WEBVTT

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If I told you the United States government spent

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$700 billion to bail out Wall Street in the middle

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of a global financial meltdown and somehow walked

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away claiming they made a $15 billion profit.

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Wait, no, I'm not using dots. They walked away

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claiming they made a $15 billion profit. You

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would probably ask to see the receipts. Oh, absolutely.

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I mean, anyone looking at a claim like that should

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demand the receipts, especially given the sheer

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you know, scale of the 2008 crisis. When we start

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looking at the actual ledger from that period,

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the traditional math like basic profit and loss,

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it becomes incredibly distorted. Right. Well,

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welcome to the deep dive. Today we are taking

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you. curious learner sitting right here with

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us back to the absolute chaos of 2008. We have

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a massive stack of source material today. It's

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a comprehensive breakdown of the troubled asset

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relief program. Which most people probably just

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know as TARP. Exactly TARP and our mission today

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is to cut through all the impossibly dense financial

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jargon and frankly the endless partisan noise.

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We're going to uncover what really happened when

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the US government just wrote a massive check

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to save the economy. Yeah, because the official

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narrative presents a very clean conclusion, right?

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The government intervene, they stabilize the

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system, and eventually they turn a $15 .3 billion

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surplus. But as we comb through these sources,

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we find that the math behind that reported profit

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is... Well, it's a lot more complicated. It's

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arguably a complete illusion. It really is. It's

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far more complicated than just a simple ledger

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entry. Okay, let's unpack this. To understand

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how the government calculated its profits or

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losses, we first have to understand what it thought

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it was buying versus what it, you know, actually

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bought. Right, because the pivot in strategy

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right at the very beginning of this program is

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fundamental to literally everything that follows.

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Totally. So set the scene for us. Sure. So it's

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the fall of 2008. The Emergency Economic Stabilization

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Act, or ESA, is passed by Congress and signed

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into law by President George W. Bush. Right.

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And this legislation officially creates TARP,

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authorizing the Treasury to spend up to $700

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billion. And the initial pitch from the Treasury

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Department, led by Henry Paulson at the time,

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was highly specific, right? Like they wanted

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to purchase troubled assets. Yes. Primarily collateralized

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debt obligations or CDOs. These were tied to

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mortgages originated before March 14th, 2008.

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The infamous toxic assets. We always hear that

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term. Exactly. And to understand why they were

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considered toxic, you got to look at their mechanics.

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A CDO was essentially a massive bundle of thousands

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of individual mortgages, sliced up into different

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risk categories and sold to investors. As long

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as homeowners paid their mortgages, cash flowed.

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But when the housing bubble burst and widespread

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foreclosures began, that cash flow just stopped.

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And suddenly no one knew exactly which specific

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mortgages inside these massive bundles were actually

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failing. Right. Because they couldn't see inside

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the bundles, nobody could figure out what they

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were actually worth. So the market just completely

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freezes. Completely. The banks were holding billions

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of dollars in assets that they literally could

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not sell. So the Treasury's original plan was

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to act as the buyer of last resort. Because they

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figured. If the government steps in and buys

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these illiquid toxic assets, it clears the bank's

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balance sheets. That was a theory. They believed

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the panic had driven prices artificially low,

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that the assets were simply oversold. The idea

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was if the government absorbs them, trust returns,

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lending unfreezes, and eventually the government

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sells those assets back at a profit. Right. But

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then... Gordon Brown, the UK prime minister at

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the time, visits the White House for an international

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summit, and the entire US strategy just shifts

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practically overnight. Yeah, the UK was running

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a completely different playbook. Instead of trying

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to buy up untraceable toxic mortgages, the UK

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model focused on directly infusing capital into

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the banks themselves. Like buying preferred stock

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and offering debt guarantees. Exactly. And the

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U .S. Treasury takes one look at this and realizes

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their original plan of buying toxic assets is

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just going to take way too long. So they pivot.

