WEBVTT

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If you're trying to win, like, a massive landmark

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lawsuit claiming that segregated public schools

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are fundamentally unequal, Common Sense says

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you should probably go out and find the absolute

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most rundown, underfunded, just neglected school

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possible to make your case right. Right. You

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have a glaring, undeniable visual of injustice.

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Exactly. But in the early 1950s, civil rights

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lawyers did the exact opposite. They went completely

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out of their way to find a segregated school

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district in Kansas, where the black schools and

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the white schools were perfectly equal. Which

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just sounds so counterintuitive at first. It

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really does. So today, we are taking a deep dive

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into the complex history and the massive ripple

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effects of the 1954 Supreme Court case Brown

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v. Board of Education. And for anyone who wants

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to be truly well -informed on this, that standard

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one sentence textbook summary, the case that

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ended segregated schools. It's just wildly insufficient.

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Yeah, completely glosses over the reality. So

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our mission today for this deep dive is to uncover

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the really brilliant legal strategies, the unexpected

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Cold War espionage angles, and the fierce modern

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debates that are hidden just beneath the surface

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of this history. There is so much more to this

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than people realize. OK, let's unpack this. Well,

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let's start by dismantling the biggest myth straight

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out of the gate, which is the idea that Brown

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was just, you know, one isolated incident about

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one family in Kansas who just decided to sue

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their local school board. Right, because it definitely

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wasn't. Not at all. This was actually the culmination

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of a massive, highly coordinated national legal

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strategy. It was spearheaded by scholars at Howard

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University and activists of the NLEACP. They

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were basically treating the American legal system

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like a chessboard. Exactly. They had been planning

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their moves for years. Yeah, I mean, the case

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that actually went before the Supreme Court was

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a combination of five separate lawsuits from

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all over the country. You had cases from South

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Carolina, Virginia, Delaware, Washington, D .C.,

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and of course, Kansas. And the NAACP deliberately

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bundled them together. They needed to show the

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court that this wasn't just some regional anomaly,

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right? It was a national crisis. But they specifically

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chose the Topeka, Kansas case, the one involving

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Oliver Brown, to sit at the very head of the

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roster. And the reasoning for that was incredibly

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calculated. It was. They were really playing

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to the biases of the era. The lawyers and I think

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the national chapter of the NAACP felt that having

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a man at the head of the roster rather than a

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woman or a student would just be better received

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by the Supreme Court justices of the 1950s. Which,

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yeah, says a lot about the time. It really does.

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Oliver Brown was a welder for the Santa Fe railroad.

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He was an assistant pastor. He was just a very

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solid, respectable figure for the court to look

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at. And his specific situation with his daughter,

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Linda, it perfectly highlighted the just everyday

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logistical absurdity of the system. I mean, Linda

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was a third grader. Just a little kid. Right.

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And every single morning she had to walk six

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blocks, sometimes through these dangerous train

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switch yards, just to get to a bus stop. then

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she would ride a mile away to her segregated

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black school, Monroe Elementary. Well, at the

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same time, there was a white school, Sumner Elementary,

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sitting just seven blocks from her front door.

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It makes no sense. But the reason the legal team

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wanted the Kansas case out front... goes much

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deeper than just geography or optics, right?

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Oh, absolutely. It's because the lower courts

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in Kansas had actually investigated the schools

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and found that the white and black schools in

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Topeka were, quote, substantially equal. Wait,

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really? Equal. Yeah. They looked at the brick

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and mortar buildings, the transportation systems,

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the curricula, even the educational qualifications

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of the teachers, and they found parity. That

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is wild, because normally when we talk about

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the segregation era, we talk about horrific disparity

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in resources. like dilapidated buildings or outdated

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books just passed down from the white schools.

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Right. Gross inferiority was the standard argument.

