WEBVTT

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Imagine looking at the architectural blueprint

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for this massive gleaming skyscraper. Right,

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the initial drawings. Yeah, exactly. And on paper,

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it's just perfectly drawn. The lines are clean,

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the load -bearing calculations are flawless,

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and the math just adds up beautifully. But then

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you actually go visit the construction site a

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few years later. Right. And the finished building

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rarely matches that initial perfection. Right.

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You get there and realize, you know, There's

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a whole extra wing nobody originally planned

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for. Yo, yeah. The foundation had to be completely

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altered to deal with unstable soil, and the plumbing

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is just this labyrinth of workarounds. Because

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the elegant theory promises one thing, but the

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sheer physics of the real world demand another.

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And that brings us to today. Welcome to today's

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Deep Dive. Glad to be here. Today we are looking

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at Reaganomics. And, you know, because this is

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a topic that still reliably starts, uh... pretty

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heated arguments at Thanksgiving dinners, we

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are leaving our politics at the door. Our mission

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today, for you listening, is purely to analyze

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the data, the historical record, and the varied

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economic arguments from the source material.

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We aren't here to take a side or tell you who

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was right. We just want to impartially unpack

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the actual mechanics of an era that completely

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rewired American politics and culture. Yeah,

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to set the stage here, we really need to define

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our terms first. Reaganomics is a portmanteau

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of Reagan and economics, right? It's a term famously

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popularized by broadcaster Paul Harvey, and it

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refers to the sweeping neoliberal economic policies

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championed by U .S. President Ronald Reagan from

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1981 to 1989. And when we say neoliberal in this

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context, we're talking about a shift away from

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heavy government intervention in a moving toward

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market oriented policies. Yeah. Think privatization,

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deregulation and lower taxes, which his supporters

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passionately defended as free market economics

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while his opponents. And honestly, even some

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of his fellow Republicans at the time dismissed

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it as trickle down or voodoo economics. Yeah,

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voodoo economics was a popular critique. But

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at a high level, the approach rested on four

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main pillars. First, significantly increasing

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defense spending. Second, slowing down the growth

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of domestic government spending. Third, drastically

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reducing federal income and capital gains taxes.

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And fourth, tightening the money supply to combat

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inflation. Okay, let's unpack this. Because before

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we can look at what Reagan actually did, we have

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to understand the crisis he inherited. I mean,

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you don't get a mandate to completely rewrite

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the American economic playbook unless the old

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playbook is visibly on fire. And the late 1970s

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provided exactly that kind of fire. The U .S.

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economy was suffering from this grinding, really

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miserable condition called stagflation. Stagflation.

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Right. It was a toxic cocktail of high unemployment

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combined with persistently high inflation. Prices

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were soaring, but the economy wasn't growing.

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Which completely broke every rule of standard

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economic theory at the time, right? Oh, totally.

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Because under the traditional Keynesian economic

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models, the ones that dominated since World War

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II, inflation and unemployment were supposed

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to operate on a seesaw. If the economy is booming,

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unemployment is low, but inflation might creep

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up because everyone has money to spend, you know,

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and demand outpaces supply. But conversely, if

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the economy tanks, people lose jobs, but prices

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drop because nobody is buying anything. But stagflation

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meant that seesaw essentially snapped in half.

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Wow. Both unemployment and inflation were punishingly

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high at the exact same time. The economic orthodoxy

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of the era was just baffled by it. Yeah, you

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had those miles -long lines at the gas pumps,

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double -digit inflation, eroding savings, and

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businesses just refusing to hire. The public

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was desperate for a radical new approach and

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enter supply -side economics. And a massive part

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of the justification for this new approach was

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rooted in this concept called the Laffer Curve.