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They pivot hard. They take the first 250 billion

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dollars of TARP funds and launch the capital

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purchase program. Which means, instead of buying

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the bad mortgages, the US government starts buying

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ownership stakes in a wide variety of banks.

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Like, okay, imagine telling your family you're

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taking out a loan to buy a reliable minivan because

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you need to get to work. But then you come home

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and you're like, good news, I didn't buy the

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minivan, I used the money to buy a 20 % ownership

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stake in the entire car dealership instead. That's

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a great way to put it. And what's fascinating

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here is how this pivot fundamentally changed

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the government's role. I mean, injecting capital

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directly into banks is a completely different

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mechanism than just buying assets. Yeah, it's

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the difference between bailing water out of a

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sinking ship and trying to rebuild the engine

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while you're at sea. Right. If you buy a toxic

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asset, you're taking one bad loan off the books.

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But if you inject capital directly into a bank's

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equity, you trigger a financial multiplier effect.

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For every dollar of capital a bank holds, it

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can theoretically leverage that to lend out $10.

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Wow. 10 to 1? Yeah. And that multiplier effect

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was the exact justification for the pivot. Banks

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literally did not trust each other enough to

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engage in basic overnight lending anymore. The

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system was gridlocked. So providing direct capital

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was mathematically the fastest way to force liquidity

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back into the system? Exactly. However, by taking

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preferred stock in return, the U .S. government

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moved toward a model that some economists viewed

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as effectively nationalizing portions of the

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private banking sector. Which is wild to think

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about. I mean, imagine being a taxpayer watching

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this unfold. Overnight, your tax dollars made

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you an involuntary investor in Wall Street. You're

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forced into this massive venture capital fund

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that you never even signed up for. Which brings

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up the most complex mechanical problem the Treasury

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faced pricing. Right, because if the government

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is suddenly acting as the world's largest venture

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capitalist, buying up assets and equity in a

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market that is flatlined, how do they figure

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out what to pay? Exactly. The Treasury initially

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wanted to use a reverse auction system to price

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the toxic assets. In a normal auction, buyers

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bid the price up. But... In a reverse option,

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the government says, we want to buy this specific

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class of asset. And the banks bid the price down.

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Right. Competing to offer the lowest acceptable

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price just to get the assets off their books.

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That was the intention to let competitive market

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forces find a price floor. But when we look at

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the actual transactions, especially the early

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asset purchases, the numbers suggest those market

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mechanisms failed entirely. Yeah, the congressional

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oversight panel, the COP. They did a detailed

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report on this, right? They did. They analyzed

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the transactions by comparing them to similar

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securities trading at the time. And the findings

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are shocking. They found that the Treasury paid

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$254 billion for assets that were valued at only

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about $176 billion. Right. That is a $78 billion

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shortfall right out of the gate. The sources

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give a very specific example, October 14, 2008.

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The Treasury purchases $25 billion of assets

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from Citigroup. But the actual value. Only 15

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.5 billion. A massive discrepancy. So what does

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this all mean? They intentionally overpaid by

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38 % in a single transaction. That doesn't look

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like strategic market pricing. That looks like

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a hidden handout. It's like paying full sticker

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price for a house that is currently on fire.

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It really highlights the immense contradictory

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pressures regulators were facing. They had a

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mandate to protect public funds, sure, but their

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overriding imperative was to prevent these massive

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institutions from triggering a global depression.

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And just to be clear, we are completely impartial

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on the politics of this, but the sources note

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that critics across the entire political spectrum,

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from the progressive left to the free market

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right, condemn this as blatant corporate welfare.

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Yeah, nobody liked it. No. Conversely, defenders

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argued that overpaying was a necessary, pragmatic

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evil to stabilize a system that was days away

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from total failure. And the EC legislation did

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try to balance this by mandating specific guardrails

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to protect the taxpayer. Right, like the equity

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warrants. Yes. Equity warrants are a crucial

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financial mechanism here. When the government

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injected capital into a bank, they required the

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bank to issue warrants. Which gave the Treasury

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the right to purchase non -voting shares of the

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bank's stock. at a set price in the future. Exactly.

