27:41.980
They didn't have an occupation. That tells you

00:27:41.980 --> 00:27:45.400
something. as well. An alternative approach to

00:27:45.400 --> 00:27:48.220
defining class in contemporary Britain is a more

00:27:48.220 --> 00:27:51.460
recent model of seven class formations, identified

00:27:51.460 --> 00:27:54.200
by a group of sociologists working with data

00:27:54.200 --> 00:27:59.000
from over 161 ,000 people gathered by the BBC's

00:27:59.000 --> 00:28:03.200
Great British Class Survey of 2011. And this

00:28:03.200 --> 00:28:05.500
model has been used to produce an interactive

00:28:05.500 --> 00:28:08.480
class calculator. We're answering a few online

00:28:08.480 --> 00:28:10.740
questions we'll assign you to one of the model

00:28:10.740 --> 00:28:14.619
seven classes. It's easier looking, isn't it,

00:28:14.619 --> 00:28:17.039
than those government questions. It includes,

00:28:17.140 --> 00:28:19.720
in a simplified way, Bourdieu's sense of multiple

00:28:19.720 --> 00:28:23.900
capitals. By all means, try it out. Please note,

00:28:24.000 --> 00:28:26.660
it is subject to a lot of critique, both practically

00:28:26.660 --> 00:28:30.519
and theoretically. Practically, it tells us nothing

00:28:30.519 --> 00:28:33.259
about how to relate with others, either in or

00:28:33.259 --> 00:28:36.579
beyond our assigned classification. But looking

00:28:36.579 --> 00:28:39.039
at this kind of framing might give us some more

00:28:39.039 --> 00:28:41.359
textured ways of thinking about class within

00:28:41.359 --> 00:28:43.700
our midst than that standard government data.

00:28:44.200 --> 00:28:46.460
And let me say, there's nothing against coming

00:28:46.460 --> 00:28:49.720
up with your own local class definitions together

00:28:49.720 --> 00:28:52.900
as a church, the kind of people in your area

00:28:52.900 --> 00:28:56.299
and your kind of space. Sometimes naming the

00:28:56.299 --> 00:28:58.259
people who are in our churches and not in our

00:28:58.259 --> 00:29:01.200
churches without stereotyping them can help us

00:29:01.200 --> 00:29:05.529
in our reach. But to conclude this, the main

00:29:05.529 --> 00:29:07.869
part of my paper, I want to ask for your patience

00:29:07.869 --> 00:29:12.150
if you're seeking precision. Class, I hope you

00:29:12.150 --> 00:29:15.369
got a sense, cannot be definitively defined.

00:29:16.130 --> 00:29:19.289
It's one of those terms a bit like war and peace.

00:29:20.710 --> 00:29:23.589
Is there peace or war in the Middle East at the

00:29:23.589 --> 00:29:27.750
moment? It's hard to define, but something, something

00:29:27.750 --> 00:29:32.880
is going on. But please do not dismiss it on

00:29:32.880 --> 00:29:35.619
these grounds of lack of definition that is fixed

00:29:35.619 --> 00:29:39.180
and stable. Instead, along with your patience,

00:29:39.200 --> 00:29:42.339
I ask for your discernment. For the sake of the

00:29:42.339 --> 00:29:45.859
gospel, for the wisdom and reach of that gospel,

00:29:45.920 --> 00:29:49.420
for your discernment and your compassion towards

00:29:49.420 --> 00:29:52.599
others and yourself, for understanding them and

00:29:52.599 --> 00:29:55.880
understanding yourself. There is something here

00:29:55.880 --> 00:29:58.680
in this strange thing called class that we need

00:29:58.680 --> 00:30:03.089
to discern. together in the face of the other.