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Right, developed by Arthur Laffer. Yeah, who

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actually served on Reagan's advisory board. And

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the fundamental theory here is is that there's

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an optimal tax rate that maximizes government

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revenue. And if you tax people too heavily, you

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actually end up collecting less money. A lot

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of people struggle with the mechanics of how

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that works. But it's fundamentally about human

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behavior. Like, if a government taxes earnings

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at 100%, nobody works. And the government collects

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$0. If they tax it 0%, everyone works. But the

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government still collects $0. I always think

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about it like, um, pricing tickets for a massive

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stadium concert. Oh, that's a good way to look

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at it. Yeah, like, if you charge just $1 a ticket,

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the stadium will completely sell out in five

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seconds, but you're gonna make practically no

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money. Right, exactly. But on the flip side,

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if you charge $10 ,000 a ticket... the studio

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will be completely empty, and you still make

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zero revenue. You have to find that sweet spot.

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Exactly. You find that exact spot where lowering

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the price actually increases your total revenue

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because so many more people show up to the concert

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and buy hot dogs and t -shirts. And applied to

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the national economy, the supply -siders argued

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that the 1970s tax rates had become that $10

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,000 concert ticket. Ah, I see. They believe

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taxes were so punitive that they were actively

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discouraging people from working. investing,

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and innovating. So it was stifling growth. Right.

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Let's look at the mechanism. If a corporation

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faces a massive tax burden on its next dollar

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of profit, it won't build a new factory. It won't

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hire 100 new workers. But if you lower that tax

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burden, they build the factory, they hire the

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workers, and then the government gets to tax

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the wages of those 100 new employees. Yes. You

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expand the overall size of the economic pie so

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much that the government collects more total

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revenue, even though the slice they're taking

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is proportionately smaller. It makes sense on

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paper. But what's fascinating here is that Reagan

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didn't just rely on 1980s economists to sell

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this idea to the public. He actually drew inspiration

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from deep history. Specifically, a 14th century

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Arab scholar named Ibn Khaldun. Wait, a 14th

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century philosopher being used to pitch a 20th

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century tax cut? That is an unbelievable bit

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of political framing. It really is. Khaldun had

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observed the rise and fall of empires centuries

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ago. He noted that societies flourished when

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taxes were modest because citizens felt motivated

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to produce and, you know, keep the fruits of

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their labor. But those same societies collapsed

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when taxes became burdensome. to prop up bloated

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dynasties. Reagan actually paraphrased him in

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a 1981 press conference. Yeah, he noted that

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at the beginning of a dynasty, great revenues

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are gained from small assessments, but at the

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end, small revenues are gained from large assessments.

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That sounds incredible in a press conference,

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but grand centuries old philosophies tend to

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get pretty mangled when they make contact with

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the reality of Washington, D .C. politics. So

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how did this actually translate into policy?

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The translation happened quickly and aggressively.

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During his first year in office, Reagan signed

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the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981. OK. This

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was a monumental piece of legislation. It slashed

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the top marginal tax bracket from 70 percent

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down to 50 percent. Wow. And eventually, through

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later legislation in 1986, that top rate dropped

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all the way to 28%. Real quick, I want to clarify

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what a marginal tax bracket actually is for you

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listening because it's a widely misunderstood

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concept. It really is. A 70 % marginal rate didn't

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mean the government took 70 % of everything a

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wealthy person earned. It meant that for every

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dollar they earned above a certain high threshold,

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they only got to keep 30 cents. Exactly. Dropping

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that to 50 % and then 28 % meant that suddenly

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high earners were keeping 72 cents of that last

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dollar instead of 30 cents. I mean, that is a

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staggering change to the incentive structure

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of the American economy in just a single decade.

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It absolutely rewired corporate and individual

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incentives. But here is the plot twist in the

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historical record. Despite his enduring reputation

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as the ultimate champion of tax cuts, Reagan

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found himself facing exploding federal deficits

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shortly after that first bill passed. The economic

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boom just hadn't materialized fast enough to

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offset the lost revenue. So in 1982 and 1984,

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he signed bills that rolled back some of those

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initial cuts. Wait! In fact, tax historian Joseph

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Thorndyke actually characterized the 1982 legislation

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as the biggest tax increase ever enacted during

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peacetime. Wait a minute, stop right there. Reagan

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is the absolute poster child for cutting taxes.