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It's a way of capturing the upside. The government

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assumes all the risk, so if the bank recovers

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and its stock soars, the taxpayers get to exercise

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those warrants, buy the stock at the original

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low price, and sell for a profit. And by making

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them non -voting shares? The government avoids

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the massive conflict of interest of actually

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running a private bank. Right. Nobody wanted

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the government setting daily bank policy. They

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also tried to control optics with executive compensation

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limits. Companies taking TARP money faced a $500

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,000 cap on executive tax deductions. And they

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banned new golden parachutes, those massive severance

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packages executives get when they leave. Yes.

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And they instituted clawback provisions. If an

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executive got a massive bonus based on data that

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later turned out to be inaccurate or fraudulent,

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the government could legally force them to return

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the money. Plus the recoupment provision. Right.

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The law stated that if TARP didn't make its money

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back within five years, the president had to

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submit a plan to Congress to recoup the losses

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directly from the financial industry. So they

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wouldn't just add it to the national debt. OK.

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So the rules are set. The oversight is on paper

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and the Treasury starts wiring billions of dollars.

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But. Who actually got the money and did they

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play by those rules? Well, the scale is staggering.

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Total disbursed was $431 billion. Wow. The top

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recipients were the Titans, Citigroup got $45

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billion, Bank of America got $45 billion, AIG,

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the massive insurance conglomerate, got $67 .8

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billion. And it wasn't just banks. Automakers

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like GM and Chrysler got $79 .7 billion. Exactly.

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To prevent the collapse of domestic manufacturing.

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But the stated goal of injecting all this capital

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was to unfreeze credit, right? So average consumers

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could buy homes, small businesses could make

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payroll, but journalists trapped where the funds

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went, and the narrative completely falls apart.

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It really does. The New York Times did a comprehensive

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review of investor presentations and internal

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calls. They found that very few banks actually

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cited new consumer lending as a priority for

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their part funds. So what did they do with it?

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They viewed it as a no strings attached windfall.

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Many used the money to pay down their own internal

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debt or far more controversially to acquire other

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businesses. Here's where it gets really interesting

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because the loopholes were just massive. Let's

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look at PNC Financial Services. On October 24,

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2008, PNC gets $7 .7 billion in TARP funds. Literally

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hours later, they announced they're using $5

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.58 billion to acquire their rival national city.

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A bargain acquisition, essentially bankrolled

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by the federal government. I mean, we gave them

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money to unfreeze credit for average people and

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they used it to go shopping for other banks.

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It's like giving your kid lunch money and they

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use it to buy out the school cafeteria. How was

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this allowed? This raises an important question

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about the sheer impossibility of oversight during

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a cascading crisis. The regulatory bodies were

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just entirely overwhelmed. Yeah, Eric Thorson,

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the inspector general of the Treasury, he explicitly

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testified that the oversight of TARP was a mess

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due to his massive workload. Right. The volume

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of transactions was so huge that Congress had

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to establish a whole new entity, 6TARP, the Special

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Inspector General for TARP, just to track the

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money. And what about those executive compensation

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caps? Did those actually work? Not really. The

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financial industry quickly found ways around

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them. Compensation experts called the caps a

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joke. A joke. Yeah, because instead of eliminating

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the massive packages, which were nearly $1 .6

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billion in 2007, before the limits company simply

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deferred the pay, they restructured contracts

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to pay out millions once the banks officially

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exited the TARP program. Unbelievable. Just entirely

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subverting the intention of the limits. Exactly.

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And moving beyond the loopholes, the sources

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detailed deep systemic issues with how the Treasury

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decided who even got the money. They used secret

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camels ratings. Camels. What does that stand

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for again? It's an acronym for a supervisory

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rating system. Capital adequacy, asset quality,

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management capability, earnings, liquidity, and

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sensitivity to market risk. Regulators use it

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to give a bank a secret score from one to five.