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And in the other cases bundled into Brown, like

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the ones in Delaware or South Carolina, you definitely

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had glaring physical inequalities. But not in

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Topeka. No, in Topeka, the school district had

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actually spent the money to improve the black

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schools so they would match the white ones. The

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district court judge literally put it on the

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record that the physical facilities and courses

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of study were comparable. So it's like trying

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to prove a game is rigged, not by pointing out

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that your opponent has better equipment or like

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a head start, but by proving that the fundamental

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rules of the game itself are toxic, even when

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everyone has the exact same gear. What's fascinating

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here is that this equality is exactly what made

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the Kansas case a legal Trojan horse. It prevented

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the Supreme Court from taking the easy way out.

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OK, walk us through the mechanics of that. How

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does equality actually trap the court? Well,

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think about it. If the Supreme Court only looked

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at cases from places like South Carolina, where

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schools were blatantly unequal in funding or

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buildings, the justices could have just ordered

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those specific states to equalize their budgets.

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Oh, and then just watch their hands of the whole

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thing. Exactly. They could have left the legal

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doctrine of segregation entirely intact. Just

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say, fix the buildings and move on. But because

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the Kansas schools were already deemed equal

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by the lower court, it backed the Supreme Court

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into a corner? Yes. It forced them to answer

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the ultimate question. Is the doctrine of separate

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but equal constitutional when applied to public

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education, even when all the tangible physical

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factors are completely identical? Wow. It forced

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them to rule on the inherent nature of segregation

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itself. Precisely. That is brilliant. I mean,

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they neutralize their opponent's best defense

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before the fight even started. But, you know,

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while this grassroots legal chess match is happening

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domestically, there is an entirely different

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layer to this story playing out on the global

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stage. Probably international angle. Yeah. And

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it's one that completely reshapes how you look

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at the timeline. We have to talk about the Cold

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War. We really do. Because sudden Finally, the

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highest levels of the U .S. government became

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very, very invested in this civil rights case.

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Which is not something you'd expect. No. But

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in December 1952, the Justice Department actually

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filed an amicus curiae brief in the Brown case.

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Now, just for context, an amicus brief is a friend

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of the court filing. It's a way for an outside

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party to tell the court, hey, we have a strong

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interest in how you rule here, and here is our

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argument. But this specific brief was highly

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unusual, right? I mean, it was seven pages long,

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and five of those pages focused heavily on foreign

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policy considerations. Yes. Specifically, the

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Truman administration's intense concerns about

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the Cold War. Because the United States and the

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Soviet Union were basically locked in this massive

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global competition. Right, they were fighting

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for the friendship, the trade, and, you know,

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the allegiance of newly independent non -white

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nations in Africa and Asia. nations that were

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finally breaking away from European colonial

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rule. Wait, so the attorney general of the United

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States basically went to the Supreme Court and

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argued that domestic racism was a national security

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threat. That is precisely what he argued. Attorney

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General James P. McGrannery explicitly wrote

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that racial discrimination furnishes, quote,

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grist for the communist propaganda mills. Grist

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for the mills. Wow. Yeah, and the brief even

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included a letter from Secretary of State Dean

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Acheson complaining that the U .S. was under

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constant humnack in the foreign press. The Soviet

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Union was literally taking stories of American

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segregation and broadcasting them across the

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globe to highlight American hypocrisy. And it

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wasn't just like abstract political theory happening

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in Washington either. When Supreme Court Justice

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William O. Douglas traveled to India in 1950,

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literally the very first question he was asked

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by the press there was, why does America tolerate

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the lynching of Negroes? It was inescapable.

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Chief Justice Earl Warren later echoed this exact

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sentiment. He stated that the American system

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is on trial abroad and maintaining the Bill of

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Rights would do more to make the country secure

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than the number of hydrogen bombs we stockpile.

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That is a massive statement. Oh, absolutely.

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The British barrister Anthony Lester even analyzed

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this period and concluded there is no doubt these

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foreign policy considerations significantly influence

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the court's final decision. Think about how this

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completely shifts your understanding of civil

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rights history. We are so often taught that Brown

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was simply the spontaneous moment of great moral

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awakening in America. Right, like we just suddenly

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realized it was wrong. Exactly. But it was also

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a vital geopolitical strategy. The U .S. literally

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could not afford to look like a hypocrite on

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the world stage while, you know, pitching itself

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as the shining beacon of freedom against Soviet

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communism. It perfectly illustrates how domestic

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policy and international relations are just inextricably

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linked. The pressure wasn't just coming from

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the NAACP, it was coming from the State Department.