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How could he possibly authorize the biggest peacetime

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tax hike in American history? That breaks the

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entire narrative. It comes down to the difference

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between the headline tax rate and the effective

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tax base. Okay. The top marginal rates The headline

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numbers everyone sees stayed much lower than

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they were in the 1970s. But Reagan's later bills

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aggressively closed loopholes and removed deductions.

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Ah, I see. They changed corporate depreciation

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rules and tightened tax compliance. By forcing

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people and corporations to pay taxes on money

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that was previously shielded by accounting tricks,

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the government drastically increased its revenue

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collection compared to the 1981 baseline. Because

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they desperately needed the cash. Exactly. Because

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they were bleeding revenue from the rate cuts,

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but simultaneously pouring money into the first

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pillar you mentioned earlier, which was defense

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spending. Defense spending skyrocketed during

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this era. It rose to roughly six percent of the

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total gross domestic product. That's a math.

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It was a level of military expenditure unseen

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since the height of U .S. involvement in the

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Vietnam War. They were funding new weapons systems,

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expanding the Navy and investing heavily in the

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Cold War arms race. So the math becomes incredibly

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precarious here. You're drastically lowering

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the main income tax rates, hoping growth eventually

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pays for it. But you are buying billions of dollars

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worth of military equipment right now. That requires

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massive borrowing. And borrow they did. The United

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States took on heavy debt, both domestically

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and abroad, to cover those yawning budget deficits.

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During Reagan's presidency, the national debt

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nearly tripled. It went from $997 billion to

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$2 .85 trillion. Tripled. Wow. Yeah. And as a

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direct result, the U .S. transitioned from being

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the world's largest international creditor to

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the world's largest debtor nation. Reagan himself

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was acutely aware of this. He famously described

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the exploding debt as the greatest disappointment

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of his presidency. OK, so we have sweeping theories.

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We have massive tax legislation and we have a

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tripling of the national debt. Let's look at

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the actual outcomes. So what does this all mean?

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How did this impact everyday Americans living

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through the 1980s? The historical data presents

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a deeply polarized picture. If you view the economy

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from 30 ,000 feet like the macroeconomic level.

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There were undeniable historic victories. Real

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GDP, which is the total output of the goods and

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services in the economy, grew by over a third

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during his presidency. That's huge. It has an

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average annual growth rate of 3 .5 percent. That

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kind of sustained growth is just massive. It

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is an incredible run of expansion. And the misery

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index we discussed earlier, that brutal combination

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of inflation and unemployment shrank drastically.

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Inflation plummeted from a terrifying 13 .5 percent

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in 1980 down to just 4 .1 percent by 1988. Unemployment

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fell from 7 .2 % to 5 .5%. Millions of non -farm

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jobs were created. By those traditional metrics,

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the American economy came roaring back to life.

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But when you look at the ground level, the data

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tells a much more fractured story. The overall

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economic pie got larger, but the slices were

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distributed very differently than in previous

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decades. Real wages for working -class Americans

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actually continued to decline, which was a trend

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that had begun in the 1970s. Meanwhile, the top

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1 % of income earners saw their share of the

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national income skyrocket. The income gap widened

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significantly, and there were visible visceral

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consequences in American cities. During Reagan's

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first term, critics highlighted a severe surge

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in urban homelessness. Researchers noted the

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homeless population nearly doubled in just three

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years, from 1984 to 1987. They often point to

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aggressive cuts in federal housing assistance

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and social services as a primary driver. And

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when confronted with this crisis, Reagan's response

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was highly controversial. Yeah, in a late presidency

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interview with David Brinkley, Reagan stated

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his belief that the homeless made it their own

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choice for staying out there. He argued that

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there were shelters available that people simply

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chose not to use. He also asserted that a large

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proportion of the homeless population were mentally

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impaired, a situation he attributed to lawsuits

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by organizations like the ACLU that made it harder

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to institutionalize people against their will.