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One is pristine, five is imminent failure. and

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they used these secret ratings to quietly pick

00:12:42.720 --> 00:12:45.919
winners and losers, hand -picking the survivors

00:12:45.919 --> 00:12:48.720
and forcing a massive consolidation of the banking

00:12:48.720 --> 00:12:51.279
industry. And the bias went beyond just the size

00:12:51.279 --> 00:12:53.899
of the banks. Academic studies showed significant

00:12:53.899 --> 00:12:56.460
political disparities. Banks headquartered in

00:12:56.460 --> 00:12:58.759
the districts of key members of Congress were

00:12:58.759 --> 00:13:01.379
notably more likely to get TARP funding. Oh,

00:13:01.379 --> 00:13:03.440
of course they were. And the demographic bias

00:13:03.440 --> 00:13:05.820
is even worse. It is. The sources cite a study

00:13:05.820 --> 00:13:07.820
on the Community Development Capital Initiative,

00:13:08.259 --> 00:13:11.019
a TARP sub program specifically meant for disadvantaged

00:13:11.019 --> 00:13:13.220
communities. And the data show that white -owned

00:13:13.220 --> 00:13:15.659
banks were 10 times more likely to receive TARP

00:13:15.659 --> 00:13:18.320
funds than black -owned banks. Even after controlling

00:13:18.320 --> 00:13:21.000
for other financial variables. 10 times. That's

00:13:21.000 --> 00:13:23.320
just wow. Yeah. And inevitably, whenever you

00:13:23.320 --> 00:13:25.659
deploy hundreds of billions of dollars this rapidly

00:13:25.659 --> 00:13:28.960
with overwhelmed oversight, you get fraud. Right.

00:13:28.980 --> 00:13:31.519
SIDGETARP to the rescue. Exactly. Neil Borowski

00:13:31.519 --> 00:13:33.679
took over SIDGETARP and repeatedly warned that

00:13:33.679 --> 00:13:35.940
the program was highly vulnerable to money laundering

00:13:35.940 --> 00:13:40.100
and collusion. They investigated over 150 cases

00:13:40.100 --> 00:13:42.379
of fraud. Resulting in 28 criminal convictions,

00:13:42.440 --> 00:13:46.779
right? Yeah. And they recovered over 151 million

00:13:46.779 --> 00:13:50.360
dollars. Like Charles Antonucci, the former president

00:13:50.360 --> 00:13:53.240
of Park Avenue Bank, who was convicted for trying

00:13:53.240 --> 00:13:56.379
to fraudulently secure 11 million in TARP funds.

00:13:56.860 --> 00:14:00.200
Yep. And even the legal documented mechanisms

00:14:00.200 --> 00:14:03.220
faced intense pushback. Remember those equity

00:14:03.220 --> 00:14:05.639
warrants? The thing designed to let taxpayers

00:14:05.639 --> 00:14:07.860
share in the profits. Yeah, the upside. The banking

00:14:07.860 --> 00:14:10.259
industry launched a massive lobbying campaign

00:14:10.259 --> 00:14:12.940
to cancel them. The American Bankers Association

00:14:12.940 --> 00:14:15.600
formally petitioned Congress calling the warrants

00:14:15.600 --> 00:14:18.580
an onerous exit fee. That is genuinely astonishing.