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Which brings us to the actual Supreme Court chambers,

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where the tension was reaching an absolute boiling

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point. It's for sure. Because getting a unanimous

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decision on something this controversial was

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not a guarantee. It was barely even a possibility

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when the process started. Far from it. When the

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court first heard arguments in 1953, the justices

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were deeply fractured. Really divided. Yeah.

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Some were ready to overturn the old 1896 Plessy

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v. Ferguson precedent, which is what established

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separate but equal. But others were highly hesitant,

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like Justice Stanley Reed genuinely thought segregation

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benefited the African -American community by

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shielding them from racial friction. Wow. And

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others... disapproved of segregation personally,

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but they hated the idea of judicial activism.

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They worried about how the federal government

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could ever possibly enforce a desegregation ruling

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against the deeply entrenched South. The political

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pressure bearing down on these justices was immense.

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Look at what happened when President Dwight D.

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Eisenhower invited the newly appointed Chief

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Justice Earl Warren to a private White House

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dinner. This dinner is legendary. Right. At this

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dinner, Eisenhower actually defended Southern

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whites who supported segregation. He told Warren

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privately, these are not bad people. All they

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are concerned about is to see that their sweet

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little girls are not required to sit in school

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alongside some big overgrown Negroes. That quote

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is just chilling. And it really highlights the

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entrenched casual racism at the highest levels

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of power that Warren was trying to navigate.

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Yeah. But Warren knew two crucial things. First,

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the court had to overrule Plessy to maintain

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its moral and legal legitimacy in the modern

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era. And second, the decision absolutely had

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to be unanimous. 9 -0. But why the obsession

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with unanimity? Like, why not just win 5 -4 and

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take the victory? Because Warren knew a split

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decision would invite massive violent resistance

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from the South. Southern politicians will look

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at a 5 -4 vote. and see a divided court. Oh,

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they'd see a weakness. Exactly. They would see

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a ruling they could just wait out until one justice

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retired. So Warren went to work. He systematically

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lobbied the holdouts over months. He took them

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to lunch, he listened to their fears, and he

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drafted and revised the opinion over and over.

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Really massaging it. Yes. He deliberately kept

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the language short and non accusatory so it wouldn't

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sound like he was punishing the South. He kept

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at it until he had a document every single justice

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felt they could sign. Justice Reed, the final

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holdout, reportedly cried as the unanimous opinion

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was finally read in court. That's incredible.

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But the mechanism Warren used to get them all

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to agree involved a massive pivot in legal strategy

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because, as we established, they couldn't point

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to the physical schools in Kansas being unequal

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and they couldn't rely on the history of the

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14th Amendment's equal protection clause either

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because when the justices looked at the congressional

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debates from 1868 when the amendment was adopted,

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the history was a totally inconclusive mess regarding

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public schools. So to bypass that historical

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roadblock. Warren orchestrated a psychological

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pivot. The psychological pivot. Yeah. Since the

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tangible factors were equal, he focused on the

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intangible internal effects of segregation. He

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argued that separating black children solely

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because of their race generates a feeling of

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inferiority as to their status in the community

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that may affect their hearts and minds in a way

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unlikely ever to be undone. And to back up the

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psychological claim, Warren did something incredibly

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unusual for the 1950s Supreme Court. He cited

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modern psychological studies in a famous footnote,

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footnote 11. Right, the Clark studies. Yeah,

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he pointed to the experiments by Kenneth and

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Mamie Clark from the 1940s, the famous doll experiments.

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Those suggested black children in segregated

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environments overwhelmingly preferred white dolls

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over black dolls, associating the white dolls

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with positive attributes and the black dolls

00:12:39.519 --> 00:12:41.860
with negative ones. It was a groundbreaking use

00:12:41.860 --> 00:12:44.120
of social science in a constitutional ruling.

