WEBVTT

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In 2008, the United States government authorized

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a staggering $700 billion to basically buy up

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toxic, completely worthless mortgages. Right.

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The pitch to the public was actually pretty simple.

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Like, just clean up the neighborhood's financial

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trash so we can save the global economy. Yeah.

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But almost overnight, the government took all

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that money, completely abandoned that original

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plan, and used it to quietly become the largest

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equity partner in the history of private banking.

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It's pretty wild. And welcome to this deep dive.

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Today we're pointing a massive spotlight at the

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Troubled Asset Release Program, which is universally

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known as TARP. We really have a mountain of source

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material to unpack today. It's anchored by this

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really comprehensive Wikipedia article that breaks

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down TARP's origins, the underlying mechanics,

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and its highly debated aftermath. Exactly. And

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our mission today is to uncover the reality behind

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that massive $700 billion headline. Because we

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want to explore how a program that was designed

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to buy bad assets just radically changed course

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and how regulators ended up picking winners and

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losers. Right. And we're going to look into whether

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the official claim that TARP like made a profit

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for you, the taxpayer, actually holds up to scrutiny.

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So, think back to your own memory of the 2008

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panic. Whether you're trying to understand the

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roots of modern government interventions or you

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just want to know where hundreds of billions

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of your tax dollars actually went, this deep

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dive is going to give you that definitive, aha,

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perspective on crisis economics. But before we

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get into the weeds, we definitely need to set

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some ground rules. Oh, absolutely. Because the

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historical texts and the financial records we're

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analyzing today, well, they contain some very

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charged realities. Yeah, I mean we're talking

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about massive government bailouts, executive

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compensation, and the allocation of just unprecedented

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amounts of taxpayer wealth. Right, so to you

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listening... We really need to explicitly state

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that we are not taking any political sides today.

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Not at all. We are not endorsing the viewpoints

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of the original sources and we're not here to

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play Monday morning quarterback for either side

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of the political aisle. No, we are strictly here

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to impartially unpack the historical and factual

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mechanics of TARP exactly as they are documented

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in our source material. So let's set the stage.

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The year is 2008. The Emergency Economic Stabilization

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Act is signed into law by President George W.

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Bush. And the initial authorization is that massive

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$700 billion, though... It's worth noting it

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was later reduced to $475 billion by the Dodd

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-Frank Act. Right. And the original blueprint

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for TARP was for the Treasury to operate what

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they called a revolving purchase facility. Which

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basically meant they were targeting illiquid,

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really difficult to value, troubled assets. Mostly

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residential and commercial mortgages, right?

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Yeah. And the complex collateralized debt obligations,

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or CDOs, that were built on top of them. But

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crucially, these assets had to be originated

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on or before March Because that was the day Bear

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Stearns collapsed. Exactly. But, you know, let's

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actually break down what a CDO is because I think

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understanding the asset is key to understanding

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the whole panic. Oh, for sure. Think of a CDO

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like a financial smoothie. OK, a smoothie. Yeah.

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So for years, banks had been taking a few prime

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healthy mortgages, which we can call the strawberries,

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and blending them with thousands of highly risky

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subprime mortgages. Which is basically the dirt.

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Right, the dirt. all together, got the reading

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agencies to slap a AAA label on it, and sold

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the whole glass to global investors as this premium

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health drink. But when the housing market started

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to crack, everybody suddenly realized they were

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well, drinking dirt. Yeah. And the real problem

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was nobody knew the exact ratio of dirt to fruit

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in any given glass. Oh, wow. So no one knew what

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they were actually holding? Exactly. And that

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uncertainty caused the interbank lending market

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to just completely freeze up. Because banks rely

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on making those short -term overnight loans to

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each other just to, you know, meet basic reserve

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requirements and keep the financial plumbing

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working. Right. But Bank A wouldn't lend to Bank

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B because Bank A suspected Bank B's vault was

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just full of toxic smoothies. That makes sense.

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So the goal of TARP wasn't just to buy bad paper.