00:14:18.740 --> 00:14:21.399
They are saved from total ruin by public funds

00:14:21.399 --> 00:14:24.350
and their immediate response is to lobby Congress

00:14:24.350 --> 00:14:26.210
so they don't have to share the recovery profits

00:14:26.210 --> 00:14:28.450
with the very public that saved them. And canceling

00:14:28.450 --> 00:14:30.090
those warrants would have subsidized the banks

00:14:30.090 --> 00:14:33.250
by billions. For Goldman Sachs alone, independent

00:14:33.250 --> 00:14:35.350
estimates suggested canceling their warrants

00:14:35.350 --> 00:14:37.870
would have cost taxpayers between $5 and $24

00:14:37.870 --> 00:14:40.730
billion in lost returns. But Goldman Sachs actually

00:14:40.730 --> 00:14:42.750
disagreed with the Bankers Association on this,

00:14:42.830 --> 00:14:45.289
didn't they? They did. Ironically, Goldman publicly

00:14:45.289 --> 00:14:47.629
stated that taxpayers had assumed the risk and

00:14:47.629 --> 00:14:50.330
deserved a decent return. Well, ultimately, the

00:14:50.330 --> 00:14:53.100
warrants weren't canceled. So after all the bailouts,

00:14:53.240 --> 00:14:55.899
the buyouts, the deferred compensation, the fraud,

00:14:56.419 --> 00:14:59.919
the lobbying, we have to look at the final receipt.

00:15:00.220 --> 00:15:02.799
Did the taxpayer actually make money? So the

00:15:02.799 --> 00:15:06.139
program effectively ended in December 2014 when

00:15:06.139 --> 00:15:08.620
the Treasury sold its final holdings in Ally

00:15:08.620 --> 00:15:11.500
Financial. OK, what's the official math? Officially,

00:15:11.539 --> 00:15:14.519
the U .S. government booked a $15 .3 billion

00:15:14.519 --> 00:15:19.120
surplus. They earned $441 .7 billion on the $426

00:15:19.120 --> 00:15:22.230
.4 billion invested. OK, but. The government

00:15:22.230 --> 00:15:24.649
didn't just have $400 billion sitting in a checking

00:15:24.649 --> 00:15:27.269
account in 2008. They had to borrow that money

00:15:27.269 --> 00:15:29.330
to fund the bailouts. Right, deficit spending.

00:15:29.610 --> 00:15:31.830
So wait, so if we account for the interest on

00:15:31.830 --> 00:15:34.190
the national credit card used to fund this, that

00:15:34.190 --> 00:15:36.389
$15 billion profit is essentially an accounting

00:15:36.389 --> 00:15:38.590
illusion, right? If we connect this to the bigger

00:15:38.590 --> 00:15:41.850
picture, the profit entirely banishes. During

00:15:41.850 --> 00:15:43.629
the height of the program, the interest rate

00:15:43.629 --> 00:15:46.330
on U .S. government debt was between 2 % and

00:15:46.330 --> 00:15:50.039
4%. Meaning, just to service the debt, to pay

00:15:50.039 --> 00:15:52.659
the interest on the borrowed TARP money was costing

00:15:52.659 --> 00:15:55.899
the government $8 to $16 billion a year. Every

00:15:55.899 --> 00:15:58.120
single year. So when you compound that over the

00:15:58.120 --> 00:16:00.639
multi -year life of the program, the cost to

00:16:00.639 --> 00:16:03.559
carry the debt rapidly overtakes that $15 .3

00:16:03.559 --> 00:16:06.519
billion surplus. The true economic cost goes

00:16:06.519 --> 00:16:09.480
way beyond the isolated TARP ledger. Exactly.

00:16:09.740 --> 00:16:12.820
The sources cite a 2019 study by economist Deborah

00:16:12.820 --> 00:16:16.519
Lucas. She calculated the actual holistic direct

00:16:16.519 --> 00:16:19.600
costs of the 2008 crisis -related bailouts, TARP,

00:16:19.639 --> 00:16:21.960
plus other programs. And what did she find? The

00:16:21.960 --> 00:16:24.899
total direct cost was about $500 billion, or

00:16:24.899 --> 00:16:29.820
3 .5 % of GDP. 3 .5 % of the entire US GDP, which

00:16:29.820 --> 00:16:31.700
completely shatters the popular claim that there

00:16:31.700 --> 00:16:34.029
was no cost because the money was repaid. It

00:16:34.029 --> 00:16:36.850
sharply contrasts with that narrative, yes. And

00:16:36.850 --> 00:16:39.090
her study uncovered something even more revealing

00:16:39.090 --> 00:16:42.629
about who actually profited. The largest direct

00:16:42.629 --> 00:16:44.649
beneficiaries weren't struggling homeowners.