00:12:44.220 --> 00:12:46.980
He essentially used sociology to bridge the gap

00:12:46.980 --> 00:12:49.519
where constitutional precedent fell short. But

00:12:49.519 --> 00:12:51.620
here's where it gets really interesting. I mean,

00:12:51.879 --> 00:12:54.440
isn't it incredibly risky for the Supreme Court

00:12:54.440 --> 00:12:58.440
to base a landmark constitutional ruling on 1940s

00:12:58.440 --> 00:13:01.299
psychological studies instead of rock -solid

00:13:01.299 --> 00:13:03.500
legal precedent? It definitely raises eyebrows.

00:13:03.919 --> 00:13:06.419
Like, what happens if the science changes? What

00:13:06.419 --> 00:13:08.600
if another psychologist publishes a study saying

00:13:08.600 --> 00:13:11.360
the opposite? Doesn't relying on behavioral science

00:13:11.360 --> 00:13:14.039
make the legal foundation inherently shaky? This

00:13:14.039 --> 00:13:16.360
raises an important question, and it's one that

00:13:16.360 --> 00:13:18.639
legal scholars have furiously debated ever since.

00:13:18.980 --> 00:13:20.360
But, you know, you have to understand they're

00:13:20.360 --> 00:13:22.019
back against the wall reasoning at that exact

00:13:22.019 --> 00:13:23.700
moment in history. Right, they had to deal with

00:13:23.700 --> 00:13:26.220
Plessy. Exactly. Yeah. The dominant precedent

00:13:26.220 --> 00:13:29.379
at the time was Plessy v. Ferguson, which legally

00:13:29.379 --> 00:13:33.669
sanctioned separate but equal. To bypass Plessy

00:13:33.669 --> 00:13:36.210
without getting dogged down in an endless district

00:13:36.210 --> 00:13:37.990
-by -district debate about whether the brick

00:13:37.990 --> 00:13:39.669
and mortar buildings were perfectly identical,

00:13:39.909 --> 00:13:41.950
they had to attack the psychological core of

00:13:41.950 --> 00:13:44.090
the policy. They had to declare that the act

00:13:44.090 --> 00:13:47.129
of separation itself is the harm. Precisely.

00:13:47.509 --> 00:13:50.850
So on May 17, 1954, they finally deliver this

00:13:50.850 --> 00:13:54.110
unanimous 9 -DO earthquake. Segregated public

00:13:54.110 --> 00:13:56.389
agitation is inherently unequal and therefore

00:13:56.389 --> 00:13:59.509
unconstitutional. It's a massive triumph. But

00:13:59.509 --> 00:14:02.590
did the unanimous decision actually prevent Southern

00:14:02.590 --> 00:14:04.669
resistance the way Chief Justice Warren hoped

00:14:04.669 --> 00:14:07.070
it would? Absolutely not. The reaction from the

00:14:07.070 --> 00:14:10.029
White South was immediate, noisy, and just completely

00:14:10.029 --> 00:14:12.549
stubborn. Many politicians openly viewed it as

00:14:12.549 --> 00:14:15.070
a day of catastrophe. Yeah. And ironically, the

00:14:15.070 --> 00:14:17.240
Supreme Court itself inadvertently gave those

00:14:17.240 --> 00:14:19.539
politicians the exact legal tool they needed

00:14:19.539 --> 00:14:22.220
to resist. You're talking about the implementation

00:14:22.220 --> 00:14:25.320
phase because the court drops the ruling in 54

00:14:25.320 --> 00:14:27.440
but they don't actually tell anyone how to integrate

00:14:27.440 --> 00:14:29.720
the schools. They basically just say come back

00:14:29.720 --> 00:14:31.580
next year and we'll figure out the remedy. Right

00:14:31.580 --> 00:14:34.960
and in 1955 the court issues a second ruling

00:14:34.960 --> 00:14:38.740
which history calls Brown the second. The court

00:14:38.740 --> 00:14:42.080
delegates the highly complex task of desegregation

00:14:42.080 --> 00:14:45.269
to local federal district courts ordering that

00:14:45.269 --> 00:14:48.429
integration occur, quote, with all deliberate

00:14:48.429 --> 00:14:51.149
speed. All deliberate speed. That phrase actually

00:14:51.149 --> 00:14:53.409
comes from a 19th century Francis Thompson poem,

00:14:53.549 --> 00:14:56.230
right? Yes, it does. But functionally, as a legal

00:14:56.230 --> 00:14:58.230
directive, that's like telling a teenager to

00:14:58.230 --> 00:15:00.190
clean their room whenever you get around to it

00:15:00.190 --> 00:15:02.730
meaningfully. It means nothing. It's an open

00:15:02.730 --> 00:15:06.070
invitation for delay. It was a disastrously ambiguous