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So we are left with this wildly conflicting picture.

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The inflation monster is slain and the overall

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GDP is booming, but working class wages are stagnating

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and homelessness is spiking. Exactly. It's almost

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like installing a massive jet engine on a train

00:12:52.200 --> 00:12:55.580
to shatter speed records, but quietly uncoupling

00:12:55.580 --> 00:12:58.759
half the passenger cars at the station. The locomotive

00:12:58.759 --> 00:13:00.700
is performing better than ever, but a lot of

00:13:00.700 --> 00:13:02.919
people got left behind on the platform. That's

00:13:02.919 --> 00:13:05.049
a great analogy. And if we connect this to the

00:13:05.049 --> 00:13:08.289
bigger picture, this precise divergence is why

00:13:08.289 --> 00:13:10.529
brilliant economists can look at the exact same

00:13:10.529 --> 00:13:13.409
data from the 1980s and draw entirely different

00:13:13.409 --> 00:13:15.590
conclusions about whether Reaganomics was actually

00:13:15.590 --> 00:13:18.090
a success. Let's look at how the different camps

00:13:18.090 --> 00:13:21.330
interpret that data. On the right, supporters

00:13:21.330 --> 00:13:24.149
like the Cato Institute, economist Stephen Moore,

00:13:24.330 --> 00:13:27.230
and the legendary Milton Friedman view this era

00:13:27.230 --> 00:13:30.370
as just an unmitigated triumph. Yes, they do.

00:13:30.620 --> 00:13:33.379
Their perspective is that the combination of

00:13:33.379 --> 00:13:37.480
tax cuts, deregulation, and free trade unleashed

00:13:37.480 --> 00:13:39.840
the greatest sustained wave of prosperity the

00:13:39.840 --> 00:13:42.659
country had ever seen. Moore argues that these

00:13:42.659 --> 00:13:46.620
policies produced a $15 trillion increase in

00:13:46.620 --> 00:13:49.220
American wealth. Unbelievable. From this viewpoint,

00:13:49.759 --> 00:13:53.320
the 1981 tax cut was the profound engine of that

00:13:53.320 --> 00:13:55.700
growth. By letting people keep more of their

00:13:55.700 --> 00:13:58.539
money, it restored consumer and investor confidence,

00:13:59.080 --> 00:14:01.820
incentivizing this massive entrepreneurial revolution

00:14:01.820 --> 00:14:04.340
that essentially modernized the American economy.

00:14:04.500 --> 00:14:06.159
But then you have the left -wing perspective,

00:14:06.159 --> 00:14:08.440
championed by economists like Paul Krugman, who

00:14:08.440 --> 00:14:11.279
argues that this massive expansion wasn't magic,

00:14:11.299 --> 00:14:13.419
and it certainly wasn't the tax cuts. Right.

00:14:13.500 --> 00:14:15.779
Krugman argues it was just the natural business

00:14:15.779 --> 00:14:18.340
cycle playing out. The argument here is essentially

00:14:18.340 --> 00:14:21.000
the concept of pent -up demand. The economy was

00:14:21.000 --> 00:14:23.870
bouncing back from a very deep painful recession

00:14:23.870 --> 00:14:28.289
in 1981 and 1982. When an economy contracts that

00:14:28.289 --> 00:14:31.870
severely, people delay buying houses, cars, appliances.

00:14:31.990 --> 00:14:33.629
Yeah, you just hold onto your cash. Exactly.