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It was to remove the uncertainty so banks would

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actually trust each other enough to start lending

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again. Yeah. The government's hypothesis was

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that these assets were vastly oversold. The panic

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had driven the prices down to rock bottom, reflecting

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this massive default rate that hadn't really

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materialized yet. So the Treasury decides to

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set up a mechanism to buy them. I kind of look

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at this original plan, like the government deciding

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to open a massive thrift store for terrible financial

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decisions. The thrift store, yeah. They announced

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to the banks, bring us your trash and we will

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buy it. But, you know, if you buy up all the

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trash in the neighborhood at a discount, does

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it actually make the neighborhood function again

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or just encourage people to throw out more trash?

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That's the big question. And they planned to

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use a very specific mechanism to do this buying,

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which was a reverse auction. Wait, how does a

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reverse auction? Well, in a standard option,

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you have one seller and many buyers who bid the

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price up, right? Right. In a reverse auction,

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the government is the single buyer with a giant

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pot of money, and the sellers, in this case,

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the banks, compete by bidding the price down.

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Oh, I see. So the Treasury would basically say,

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hey, we have $50 billion to buy CDOs. Submit

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your offers. The bank willing to take the biggest

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loss. you know, to sell their assets for the

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cheapest price wins the government cash. The

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theory being that this would help discover a

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true market price for assets that literally no

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one else wanted. Exactly. It cleans up the balance

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sheets and eventually the government could theoretically

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sell them later at a profit when prices recovered.

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But. there is a massive flaw in that plan, right?

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Which is why it completely fell apart. A huge

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flaw. Because if a bank wins that reverse auction

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and sells a toxic CDO to the government for,

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let's say, 30 cents on the dollar, accounting

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rules step in. Right, specifically mark -to -market

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accounting. Yeah. That rule might force that

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bank to then revalue all the other similar CDOs

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sitting in its vault at that new official 30

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cent price tag. And that is the exact mechanism

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that doomed the reverse auction. Recognizing

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those massive unrealized losses all at once would

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wipe out a bank's capital reserves instantly.

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It would literally trigger the exact insolvency

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the government was trying to prevent. Exactly.

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The banks simply couldn't afford to sell at the

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true market clearing price. It was a cash 22.

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Which brings us to one of the most dramatic pivots

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in modern economic history. Yeah, the thrift

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store concept was totally scrapped. The reverse

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auction was just thrown out the window. And the

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catalyst for this abrupt shift actually came

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from across the Atlantic. Right. The UK prime

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minister, Gordon Brown, visited the White House

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for an international summit and he brought a

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completely different blueprint. Because the UK

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wasn't bothering with the impossible math of

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pricing toxic mortgages. No, they weren't. Their

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approach to mitigating the credit squeeze was

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a three part plan. Funding. debt guarantees,

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and crucially, infusing capital directly into

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the banks. Direct cash injections. Yep. The U

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.S. Treasury looked at this, realized their whole

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auction plan was way too slow and complicated,

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and rapidly pivoted to what became known as the

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capital purchase program. So they took the first

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$250 billion of TARP funds and used it to buy

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stakes in hundreds of U .S. banks. They did this

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by purchasing preferred stock. And this is a

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really crucial detail. OK, why preferred stock?

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Well, preferred stock is a unique financial instrument.

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It sits right below debt and above common equity

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in a company's capital structure. Right. So for

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the banks, issuing preferred stock to the government

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was kind of a magic bullet. It instantly boosted

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their tier one capital, which is the core measure

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of a bank's financial strength. And it did that

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without forcing them to value their toxic assets.

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Exactly. And without diluting the voting rights

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of the bank's existing leadership. That is wild.

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I mean, it's an incredibly pragmatic solution

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to a math problem, but it fundamentally transformed

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the U .S. government's role in the economy. It

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really did. I mean, think about the irony here.

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How does the US, which is the global poster child

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for free market capitalism, end up copying a

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European model that essentially borders on nationalizing

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the banking sector? It's a massive shift. But

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it was just the pragmatic reality of a crisis.