00:30:03.289 --> 00:30:06.549
It plays through in our churches and in their

00:30:06.549 --> 00:30:10.490
reach and our individual discipleship. It's important

00:30:10.490 --> 00:30:13.470
we keep in mind its contingent, multidimensional

00:30:13.470 --> 00:30:16.410
qualities. It's not one static, easily identified

00:30:16.410 --> 00:30:21.630
thing. It is this web of issues, economic, social,

00:30:21.890 --> 00:30:24.509
cultural, psychological, issues of the heart

00:30:24.509 --> 00:30:27.130
as well as the body, the hands as well as the

00:30:27.130 --> 00:30:29.799
mind. feeding in and through one another and

00:30:29.799 --> 00:30:33.079
affecting us all. So for the sake of our ministry

00:30:33.079 --> 00:30:36.740
today and beyond, it would be well to learn class

00:30:36.740 --> 00:30:41.079
afresh. This is a time and a place and a season

00:30:41.079 --> 00:30:45.200
for that. So when we come to look at it in scripture,

00:30:45.480 --> 00:30:48.619
we won't expect to see something identically

00:30:48.619 --> 00:30:52.259
macking on to the confused picture we have in

00:30:52.259 --> 00:30:55.279
our day. Dimensions will take different shapes

00:30:55.279 --> 00:30:58.509
in different places. Turning to the Bible, I

00:30:58.509 --> 00:31:00.670
want to argue there are threads and pointers

00:31:00.670 --> 00:31:05.190
for us there today, for class and ministry in

00:31:05.190 --> 00:31:09.609
the UK today. With our own history in mind, let's

00:31:09.609 --> 00:31:12.430
have a brief look at the New Testament. And it's

00:31:12.430 --> 00:31:14.589
not surprising that even within the few decades

00:31:14.589 --> 00:31:17.509
of the New Testament, there were different expressions

00:31:17.509 --> 00:31:20.369
of social structure and relations at shape and

00:31:20.369 --> 00:31:24.210
at work in different places, urban and rural.

00:31:24.720 --> 00:31:27.920
Within, say, Judea and Galilee, and then in the

00:31:27.920 --> 00:31:31.960
wider Roman Empire beyond. And the glimpses as

00:31:31.960 --> 00:31:36.240
we get them are inevitably hypotheses, reconstructions.

00:31:36.259 --> 00:31:38.440
But I think they're suggestive for us with regarding

00:31:38.440 --> 00:31:41.460
to clasp. I want to show us briefly two models

00:31:41.460 --> 00:31:44.519
for illustrative purposes. They're both drawn

00:31:44.519 --> 00:31:46.980
from the work of a New Testament scholar, Bruce

00:31:46.980 --> 00:31:49.400
Longenecker, who's drawing on others who work

00:31:49.400 --> 00:31:52.380
in this area. The first one presents a reconstruction

00:31:52.380 --> 00:31:54.660
of the distribution of power in a predominantly

00:31:54.660 --> 00:31:58.640
rural economy such as Galilee. It's helpful for

00:31:58.640 --> 00:32:01.359
getting us past either not thinking about power

00:32:01.359 --> 00:32:04.240
and privilege, that's the vertical axis with

00:32:04.240 --> 00:32:08.359
that little lone ruler at the top, or not considering

00:32:08.359 --> 00:32:11.180
the relative numbers of people located at any

00:32:11.180 --> 00:32:14.910
point in that vertical axis. The horizontal width

00:32:14.910 --> 00:32:17.289
of the overall profile showing the estimated

00:32:17.289 --> 00:32:20.190
numbers of people at any point on the scale.

00:32:20.910 --> 00:32:23.490
At very least, such a profile representation

00:32:23.490 --> 00:32:28.029
gets us past simple and abstracted ideas of rich

00:32:28.029 --> 00:32:32.690
and poor in the Bible. And it also reminds us

00:32:32.690 --> 00:32:36.410
that people's occupations and roles and statuses

00:32:36.410 --> 00:32:40.630
were not necessarily the same as ours. We don't

00:32:40.630 --> 00:32:43.250
tend to have retainers and priests, peasants,

00:32:43.369 --> 00:32:46.789
artisans, unclean and degraded and expendables

00:32:46.789 --> 00:32:49.950
with those labels in our day and age. But it

00:32:49.950 --> 00:32:53.109
begins to see how society, such as where Jesus

00:32:53.109 --> 00:32:55.650
told his parables and called people to follow

00:32:55.650 --> 00:32:59.170
him, was flesh and blood, emotional and relating

00:32:59.170 --> 00:33:02.589
with one another. This was where he ministered.