00:14:33.990 --> 00:14:36.169
When things finally stabilize, all that delayed

00:14:36.169 --> 00:14:39.389
spending floods the market at once. Krugman's

00:14:39.389 --> 00:14:41.590
view is that when you hit the absolute bottom,

00:14:41.990 --> 00:14:44.350
the only way to go is up. And there's plenty

00:14:44.350 --> 00:14:46.990
of room to grow rapidly, regardless of what the

00:14:46.990 --> 00:14:49.659
tax rate is. Critics also point out that the

00:14:49.659 --> 00:14:52.059
dramatic drop in inflation, which, honestly,

00:14:52.259 --> 00:14:54.940
was arguably the real miracle of the 1980s, was

00:14:54.940 --> 00:14:57.059
actually the work of the Federal Reserve Chair

00:14:57.059 --> 00:14:59.019
Paul Volcker. Right, who was appointed by Jimmy

00:14:59.019 --> 00:15:01.740
Carter, Reagan's predecessor. Exactly. Volcker

00:15:01.740 --> 00:15:04.539
used incredibly strict monetary policy to crush

00:15:04.539 --> 00:15:07.860
inflation. Specifically, he drastically raised

00:15:07.860 --> 00:15:10.480
interest rates. The prime rate peaked at over

00:15:10.480 --> 00:15:13.860
20 percent. 20 percent? That is wild. Think about

00:15:13.860 --> 00:15:15.889
the mechanics of that. With interest rates that

00:15:15.889 --> 00:15:18.450
high, nobody takes out a mortgage to buy a house,

00:15:18.789 --> 00:15:21.070
and businesses just can't afford loans to expand.

00:15:21.429 --> 00:15:24.090
It deliberately chokes off borrowing and slows

00:15:24.090 --> 00:15:27.509
the economy to a crawl. It was a brutal, painful

00:15:27.509 --> 00:15:30.450
process that intentionally caused a recession

00:15:30.450 --> 00:15:33.690
to squeeze inflation out of the system. Critics

00:15:33.690 --> 00:15:36.149
argue Volcker's willingness to inflict that pain,

00:15:36.529 --> 00:15:39.409
not Reagan's tax cuts, is the true hero of the

00:15:39.409 --> 00:15:41.970
inflation story. And what I find so fascinating

00:15:41.970 --> 00:15:44.289
here is that the debate wasn't just left versus

00:15:44.289 --> 00:15:47.190
right. There was an intense internal feud among

00:15:47.190 --> 00:15:49.649
conservatives as well. Oh, absolutely. Like Greg

00:15:49.649 --> 00:15:51.929
Mankiw, right? He's a conservative Republican

00:15:51.929 --> 00:15:54.409
economist who later served under George W. Bush.

00:15:54.950 --> 00:15:57.570
He referred to the extreme supply -siders, the

00:15:57.570 --> 00:15:59.809
ones who claimed that tax cuts would 100 % pay

00:15:59.809 --> 00:16:02.169
for themselves without any spending cuts. He

00:16:02.169 --> 00:16:04.549
literally called them charlatans and cranks.

00:16:04.750 --> 00:16:07.549
Charlatans and cranks. Even traditional mainstream

00:16:07.549 --> 00:16:10.779
supply -siders sounded the alarm. Martin Feldstein,

00:16:11.159 --> 00:16:13.139
who served as Reagan's own chairman of the Council

00:16:13.139 --> 00:16:16.039
of Economic Advisers, felt the new extremists

00:16:16.039 --> 00:16:18.559
in his own party were making these wild hyperbolic

00:16:18.559 --> 00:16:21.289
claims. Right. Feldstein argued this loose talk

00:16:21.289 --> 00:16:23.830
gave fundamentally sound economic policies a

00:16:23.830 --> 00:16:26.309
bad name and provided political cover for the

00:16:26.309 --> 00:16:28.389
massive budget deficits we discussed earlier.

00:16:28.809 --> 00:16:30.710
The contradictions are just everywhere, especially

00:16:30.710 --> 00:16:33.389
when you look at deregulation. Deregulation was

00:16:33.389 --> 00:16:36.289
supposedly a core pillar of the Reagan revolution.