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Direct capital injections boosted solvency so

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much faster than valuing toxic mortgages ever

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could. But it changed the government overnight

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from being a buyer of distressed assets to being

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the largest equity partner in private enterprise.

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The scale of these capital injections was just

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staggering. Like Citigroup and Bank of America

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each received $45 billion. Wow. $45 billion each.

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Each. But the scope quickly expanded way beyond

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traditional banking. The Treasury injected $79

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.7 billion into automakers. Specifically General

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Motors and Chrysler, right? Yeah. And another

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$67 .8 billion went to the insurance giant, AIG.

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OK, hold on. Why are car companies and an insurance

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firm getting money from a program that was explicitly

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designed to relieve troubled mortgages? One word,

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contagion. Contagion. Yeah. AIG wasn't just selling

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regular life insurance. Their financial products

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division was selling credit default swaps. Ah,

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great. And a credit default swap is essentially

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an insurance policy on those toxic CDOs we talked

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about earlier. So Wall Street was buying these

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policies by the billions. Exactly. So when the

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housing market collapsed, AIG suddenly owed billions

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of dollars in payouts to banks all over the world.

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And if AIG goes bankrupt? Then the banks holding

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those policies don't get paid, and the entire

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global financial system collapses like a row

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of dominoes. Wow. So the government injected

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that $67 .8 billion into AIG specifically to

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funnel that money straight through them to the

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banks just to stop the chain reaction. That is

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incredible. And I guess the automakers were similarly

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intertwined. Yeah, their massive finance arms

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and sprawling supply chains were just deeply

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embedded in those frozen credit markets. But,

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you know, with limited funds and the entire economy

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teetering, regulators had to make hard choices

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about who actually got a lifeline. I mean, they

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couldn't save everyone. No, they couldn't. So

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to decide who would get the money and survive,

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regulators relied on a confidential rating system

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known as Camels. Camels. Like the animal. Yeah,

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spelled exactly like the animal. It stands for

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capital adequacy, assets, management capability,

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earnings, liquidity, and sensitivity to market

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risk. Got it. Regulators use this system to secretly

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classify the nation's 8 ,500 banks on a scale

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of one to five. So a ranking of one meant a bank

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was fundamentally sound and a prime candidate

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for government capital. Right. And a ranking

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of five meant they were weak, highly vulnerable

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and honestly likely to be left to fail. So the

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government was actively deciding which institutions

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would live or die. They were performing financial

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triage. Exactly. They weren't bailing out the

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weakest links. They were heavily fortifying the

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survivors. They looked at who had been profitable,

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who had management that could weather the storm,

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and they concentrated the capital right there.

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But stepping in as an equity partner with hundreds

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of billions of taxpayer dollars means you have

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to protect the taxpayer. Yeah, you would hope

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so. So the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act

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did come with strings attached. If a bank took

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TARP money, they were forced to issue equity

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warrants to the Treasury. And a warrant is basically

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a security that gives the holder the right to

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purchase shares of a company at a specific, fixed

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price in the future. Exactly. It is pure upside

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protection. So if a bank uses taxpayer money

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to survive... And its stock price eventually

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skyrockets to, say, $50 a share. But the government

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holds a warrant to buy it at $10. The taxpayer

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gets to capture that massive $40 profit spread.

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Yep. And alongside those warrants, Congress imposed

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strict limits on executive compensation for the

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top earners at institutions taking significant

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TARP funds. They capped the annual corporate

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tax deduction for executive pay at $500 ,000,

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didn't they? Yes. And they mandated clawbacks,

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meaning if a bonus was paid out based on financial

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data that later proved to be false, the executive

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actually had to return the money. Oh, that's

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interesting. And they strictly prohibited golden

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parachutes, you know, those multimillion dollar

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exit packages executives normally receive when

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they get fired or resign. So on paper, this sounds

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like a highly disciplined rescue package. You've

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got upside for the taxpayer, pay caps for the

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executives. And the stated overarching goal was

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to unfreeze the credit markets so banks would

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start lending to consumers and small businesses

00:12:48.529 --> 00:12:51.169
again. Right. That was the macro goal, saving

00:12:51.169 --> 00:12:53.330
the system and getting money flowing to the public.