00:15:06.070 --> 00:15:09.269
phrase. Many southern states interpreted deliberate

00:15:09.269 --> 00:15:12.610
speed as a legal justification to resist, delay,

00:15:12.710 --> 00:15:15.049
and completely avoid integration for decades.

00:15:15.490 --> 00:15:18.720
They launched a coordinated region -wide campaign

00:15:18.720 --> 00:15:21.639
known as Massive Resistance. And the mechanics

00:15:21.639 --> 00:15:23.720
of this resistance were just staggering. It wasn't

00:15:23.720 --> 00:15:25.559
just protests in the streets. It was outright

00:15:25.559 --> 00:15:28.620
institutional sabotage. Oh, completely. Look

00:15:28.620 --> 00:15:31.039
at Prince Edward County in Virginia. When they

00:15:31.039 --> 00:15:33.440
were finally faced with a hard court order to

00:15:33.440 --> 00:15:36.539
actually desegregate in 1959, the County Board

00:15:36.539 --> 00:15:38.559
of Supervisors took the nuclear option. What

00:15:38.559 --> 00:15:40.820
did they do? They simply stopped appropriating

00:15:40.820 --> 00:15:43.970
any money for public schools. They defunded and

00:15:43.970 --> 00:15:46.590
shut down the entire public school system for

00:15:46.590 --> 00:15:49.350
five years. Five entire years with no public

00:15:49.350 --> 00:15:53.789
schools. Yes, between 1959 and 1964. And here

00:15:53.789 --> 00:15:56.169
is how they manipulated the system. Yeah. The

00:15:56.169 --> 00:15:58.730
local government created state funded tuition

00:15:58.730 --> 00:16:01.549
grants. They gave taxpayer money exclusively

00:16:01.549 --> 00:16:03.769
to white students so they could attend newly

00:16:03.769 --> 00:16:06.669
created white only private academies. That's

00:16:06.669 --> 00:16:09.309
insidious. And these private academies were staffed

00:16:09.309 --> 00:16:11.230
by the very same teachers who used to work for

00:16:11.230 --> 00:16:13.350
the public schools. And the black children in

00:16:13.350 --> 00:16:15.129
that county, what happened to them? They had

00:16:15.129 --> 00:16:17.509
zero access to formal education unless their

00:16:17.509 --> 00:16:19.389
families had the means to send them out of the

00:16:19.389 --> 00:16:21.929
county or out of the state. Some attended makeshift

00:16:21.929 --> 00:16:24.950
basement schools, but many lost years of education.

00:16:25.120 --> 00:16:27.940
It's just a devastating mechanism for maintaining

00:16:27.940 --> 00:16:30.820
supremacy. And there's another hidden tragedy

00:16:30.820 --> 00:16:33.139
we have to highlight here, something that rarely

00:16:33.139 --> 00:16:35.340
makes it into the standard historical narrative.

00:16:35.500 --> 00:16:39.139
The professional fallout. Yes. As schools across

00:16:39.139 --> 00:16:42.120
the South finally did begin to integrate, school

00:16:42.120 --> 00:16:45.360
boards aggressively fired or laid off Black teachers,

00:16:45.720 --> 00:16:48.179
Black principals, and Black administrative staff.

00:16:48.350 --> 00:16:51.230
They essentially weaponized the integration process.

00:16:51.789 --> 00:16:54.049
When a black school and a white school merged,

00:16:54.590 --> 00:16:56.669
the district didn't need two principals anymore.