00:33:03.920 --> 00:33:06.099
The second profile seeks to ascertain a view

00:33:06.099 --> 00:33:08.579
across the first century Greco -Roman world,

00:33:08.619 --> 00:33:11.380
the wider Roman Empire. It's presented more in

00:33:11.380 --> 00:33:14.480
the form of a ranking ladder with seven categories

00:33:14.480 --> 00:33:18.759
ranging from the top, economic scale, ES1, imperial

00:33:18.759 --> 00:33:22.960
elites, to the bottom, ES7, those living below

00:33:22.960 --> 00:33:26.819
subsistence level. Where, we might ask, would

00:33:26.819 --> 00:33:29.599
the Apostle Paul be located within a structure

00:33:29.599 --> 00:33:35.240
such as this? Longinecker suggests an E. S4 economic

00:33:35.240 --> 00:33:39.640
existence for Paul's pre -apostolic life, a moderate

00:33:39.640 --> 00:33:43.019
surplus economically speaking, on the basis of

00:33:43.019 --> 00:33:45.880
his rhetorical skill and his listing of work

00:33:45.880 --> 00:33:49.839
as a hardship. But, and I think this is well

00:33:49.839 --> 00:33:53.200
worth our attention, Longenecker posits that

00:33:53.200 --> 00:33:56.799
Paul's economic profile as an apostle for Jesus

00:33:56.799 --> 00:34:01.309
Christ drops a level or two. That is from ES4

00:34:01.309 --> 00:34:06.670
to the manual labour of ES5, perhaps even ES6

00:34:06.670 --> 00:34:11.030
at times, and I would add, as a prisoner, even

00:34:11.030 --> 00:34:17.090
ES7. Longenecker concludes, as far as we can

00:34:17.090 --> 00:34:20.110
reconstruct, this plunge in his economic profile

00:34:20.110 --> 00:34:24.230
was his preferred modus operandi, the result

00:34:24.230 --> 00:34:28.210
of his own choice. The intentional taking of

00:34:28.210 --> 00:34:32.170
a road less travelled. Longinecker characterises

00:34:32.170 --> 00:34:35.809
this as a canonic move on Paul's part, meaning

00:34:35.809 --> 00:34:39.050
an economic emptying of himself, though Paul

00:34:39.050 --> 00:34:41.369
chooses not to talk about it as such, other than

00:34:41.369 --> 00:34:44.389
perhaps occasional brief and indirect allusion

00:34:44.389 --> 00:34:48.590
to his letters. What we begin to see is a measure

00:34:48.590 --> 00:34:51.349
of economic discipleship on the part of Paul.

00:34:52.170 --> 00:34:54.730
This is purely individualistic, perhaps due to

00:34:54.730 --> 00:34:58.070
him being an apostle of Jesus Christ. In my final

00:34:58.070 --> 00:35:00.989
section, I want to suggest that this is not unique

00:35:00.989 --> 00:35:05.309
to Paul, nor isolated individualism. I'll press

00:35:05.309 --> 00:35:08.590
into the book of Acts to do so. Specifically,

00:35:08.590 --> 00:35:12.030
I want to focus on one verse, Acts chapter 20,

00:35:12.110 --> 00:35:14.829
verse 35. It's an introductory horizon for our

00:35:14.829 --> 00:35:18.019
day. In its brevity, I see it as embryonic, as

00:35:18.019 --> 00:35:20.920
highly suggestive and generative for a reworking

00:35:20.920 --> 00:35:24.000
of class relations within Christian discipleship.