00:12:53.470 --> 00:12:55.409
But the historical record shows a completely

00:12:55.409 --> 00:12:57.730
different reality on the ground. Oh, totally.

00:12:57.950 --> 00:12:59.970
If you look at a review conducted by the New

00:12:59.970 --> 00:13:02.590
York Times of investor presentations and conference

00:13:02.590 --> 00:13:05.789
calls from that exact period, you find that very

00:13:05.789 --> 00:13:08.429
few bank executives actually cited consumer lending

00:13:08.429 --> 00:13:11.789
as a priority for their TARP funds. Really? So

00:13:11.789 --> 00:13:14.809
what did they view the money as? An overwhelming

00:13:14.809 --> 00:13:16.929
majority of them viewed the capital injection

00:13:16.929 --> 00:13:19.990
as basically a no strings attached windfall.

00:13:20.129 --> 00:13:23.809
Wow. They openly told their investors they plan

00:13:23.809 --> 00:13:26.049
to use the money to pay down their own internal

00:13:26.049 --> 00:13:29.769
debt. build up a war chest for the future, or,

00:13:30.029 --> 00:13:32.830
and this is the most controversial part, acquire

00:13:32.830 --> 00:13:34.710
their struggling competitors. It's like giving

00:13:34.710 --> 00:13:37.490
your teenager emergency cash to put gas in their

00:13:37.490 --> 00:13:39.409
car so they can get to work and be responsible.

00:13:39.529 --> 00:13:41.870
Right. And instead, they take your money, walk

00:13:41.870 --> 00:13:44.509
down the street, and use it to execute a hostile

00:13:44.509 --> 00:13:47.409
takeover of their rival's lemonade stand. That

00:13:47.409 --> 00:13:49.990
is a perfect analogy. The government's incredibly

00:13:49.990 --> 00:13:52.289
loose definition of what constituted a healthy

00:13:52.289 --> 00:13:56.159
institution practically set the stage for a massive

00:13:56.159 --> 00:13:58.960
wave of industry consolidation. So by handing

00:13:58.960 --> 00:14:01.639
billions in tier one capital to the strongest

00:14:01.639 --> 00:14:05.159
banks, regulators handed them the exact ammunition

00:14:05.159 --> 00:14:08.220
they needed to buy up the week. Exactly. And

00:14:08.220 --> 00:14:11.340
PNC Financial Services is the absolute textbook

00:14:11.340 --> 00:14:13.799
example of exploiting this loophole. What did

00:14:13.799 --> 00:14:18.039
PNC do? Well, on October 24, 2008, PNC received

00:14:18.039 --> 00:14:22.159
$7 .7 billion in TARP funds. Okay. Literally

00:14:22.159 --> 00:14:24.919
hours after the funds were approved, PNC announced

00:14:24.919 --> 00:14:27.519
an agreement to buy their struggling, longtime

00:14:27.519 --> 00:14:31.240
regional rival, National City Corps, for $5 .58

00:14:31.240 --> 00:14:34.200
billion. Wait, literally hours later. Hours.

00:14:34.570 --> 00:14:37.210
So they used a taxpayer lifeline as a private

00:14:37.210 --> 00:14:39.629
equity slush fund for a strategic acquisition.

00:14:39.909 --> 00:14:41.730
They absolutely did. And the friction between

00:14:41.730 --> 00:14:43.750
Wall Street and Washington didn't stop at how

00:14:43.750 --> 00:14:46.149
the money was spent, did it? It extended to how

00:14:46.149 --> 00:14:48.309
the banks fought the rules after the panic subsided.