00:16:56.970 --> 00:16:59.149
So they universally fired the black principal

00:16:59.149 --> 00:17:01.950
and kept the white one. Just terrible. They claimed

00:17:01.950 --> 00:17:05.230
black educators were redundant or suddenly didn't

00:17:05.230 --> 00:17:08.519
meet the, quote, new qualifications. for the

00:17:08.519 --> 00:17:11.019
integrated schools. They systematically dismantled

00:17:11.019 --> 00:17:12.900
the black professional middle class in these

00:17:12.900 --> 00:17:15.400
towns. They wanted to ensure that these newly

00:17:15.400 --> 00:17:17.819
integrated schools remained firmly under white

00:17:17.819 --> 00:17:20.160
cultural and administrative leadership. Exactly.

00:17:20.339 --> 00:17:22.640
As one historian summarized it, the South moved

00:17:22.640 --> 00:17:25.259
much faster to displace black educators than

00:17:25.259 --> 00:17:27.619
it did to actually desegregate the schools for

00:17:27.619 --> 00:17:30.380
the students. The unintended consequences of

00:17:30.380 --> 00:17:33.029
Brown. And specifically, the massive loopholes

00:17:33.029 --> 00:17:35.269
created by the phrase, all deliberate speed,

00:17:36.089 --> 00:17:39.210
reshaped the educational landscape in ways that

00:17:39.210 --> 00:17:41.950
profoundly harmed the very communities the original

00:17:41.950 --> 00:17:44.549
ruling was meant to protect. Because those loopholes

00:17:44.549 --> 00:17:46.829
allowed so much damage, they fractured the legal

00:17:46.829 --> 00:17:49.650
consensus around Brown. And that frustration

00:17:49.650 --> 00:17:52.150
birthed the fierce legal debates we still see

00:17:52.150 --> 00:17:55.269
today. Which are very intense. Yes. And now,

00:17:55.450 --> 00:17:57.970
looking at our sources, this is where we enter

00:17:57.970 --> 00:18:00.849
highly politically charged territory. And just

00:18:00.849 --> 00:18:03.069
to be clear for you, as we navigate this, our

00:18:03.069 --> 00:18:06.049
job isn't to take aside or endorse these modern

00:18:06.049 --> 00:18:07.869
critiques, whether they're from the left or the

00:18:07.869 --> 00:18:09.529
right. Right. We're just analyzing the text.

00:18:09.750 --> 00:18:12.170
Exactly. We are simply reporting the fascinating

00:18:12.170 --> 00:18:13.950
arguments contained in our source material so

00:18:13.950 --> 00:18:15.970
you can understand the full spectrum of the debate.

00:18:16.410 --> 00:18:18.690
And the debate over how Brown was decided is

00:18:18.690 --> 00:18:21.069
fierce, reaching the absolute highest levels

00:18:21.069 --> 00:18:24.009
of the current judiciary. For instance, Supreme

00:18:24.009 --> 00:18:26.990
Court Justice Clarence Thomas offered a blistering

00:18:26.990 --> 00:18:30.569
critique of the case in a 1995 concurring opinion.

00:18:31.369 --> 00:18:33.809
He argued that Brown was fundamentally misunderstood

00:18:33.809 --> 00:18:36.369
by the courts that followed it. Justice Thomas

00:18:36.369 --> 00:18:39.710
argued that segregation is unconstitutional simply

00:18:39.710 --> 00:18:42.230
because the government cannot legally discriminate

00:18:42.230 --> 00:18:45.369
among its citizens based on race, period. It's

00:18:45.369 --> 00:18:48.390
a violation of basic constitutional rights. Right.

00:18:48.710 --> 00:18:51.529
Because of that, he strongly criticized Chief

00:18:51.529 --> 00:18:54.130
Justice Warren's reliance on those psychological

00:18:54.130 --> 00:18:56.930
doll studies. Thomas wrote that it is completely

00:18:56.930 --> 00:18:59.670
irrelevant whether segregation caused psychological