00:16:36.549 --> 00:16:38.409
You know, get the government off the backs of

00:16:38.409 --> 00:16:41.409
businesses. But the historical record on whether

00:16:41.409 --> 00:16:44.919
he actually deregulated the economy is shockingly

00:16:44.919 --> 00:16:47.500
mixed. This is one of the great paradoxes of

00:16:47.500 --> 00:16:50.940
his presidency. On one hand, William Niskanen,

00:16:51.139 --> 00:16:53.539
an architect of Reaganomics, pointed out that

00:16:53.539 --> 00:16:56.460
Reagan actually added more trade barriers than

00:16:56.460 --> 00:16:59.480
any administration since Herbert Hoover in the

00:16:59.480 --> 00:17:03.159
1930s. Wow. He restricted imports significantly

00:17:03.159 --> 00:17:06.259
to protect domestic industries like automobiles

00:17:06.259 --> 00:17:08.680
and steel. But then you have Milton Friedman

00:17:08.680 --> 00:17:11.480
arguing the exact opposite. He pointed out that

00:17:11.480 --> 00:17:13.819
the number of pages added to the Federal Register,

00:17:13.980 --> 00:17:16.380
which is that massive daily journal where all

00:17:16.380 --> 00:17:18.319
new government rules and regulations are published,

00:17:18.799 --> 00:17:21.000
that declined sharply under Reagan. And they

00:17:21.000 --> 00:17:22.779
are both technically correct. It comes down to

00:17:22.779 --> 00:17:24.299
the mechanics of how the government operates.

00:17:24.359 --> 00:17:25.799
You have to understand the difference between

00:17:25.799 --> 00:17:29.079
statutory deregulation and administrative deregulation.

00:17:29.380 --> 00:17:31.799
Okay, break that distinction down for us. So,

00:17:31.880 --> 00:17:34.640
statutory deregulation involves Congress actually

00:17:34.640 --> 00:17:37.480
passing new laws. to remove regulations from

00:17:37.480 --> 00:17:40.829
the books. That process was fairly slow under

00:17:40.829 --> 00:17:44.089
Reagan. In fact, a lot of major industry deregulation,

00:17:44.190 --> 00:17:45.910
like the airlines and the trucking industry,

00:17:46.369 --> 00:17:48.190
had already been initiated under Jimmy Carter.

00:17:48.970 --> 00:17:50.970
Interesting. Administrative deregulation, however,

00:17:51.349 --> 00:17:54.349
is about how federal agencies actually enforce

00:17:54.349 --> 00:17:56.829
the rules that already exist. Oh, I see. So it's

00:17:56.829 --> 00:17:58.650
not about changing the speed limit. It's about

00:17:58.650 --> 00:18:01.430
telling the highway patrol to stop pulling people

00:18:01.430 --> 00:18:03.630
over. That is a perfect way to conceptualize

00:18:03.630 --> 00:18:06.130
it. By cutting the budgets of regulatory agencies,

00:18:06.529 --> 00:18:08.789
appointing agency heads who favored lighter touch

00:18:08.789 --> 00:18:11.029
and intentionally slowing down the drafting of

00:18:11.029 --> 00:18:13.910
new rules, Reagan dramatically changed the regulatory

00:18:13.910 --> 00:18:16.410
environment administratively. Right. He didn't

00:18:16.410 --> 00:18:19.230
need Congress to repeal laws left and right to

00:18:19.230 --> 00:18:21.809
make businesses feel less scrutinized. Here's

00:18:21.809 --> 00:18:23.900
where it gets really interesting for me. If the

00:18:23.900 --> 00:18:26.960
results are this mixed -like, if the national

00:18:26.960 --> 00:18:29.839
debt nearly tripled, if working -class wages

00:18:29.839 --> 00:18:33.140
stagnated while inequality rose, if even his

00:18:33.140 --> 00:18:35.400
own conservative economic advisors were calling

00:18:35.400 --> 00:18:38.539
some of the math crank science and the deregulation

00:18:38.539 --> 00:18:41.759
record is full of asterisks, why does Reaganomics

00:18:41.759 --> 00:18:44.759
remain such a powerful, enduring blueprint today?