00:14:48.490 --> 00:14:51.090
Oh yeah, specifically regarding those equity

00:14:51.090 --> 00:14:53.470
warrants designed to protect the taxpayer. Right,

00:14:53.509 --> 00:14:55.330
because once the financial system stabilized,

00:14:55.789 --> 00:14:57.769
the American Bankers Association aggressively

00:14:57.769 --> 00:15:00.049
lobbied Congress to cancel the warrants entirely.

00:15:00.350 --> 00:15:02.830
Yeah, the industry actually argued that the warrants

00:15:02.830 --> 00:15:05.350
were an onerous exit fee that punished banks

00:15:05.350 --> 00:15:07.409
for participating in a program the government

00:15:07.409 --> 00:15:10.210
had begged them to join. An onerous exit fee.

00:15:10.250 --> 00:15:12.409
It was the primary condition of the rescue. I

00:15:12.409 --> 00:15:14.429
mean, no. And the sheer scale of what they were

00:15:14.429 --> 00:15:16.850
asking for is just mind blowing. The sources

00:15:16.850 --> 00:15:19.470
note that for Goldman Sachs alone, if Congress

00:15:19.470 --> 00:15:21.710
had caved and canceled their warrants, it would

00:15:21.710 --> 00:15:24.629
have amounted to a direct taxpayer subsidy of

00:15:24.629 --> 00:15:27.570
anywhere between five billion and twenty four

00:15:27.570 --> 00:15:31.460
billion dollars. Just for one. That's insane.

00:15:31.860 --> 00:15:34.500
Now to their credit, Goldman Sachs' own leadership

00:15:34.500 --> 00:15:37.179
at the time did publicly state they believe taxpayers

00:15:37.179 --> 00:15:39.759
should expect a decent return on their investment.

00:15:39.879 --> 00:15:43.320
Sure. But the broader industry -wide lobbying

00:15:43.320 --> 00:15:46.179
effort to quietly erase the taxpayers' upside

00:15:46.600 --> 00:15:49.480
was intense and it was highly organized. You

00:15:49.480 --> 00:15:51.480
know, with hundreds of billions of dollars moving

00:15:51.480 --> 00:15:54.200
this quickly, with rules being rewritten literally

00:15:54.200 --> 00:15:57.019
overnight, and banks using rescue funds for mergers,

00:15:57.480 --> 00:15:59.740
we have to look at the criminal element. Oh,

00:15:59.740 --> 00:16:01.639
inevitably. Did anyone try to flat out steal

00:16:01.639 --> 00:16:04.240
from TARP? Oh, absolutely. I mean, unprecedented

00:16:04.240 --> 00:16:07.580
government spending always creates a shadow economy

00:16:07.580 --> 00:16:10.940
of opportunists. Right. So to police the bailout,

00:16:11.340 --> 00:16:13.990
Congress established SIGTARP. which is the Special

00:16:13.990 --> 00:16:16.149
Inspector General for the Troubled Asset Relief

00:16:16.149 --> 00:16:18.289
Program. And what was their mandate? Their mandate

00:16:18.289 --> 00:16:21.309
was to aggressively hunt down fraud, waste and

00:16:21.309 --> 00:16:24.590
abuse. And they found plenty of it. It eventually

00:16:24.590 --> 00:16:28.149
led to over 150 ongoing criminal and civil investigations

00:16:28.149 --> 00:16:32.210
that resulted in 28 criminal convictions. The

00:16:32.210 --> 00:16:34.990
very first TARP fraud case brought by the SEC

00:16:34.990 --> 00:16:37.429
in 2009 was against a financial planner named

00:16:37.429 --> 00:16:40.289
Gordon Grigg, right? Yeah, Gordon Grigg. He orchestrated

00:16:40.289 --> 00:16:42.909
a Ponzi scheme, tricking investors by claiming

00:16:42.909 --> 00:16:45.769
he had access to guaranteed government -backed

00:16:45.769 --> 00:16:48.529
TARP securities, which of course did not exist.