00:18:59.670 --> 00:19:02.690
feelings of inferiority. He argued that assuming

00:19:02.690 --> 00:19:05.150
black students physically need to be grounded

00:19:05.150 --> 00:19:07.509
by white students in order to receive a proper

00:19:07.509 --> 00:19:11.109
education is actually deeply demeaning. That's

00:19:11.109 --> 00:19:13.690
a powerful point. To prove it, he pointed to

00:19:13.690 --> 00:19:16.029
the historical excellence of all black schools

00:19:16.029 --> 00:19:19.369
like Dunbar High in Washington DC. He argued

00:19:19.369 --> 00:19:21.630
these institutions functioned as powerful centers

00:19:21.630 --> 00:19:24.529
of the community and produced exceptional world

00:19:24.529 --> 00:19:27.250
-class leaders without ever needing racial integration

00:19:27.250 --> 00:19:29.789
to validate their academic worth. So his argument

00:19:29.789 --> 00:19:32.230
is that the method the Warren Court used to arrive

00:19:32.230 --> 00:19:34.329
at the decision, you know, relying on sociology

00:19:34.329 --> 00:19:37.130
rather than strict constitutional law, was flawed

00:19:37.130 --> 00:19:39.490
and insulting, even if the ultimate result of

00:19:39.490 --> 00:19:41.750
striking down state -sponsored segregation was

00:19:41.750 --> 00:19:44.269
completely correct. And this brings us to another

00:19:44.269 --> 00:19:47.789
massive legal battlefield, the fight over originalism.

00:19:48.370 --> 00:19:51.849
Yes. Originalism is the legal philosophy, asserting

00:19:51.849 --> 00:19:54.130
that the Constitution should be interpreted based

00:19:54.130 --> 00:19:56.170
on the original understanding of the public and

00:19:56.170 --> 00:19:58.809
the politicians at the time it was drafted and

00:19:58.809 --> 00:20:01.630
ratified. And Brown is a major stress test for

00:20:01.630 --> 00:20:03.849
originalist judges. Let's ground this for a second.

00:20:04.190 --> 00:20:06.549
The 14th Amendment, which guarantees equal protection

00:20:06.549 --> 00:20:09.529
under the law, was passed in 1868 right after

00:20:09.529 --> 00:20:12.140
the Civil War. If the people who wrote that amendment

00:20:12.140 --> 00:20:15.420
in 1868 fully intended to keep schools segregated,

00:20:16.039 --> 00:20:18.339
does that mean Brown v. Board of Education is

00:20:18.339 --> 00:20:20.759
legally wrong under an originalist framework?

00:20:21.130 --> 00:20:23.750
That is exactly the tension. We see a massive

00:20:23.750 --> 00:20:26.450
clash between legal scholars attempting to resolve

00:20:26.450 --> 00:20:29.130
this. On one side, you have federal judge Michael

00:20:29.130 --> 00:20:31.789
McConnell. He dug deep into archived congressional

00:20:31.789 --> 00:20:33.809
records and argued that the radical Republicans

00:20:33.809 --> 00:20:36.869
who spearheaded the 14th Amendment actually did

00:20:36.869 --> 00:20:39.170
favor desegregated Southern schools. Meaning

00:20:39.170 --> 00:20:41.430
Brown aligns perfectly with the original intent

00:20:41.430 --> 00:20:43.970
of the amendment. Yes. But then you have scholars

00:20:43.970 --> 00:20:46.529
like Raul Berger, who fired back with a much

00:20:46.529 --> 00:20:49.240
more cynical view of history. Berger pointed

00:20:49.240 --> 00:20:51.380
out that the exact same Congress that passed

00:20:51.380 --> 00:20:54.200
the 14th Amendment also simultaneously voted

00:20:54.200 --> 00:20:56.559
to maintain segregated schools right there in

00:20:56.559 --> 00:20:59.019
the District of Columbia. Wow, okay. So Berger

00:20:59.019 --> 00:21:01.940
argues you simply cannot defend Brown using originalism

00:21:01.940 --> 00:21:05.180
because the prevailing viewpoints of 1868 clearly

00:21:05.180 --> 00:21:08.420
permitted segregated schools. Other legal critics,

00:21:08.619 --> 00:21:11.059
even liberal scholars, argue Warren didn't need

00:21:11.059 --> 00:21:14.259
risky psychology or confusing 1860s congressional

00:21:14.259 --> 00:21:16.500
history. They argue he should have just stated

00:21:16.500 --> 00:21:19.359
that classifying citizens by their race or ancestry

00:21:19.359 --> 00:21:22.740
is fundamentally odious to a free people relying

00:21:22.740 --> 00:21:25.529
on basic legal precedents about liberty. So,

00:21:25.710 --> 00:21:27.329
what does this all mean? Well, if we connect

00:21:27.329 --> 00:21:29.289
this to the bigger picture, I mean, Brown v.