00:35:24.239 --> 00:35:28.219
It is a climactic verse concluding Paul's address

00:35:28.219 --> 00:35:31.960
to the Ephesian elders in Acts chapter 20. And

00:35:31.960 --> 00:35:36.340
this address itself is emblematic, being Paul's

00:35:36.340 --> 00:35:39.599
final recorded speech in Acts to those in the

00:35:39.599 --> 00:35:44.190
churches his ministry had fed and planted. It

00:35:44.190 --> 00:35:47.469
provides hearers then and readers now with a

00:35:47.469 --> 00:35:51.670
retrospective on all Paul's ministry. And it

00:35:51.670 --> 00:35:55.989
does so as an exemplary model to follow. In an

00:35:55.989 --> 00:35:58.949
address such as this, endings are vitally important.

00:35:59.769 --> 00:36:03.969
Note then, as with Peter's final words in his

00:36:03.969 --> 00:36:06.369
climactic speech to the believers in Jerusalem

00:36:06.369 --> 00:36:12.159
in Acts 11, Paul here in Acts 20 verse 35. concludes

00:36:12.159 --> 00:36:16.639
with what is called an agraphon. That is a word

00:36:16.639 --> 00:36:19.900
from Jesus which is not written, not recorded

00:36:19.900 --> 00:36:24.039
in the four canonical Gospels. It is more blessed

00:36:24.039 --> 00:36:29.000
to give than to receive. The life and action

00:36:29.000 --> 00:36:31.940
just commended to these elders and to believers

00:36:31.940 --> 00:36:36.559
more widely is grounded in Jesus' teaching, not

00:36:36.559 --> 00:36:39.570
just in Paul. And in its build -up to it, the

00:36:39.570 --> 00:36:42.750
verse makes much of this word from Jesus. Verse

00:36:42.750 --> 00:36:48.309
35 refers to Jesus' words, plural, and as something

00:36:48.309 --> 00:36:53.110
we should remember. Second, it links his words

00:36:53.110 --> 00:36:58.190
to actions, and such actions as a necessity for

00:36:58.190 --> 00:37:02.610
his followers to adopt in appropriate ways. The

00:37:02.610 --> 00:37:04.929
inseparability of word and actions is indeed

00:37:05.550 --> 00:37:09.889
implied by the very opening verse of Acts, describing

00:37:09.889 --> 00:37:13.110
Luke's gospel as recounting all that Jesus began

00:37:13.110 --> 00:37:18.489
to do and teach. Here in Acts 20, 35, his teaching

00:37:18.489 --> 00:37:22.269
continues. Embracing in a comparative assessment

00:37:22.269 --> 00:37:25.369
of flourishing, that's the meaning of blessedness,

00:37:25.590 --> 00:37:29.030
how we as his followers are to relate with those

00:37:29.030 --> 00:37:32.699
who are weak. In context, referring to those

00:37:32.699 --> 00:37:36.579
who are materially lacking, who are poor. Now

00:37:36.579 --> 00:37:40.400
watch my language here. Note the step I made.

00:37:40.780 --> 00:37:43.159
I deliberately made it, but I want to step back

00:37:43.159 --> 00:37:49.179
from it. My expression of we suggests that we,

00:37:49.340 --> 00:37:55.619
I, am not weak. Here is my middle class assumption

00:37:55.619 --> 00:38:00.980
and desire showing itself dangerously. Even simply,

00:38:01.159 --> 00:38:06.659
I often want to be un -weak, un -poor, un -lacking.

00:38:07.820 --> 00:38:10.619
To step back for a moment into our own culture,

00:38:10.760 --> 00:38:14.659
not being weak is in many ways the dream of all

00:38:14.659 --> 00:38:18.199
classes. And the fear of becoming weak, vulnerable

00:38:18.199 --> 00:38:23.739
and insecure drives us in so many ways. This

00:38:23.739 --> 00:38:26.920
is not, however, a staple. uncomfortable assertion

00:38:26.920 --> 00:38:30.980
of a right that accrues to us naturally by cause

00:38:30.980 --> 00:38:36.900
of birth or our own efforts rather in the gospel

00:38:36.900 --> 00:38:41.019
things are different we are those who receive

00:38:42.119 --> 00:38:44.380
Paul, after all, would not own it for himself.