00:16:45.210 --> 00:16:47.809
They were the unsecured creditors of the massive

00:16:47.809 --> 00:16:50.429
financial institutions. Unsecured creditors.

00:16:51.070 --> 00:16:54.210
So people or institutions who lend money to a

00:16:54.210 --> 00:16:57.549
bank without requiring specific collateral, accepting

00:16:57.549 --> 00:17:00.330
a higher risk for a higher return. In a normal

00:17:00.330 --> 00:17:02.649
system, if a bank fails, they lose their money.

00:17:02.720 --> 00:17:04.839
Right, they willingly accepted the risk. But

00:17:04.839 --> 00:17:08.019
because TARP prevented the failures, those unsecured

00:17:08.019 --> 00:17:11.200
creditors were made whole. The intervention essentially

00:17:11.200 --> 00:17:13.500
transferred their private investment risk directly

00:17:13.500 --> 00:17:15.440
onto the balance sheet of the public taxpayer.

00:17:16.039 --> 00:17:19.670
And comparing that 3 .5 % of GDP cost... The

00:17:19.670 --> 00:17:21.809
savings and loan crisis of the 1980s cost about

00:17:21.809 --> 00:17:24.329
3 .2 percent, right? Yes. So the costs were astronomical,

00:17:24.569 --> 00:17:26.630
the loopholes were glaring, and the transfer

00:17:26.630 --> 00:17:29.130
of risk was unprecedented. But did it work? Well,

00:17:29.150 --> 00:17:32.349
despite the costs and controversies, a 2012 University

00:17:32.349 --> 00:17:34.750
of Chicago Booth School survey found that economists

00:17:34.750 --> 00:17:36.529
generally agreed unemployment would have been

00:17:36.529 --> 00:17:38.769
significantly higher without the program. So

00:17:38.769 --> 00:17:41.190
it's the ultimate bitter pill. The intervention

00:17:41.190 --> 00:17:43.289
successfully saved the patient from dying on

00:17:43.289 --> 00:17:45.630
the table, but the side effects were permanent,

00:17:45.990 --> 00:17:49.420
costly, and deeply controversial. That's a very

00:17:49.420 --> 00:17:52.779
accurate summary. It was a messy, flawed, and

00:17:52.779 --> 00:17:55.660
incredibly complex maneuver that changed the

00:17:55.660 --> 00:17:57.720
relationship between the US government and the

00:17:57.720 --> 00:18:00.980
financial sector forever. It really did. It proved

00:18:00.980 --> 00:18:03.920
that in a true systemic crisis, the government

00:18:03.920 --> 00:18:06.660
can instantly transform into the largest venture

00:18:06.660 --> 00:18:09.750
capitalist in the world. As we wrap up this deep

00:18:09.750 --> 00:18:12.250
dive, we want to leave you with a final thought

00:18:12.250 --> 00:18:15.769
to mull over. Absolutely. If we ever face another

00:18:15.769 --> 00:18:19.109
global economic collapse, who decides which industries

00:18:19.109 --> 00:18:21.529
are too big to fail next time? And knowing what

00:18:21.529 --> 00:18:23.329
we know now, knowing how the true math actually

00:18:23.329 --> 00:18:25.769
works, will the public demand an even bigger

00:18:25.769 --> 00:18:28.049
piece of the pie? It's the defining economic

00:18:28.049 --> 00:18:30.190
question of our era. Thank you for joining us

00:18:30.190 --> 00:18:31.990
on this deep dive. We'll catch you next time.