00:16:48.590 --> 00:16:51.129
Did not exist at all. But a more systemic example

00:16:51.129 --> 00:16:53.529
is Charles Antonucci. Who was he? He was the

00:16:53.529 --> 00:16:55.529
former president of the Park Avenue Bank in New

00:16:55.529 --> 00:16:58.639
York. And Tanushi tried to secure $11 million

00:16:58.639 --> 00:17:01.840
in TARP funds, but his bank didn't actually meet

00:17:01.840 --> 00:17:04.619
the capital requirements to qualify. Ah, so what

00:17:04.619 --> 00:17:07.940
did he do? He executed this really complex fraud.

00:17:08.559 --> 00:17:11.200
He invested his own money into his bank to make

00:17:11.200 --> 00:17:13.920
its capital position look stronger to regulators.

00:17:14.039 --> 00:17:16.420
OK. But he didn't actually use his own money.

00:17:16.740 --> 00:17:19.380
He used the bank's own funds, round -tripped

00:17:19.380 --> 00:17:21.759
them through another entity he controlled to

00:17:21.759 --> 00:17:23.559
create the illusion of a personal investment.

00:17:23.720 --> 00:17:26.400
Wow, that is brazen. Yeah, he was caught making

00:17:26.400 --> 00:17:29.119
false statements to regulators and the FBI brought

00:17:29.119 --> 00:17:31.779
him down. But, you know, the millions lost to

00:17:31.779 --> 00:17:34.259
individual fraudsters like Grig and Antonucci

00:17:34.259 --> 00:17:37.559
kind of pale in comparison to the billions at

00:17:37.559 --> 00:17:39.640
the center of the official accounting debate.

00:17:39.839 --> 00:17:41.759
This is where it gets really interesting. Because

00:17:41.759 --> 00:17:44.660
officially, the TARP program wound down on December

00:17:44.660 --> 00:17:47.440
19th, 2014, when the U .S. Treasury sold off

00:17:47.440 --> 00:17:49.940
its final shares of Ally Financial, which was

00:17:49.940 --> 00:17:52.250
formerly GMA. Right. And when the books were

00:17:52.250 --> 00:17:53.970
finally closed, the U .S. government reported

00:17:53.970 --> 00:17:58.509
a $15 .3 billion surplus. A surplus? Yeah. Through

00:17:58.509 --> 00:18:01.009
dividends, interest, and the sale of those equity

00:18:01.009 --> 00:18:04.029
warrants, the Treasury reported earning $441

00:18:04.029 --> 00:18:07.869
.7 billion on the $426 .4 billion they actually

00:18:07.869 --> 00:18:10.009
dispersed. OK, hold on. We really have to push

00:18:10.009 --> 00:18:11.950
back hard on the hidden mechanics of that math.

00:18:12.210 --> 00:18:15.430
Let's do it. How can the Treasury declare a $15

00:18:15.430 --> 00:18:18.599
billion profit? when the entire TARP program

00:18:18.599 --> 00:18:21.099
was funded by deficit spending. I mean, the government

00:18:21.099 --> 00:18:24.420
literally had to put $426 billion on the National

00:18:24.420 --> 00:18:27.480
Credit Card just to lend it to the banks. And

00:18:27.480 --> 00:18:29.839
this is exactly the crux of the legacy debate.

00:18:30.180 --> 00:18:32.359
You have to separate a strict cash flow accounting

00:18:32.359 --> 00:18:36.059
metric from the true macroeconomic cost. The

00:18:36.059 --> 00:18:39.940
$15 .3 billion surplus is simply cash in minus

00:18:39.940 --> 00:18:42.859
cash out for those specific TARP investments.

00:18:43.579 --> 00:18:45.920
It completely ignores the cost of borrowing the

00:18:45.920 --> 00:18:48.799
initial funds. So if the interest rate on the

00:18:48.799 --> 00:18:50.599
deficit spending used to fund TARP was between,

00:18:50.619 --> 00:18:53.259
let's say, 2 % and 4 % during the height of the

00:18:53.259 --> 00:18:56.000
crisis, the cost just to service that debt was

00:18:56.000 --> 00:18:59.259
$8 to $16 billion a year. Over the multiyear

00:18:59.259 --> 00:19:01.680
lifespan of the program, that interest completely

00:19:01.680 --> 00:19:04.539
obliterates that so -called $15 billion surplus.