00:18:45.119 --> 00:18:47.359
Like, why is it still the baseline for so much

00:18:47.359 --> 00:18:54.720
political rhetoric 40 years later? Reaganomics

00:18:54.720 --> 00:18:57.319
successfully shifted the entire baseline of American

00:18:57.319 --> 00:18:59.559
economic confidence. Okay. After the misery,

00:18:59.720 --> 00:19:02.259
the gas lines, and the malaise of the 1970s,

00:19:02.480 --> 00:19:04.259
Reagan offered a highly effective narrative of

00:19:04.259 --> 00:19:06.519
optimism. He fundamentally changed the conversation

00:19:06.519 --> 00:19:08.420
from, you know, what can the government do to

00:19:08.420 --> 00:19:10.279
fix this to how can we get the government out

00:19:10.279 --> 00:19:12.359
of your way so you can fix it. Right. Even if

00:19:12.359 --> 00:19:14.720
the reality involved massive tax hikes in 82

00:19:14.720 --> 00:19:17.240
and exploding federal deficits, the ideology

00:19:17.240 --> 00:19:20.099
of low taxes and free markets became deeply embedded

00:19:20.099 --> 00:19:22.900
in the American psyche. It set the absolute terms

00:19:22.900 --> 00:19:24.759
of economic debate for the next four decades.

00:19:25.099 --> 00:19:27.920
The narrative and the emotional shift were ultimately

00:19:27.920 --> 00:19:30.740
stronger than the math. Often in the history

00:19:30.740 --> 00:19:33.539
of American politics, they are. Which brings

00:19:33.539 --> 00:19:37.140
us to one final lingering irony from the historical

00:19:37.140 --> 00:19:39.880
record that perfectly encapsulates the gap between

00:19:39.880 --> 00:19:42.299
the blueprint and the building. Lay it on me.

00:19:42.640 --> 00:19:45.259
When Ronald Reagan was campaigning, part of his

00:19:45.259 --> 00:19:48.220
incredibly effective branding was a promise to

00:19:48.220 --> 00:19:50.480
drastically shrink the size of the federal government.

00:19:50.730 --> 00:19:53.650
He specifically vowed to completely abolish two

00:19:53.650 --> 00:19:56.329
massive cabinet -level agencies, the Department

00:19:56.329 --> 00:19:59.210
of Energy and the Department of Education. And

00:19:59.210 --> 00:20:01.710
yet, the record shows he failed to abolish either

00:20:01.710 --> 00:20:04.549
of them. Far from shrinking the president's cabinet,

00:20:04.650 --> 00:20:07.130
he actually expanded it by elevating Veterans

00:20:07.130 --> 00:20:10.109
Affairs to full cabinet -level department status.

00:20:11.049 --> 00:20:13.690
And overall, the number of federal civilian employees

00:20:13.690 --> 00:20:16.650
actually increased by 4 .2 % under his watch.

00:20:16.910 --> 00:20:19.289
That is wild. It leaves you wondering, is it

00:20:19.289 --> 00:20:21.450
actually possible for any modern president to

00:20:21.450 --> 00:20:23.450
shrink the federal government, or does the machinery

00:20:23.450 --> 00:20:26.130
of a superpower simply demand constant expansion,

00:20:26.529 --> 00:20:28.779
regardless of who sits in the Oval Office? Keep

00:20:28.779 --> 00:20:31.720
that gap between political branding and bureaucratic

00:20:31.720 --> 00:20:34.400
reality in mind the next time you hear a politician

00:20:34.400 --> 00:20:37.319
make massive economic promises. It is never as

00:20:37.319 --> 00:20:39.759
simple as the theory suggests. Thank you so much

00:20:39.759 --> 00:20:42.059
for joining us on this deep dive into the numbers,

00:20:42.279 --> 00:20:44.579
the narratives and the messy reality of Reaganomics.

00:20:44.779 --> 00:20:45.400
We'll catch you next time.