00:38:44.480 --> 00:38:47.599
When I am weak, then I am strong, he self -describes

00:38:47.599 --> 00:38:50.239
himself. Locating himself among the weak, seeing

00:38:50.239 --> 00:38:53.420
God's grace as something which reworks his self

00:38:53.420 --> 00:38:56.159
-identity in relation to some non -specified

00:38:56.159 --> 00:38:59.760
form which he carries. Or expressed differently

00:38:59.760 --> 00:39:02.880
elsewhere to the Corinthian believers, you are

00:39:02.880 --> 00:39:08.280
not your own. You were brought at a price. Let

00:39:08.280 --> 00:39:10.280
me ask myself aloud as one of the middle class

00:39:10.280 --> 00:39:14.000
within the Church of Jesus Christ, how does this

00:39:14.000 --> 00:39:18.980
alter, how should it alter profoundly my sense

00:39:18.980 --> 00:39:23.260
of I -ness? As a receiver of grace, to return

00:39:23.260 --> 00:39:26.760
to Acts 20 .35, I need to remember those other

00:39:26.760 --> 00:39:30.219
ordering words of Jesus, that it is more blessed

00:39:30.219 --> 00:39:33.869
to give than to receive. Contrary to our culture,

00:39:33.969 --> 00:39:37.349
consumption is not king. Acquisition is not ultimate

00:39:37.349 --> 00:39:42.869
concern. The needs of others come first. In closing,

00:39:42.969 --> 00:39:46.409
imagine our class systems like a gyroscope, needing

00:39:46.409 --> 00:39:50.570
a stable centre to keep spinning. Acts 20 .35

00:39:50.570 --> 00:39:55.070
suggests a different spinning centre, a gospel

00:39:55.070 --> 00:39:58.269
-supplied spinning centre of gravity for our

00:39:58.269 --> 00:40:03.349
rankings, our relationships. our exchanges. This

00:40:03.349 --> 00:40:06.349
is how perhaps in small only local ways our churches

00:40:06.349 --> 00:40:09.570
can be contrast societies in the midst of our

00:40:09.570 --> 00:40:13.469
communities. But this assessment by Jesus of

00:40:13.469 --> 00:40:17.590
what is human flourishing erupts in a different

00:40:17.590 --> 00:40:22.510
personhood, a new landscape for us all, a different

00:40:22.510 --> 00:40:26.610
marketplace, different circulations of capitals

00:40:26.610 --> 00:40:30.219
of whatever kind. Indeed, a widened sense of

00:40:30.219 --> 00:40:34.480
giving and gift, with altered patterns of relationship

00:40:34.480 --> 00:40:38.940
and exchange, transformed self -appraisal and

00:40:38.940 --> 00:40:43.260
a baptised appraisal of others. But how this

00:40:43.260 --> 00:40:45.719
plays through in life we're instructed to remember.

00:40:46.380 --> 00:40:49.019
That is to look back through the previous chapters

00:40:49.019 --> 00:40:51.760
of the narrative of Acts and Luke's Gospel in

00:40:51.760 --> 00:40:55.639
order to appraise what we must do. After all,

00:40:55.659 --> 00:40:58.900
isn't that the very first question? What must

00:40:58.900 --> 00:41:02.559
we do? The very first question when we hear the

00:41:02.559 --> 00:41:06.980
gospel that remains a path of discipleship. In

00:41:06.980 --> 00:41:09.219
light of this reworking of weak and strong, of

00:41:09.219 --> 00:41:11.900
rich and poor, what impact can and should this

00:41:11.900 --> 00:41:15.960
gospel and how it's lived out have in our lives

00:41:15.960 --> 00:41:19.800
together in a class -ridden society? To that

00:41:19.800 --> 00:41:24.179
end, the gift of this day still lies open to

00:41:24.179 --> 00:41:24.380
us.