00:19:04.660 --> 00:19:06.539
It absolutely wipes it out. And if you zoom out

00:19:06.539 --> 00:19:09.599
even further, the academic consensus paints a

00:19:09.599 --> 00:19:11.880
much, much more expensive picture. What did the

00:19:11.880 --> 00:19:15.220
academics find? Well, in 2019, an economist named

00:19:15.220 --> 00:19:17.680
Deborah Lucas published a really comprehensive

00:19:17.680 --> 00:19:20.019
study in the Annual Review of Financial Economics.

00:19:20.160 --> 00:19:22.839
OK. She didn't just look at cash flows. She looked

00:19:22.839 --> 00:19:25.279
at the fair value of the massive risks the government

00:19:25.279 --> 00:19:28.799
took on. And she estimated that the actual direct

00:19:28.799 --> 00:19:32.559
cost of the 2008 crisis -related bailouts, including

00:19:32.559 --> 00:19:35.519
TARP and other Federal Reserve facilities, was

00:19:35.519 --> 00:19:40.019
roughly five hundred billion dollars. Wait, five

00:19:40.019 --> 00:19:44.420
hundred? $500 billion. $500 billion. That is

00:19:44.420 --> 00:19:46.700
astronomical. To put that in perspective, that

00:19:46.700 --> 00:19:49.480
was about 3 .5 % of the entire United States

00:19:49.480 --> 00:19:52.880
gross domestic product in 2009. Wow. Yeah, Lucas's

00:19:52.880 --> 00:19:55.740
research explicitly challenges the popular kind

00:19:55.740 --> 00:19:58.059
of politically convenient narrative that the

00:19:58.059 --> 00:20:00.740
bailouts carried no cost simply because the headline

00:20:00.740 --> 00:20:03.119
loan amounts were repaid. And what's truly fascinating

00:20:03.119 --> 00:20:05.559
about her study is her conclusion regarding who

00:20:05.559 --> 00:20:07.380
actually walked away with the most value because

00:20:07.380 --> 00:20:09.519
it wasn't just the banks or their executives.

00:20:09.680 --> 00:20:12.299
No, it wasn't. She argues that the largest direct

00:20:12.299 --> 00:20:14.279
beneficiaries of the bailouts were the unsecured

00:20:14.279 --> 00:20:16.400
creditors of those financial institutions. The

00:20:16.400 --> 00:20:19.579
unsecured creditors. Yeah. Think about how bankruptcy

00:20:19.579 --> 00:20:23.140
is supposed to work. If a bank fails, the people

00:20:23.140 --> 00:20:25.819
who lent it money on an unsecured basis are supposed

00:20:25.819 --> 00:20:28.700
to take a massive haircut. They're supposed to

00:20:28.700 --> 00:20:30.819
lose their shirts. Because that's the risk they

00:20:30.819 --> 00:20:33.859
took. Exactly. But because the government stepped

00:20:33.859 --> 00:20:36.940
in with TARP and absorbed all that systemic risk,

00:20:37.480 --> 00:20:40.000
those creditors were made entirely whole at the

00:20:40.000 --> 00:20:42.819
taxpayers' ultimate expense. But to be fair,

00:20:43.039 --> 00:20:45.019
we do have to look at the alternative, because

00:20:45.019 --> 00:20:47.799
the entire justification for absorbing that $500

00:20:47.799 --> 00:20:51.420
billion cost was the threat of a complete economic

00:20:51.420 --> 00:20:53.460
collapse. And there is broad consensus on that

00:20:53.460 --> 00:20:56.440
front as well. A survey of leading macroeconomic

00:20:56.440 --> 00:20:58.539
experts conducted by the University of Chicago

00:20:58.539 --> 00:21:00.799
Booth School of Business found general agreement

00:21:00.799 --> 00:21:02.980
on this. What do they agree on? They agree that

00:21:02.980 --> 00:21:05.420
without the TARP program, unemployment at the

00:21:05.420 --> 00:21:07.500
end of 2010 would have been significantly higher.

00:21:07.759 --> 00:21:10.519
The intervention stopped the freefall. It genuinely

00:21:10.519 --> 00:21:13.440
saved jobs. So it prevented a depression. But

00:21:13.440 --> 00:21:15.720
it did so through a mechanism that permanently

00:21:15.720 --> 00:21:17.599
altered the relationship between the government

00:21:17.599 --> 00:21:20.400
and the financial sector at a massive hidden

00:21:20.400 --> 00:21:23.720
systemic cost. Exactly. It stabilized the system.

00:21:24.380 --> 00:21:26.900
But it did so by feeding capital to the strong,

00:21:27.420 --> 00:21:30.559
allowing them to absorb the weak. So let's distill

00:21:30.559 --> 00:21:32.500
this whole journey for you listening. Yeah, it's

00:21:32.500 --> 00:21:35.240
a lot to take in. The troubled asset relief program

00:21:35.240 --> 00:21:38.519
began as this engineering -like attempt to simply

00:21:38.519 --> 00:21:41.519
buy bad mortgages at a discount. But when the

00:21:41.519 --> 00:21:43.839
reality of mark -to -market accounting made that

00:21:43.839 --> 00:21:47.180
reverse auction impossible, the government executed

00:21:47.180 --> 00:21:50.039
a rapid fire pivot. They completely abandoned

00:21:50.039 --> 00:21:52.599
the toxic assets. Right. They injected capital

00:21:52.599 --> 00:21:55.319
directly into banks, automakers, and insurers,

00:21:55.759 --> 00:21:58.700
and overnight became an equity partner in private

00:21:58.700 --> 00:22:00.980
enterprise. And while it successfully thawed

00:22:00.980 --> 00:22:03.420
the frozen credit markets and kept unemployment

00:22:03.420 --> 00:22:06.200
from spiraling into a depression, it also provided

00:22:06.200 --> 00:22:09.559
a massive windfall. A windfall that fueled historic

00:22:09.559 --> 00:22:12.640
industry consolidation, rewarding the very institutions

00:22:12.640 --> 00:22:15.339
that were too big to fail. Exactly. So whenever

00:22:15.339 --> 00:22:17.339
you hear politicians today debating the merits

00:22:17.339 --> 00:22:19.759
of bailouts, you now know the vast difference

00:22:19.759 --> 00:22:21.900
between the headline numbers on the evening news,

00:22:22.140 --> 00:22:24.640
the stated intent of the lawmakers, and where

00:22:24.640 --> 00:22:27.900
the money actually flows in practice. It is never,

00:22:28.079 --> 00:22:30.539
ever as simple as just pointing a hose at a fire.

00:22:30.859 --> 00:22:32.819
Which leaves us with a final thought for you

00:22:32.819 --> 00:22:35.720
to mull over. We've seen how the 2008 TARC recipients

00:22:35.720 --> 00:22:38.240
not only survived the worst crisis in a generation,

00:22:38.579 --> 00:22:41.000
but many used the government's money to consolidate

00:22:41.000 --> 00:22:45.400
power and emerge larger than ever. So if another

00:22:45.400 --> 00:22:48.180
systemic crisis hits tomorrow, and the government

00:22:48.180 --> 00:22:50.559
is forced to step in again as the ultimate savior,

00:22:51.099 --> 00:22:53.759
will the knowledge of how 2008 played out encourage

00:22:53.759 --> 00:22:56.380
even riskier behavior this time around? That's

00:22:56.380 --> 00:22:58.359
a scary thought. If the fire department is guaranteed

00:22:58.359 --> 00:23:00.279
to show up and rebuild your house bigger than

00:23:00.279 --> 00:23:02.910
it was before, how careful are you really going

00:23:02.910 --> 00:23:05.190
to be with the matches? Thanks for joining us

00:23:05.190 --> 00:23:05.970
on this deep dive.