00:21:29.289 --> 00:21:31.369
Board of Education isn't just a settled piece

00:21:31.369 --> 00:21:33.509
of history gathering dust in a museum somewhere.

00:21:33.650 --> 00:21:36.769
It is a living, breathing, legal document that

00:21:36.769 --> 00:21:38.990
still shapes how judges view the power of the

00:21:38.990 --> 00:21:41.809
Constitution today. The tectonic plates of morality,

00:21:42.109 --> 00:21:44.309
psychological harm, and strict constitutional

00:21:44.309 --> 00:21:46.990
law are still actively grinding against each

00:21:46.990 --> 00:21:50.529
other. Precisely. To summarize our journey today,

00:21:50.890 --> 00:21:53.750
we've seen the tactical brilliance of the NAACP

00:21:53.750 --> 00:21:57.569
targeting perfectly equal schools in Kansas just

00:21:57.569 --> 00:21:59.509
to force the Supreme Court's hand on the core

00:21:59.509 --> 00:22:01.930
issue. Right. We've explored how the intense

00:22:01.930 --> 00:22:04.410
geopolitical pressures of the Cold War and the

00:22:04.410 --> 00:22:06.990
fear of Soviet propaganda push the U .S. government

00:22:06.990 --> 00:22:09.670
to back civil rights. We discussed how Chief

00:22:09.670 --> 00:22:13.029
Justice Earl Warren engineered a unanimous psychological

00:22:13.029 --> 00:22:15.670
pivot to bypass old precedents. And we saw the

00:22:15.670 --> 00:22:18.650
tragic loophole of deliberate speed that allowed

00:22:18.650 --> 00:22:21.509
southern states to fund private white academies

00:22:21.509 --> 00:22:24.210
while firing black teachers en masse. Exactly.

00:22:24.730 --> 00:22:27.250
And finally we see how fierce legal debates over

00:22:27.250 --> 00:22:29.650
originalism and psychological reliance continue

00:22:29.650 --> 00:22:32.259
to echo in courtrooms right now. It is infinitely

00:22:32.259 --> 00:22:34.920
more complex than the case that ended segregated

00:22:34.920 --> 00:22:37.319
schools. And I want to leave you with one final

00:22:37.319 --> 00:22:39.759
mind -bending fact from this history to ponder

00:22:39.759 --> 00:22:42.400
as we wrap up. The timeline doesn't just neatly

00:22:42.400 --> 00:22:45.640
end in 1954. It actually circles right back on

00:22:45.640 --> 00:22:48.440
itself. You're referring to the 1978 reopening

00:22:48.440 --> 00:22:51.980
of the case. Yes. In 1978, a group of Apernis

00:22:51.980 --> 00:22:54.720
and Topeka persuaded a local woman to be the

00:22:54.720 --> 00:22:58.009
lead plaintiff in a new lawsuit. to literally

00:22:58.009 --> 00:23:01.089
reopen Brown v. Board of Education. Her name

00:23:01.089 --> 00:23:04.089
was Linda Brownsmith. And she was the exact same

00:23:04.089 --> 00:23:07.450
Linda Brown from the original 1954 case, only

00:23:07.450 --> 00:23:09.849
now she was mother with her own children attending

00:23:09.849 --> 00:23:12.509
the Topeka school system. She was suing Topeka

00:23:12.509 --> 00:23:15.109
all over again because the district had implemented

00:23:15.109 --> 00:23:17.930
a new open enrollment policy. Right. The attorneys

00:23:17.930 --> 00:23:20.589
realized that with open enrollment, white parents

00:23:20.589 --> 00:23:22.390
were simply choosing to shift their children

00:23:22.390 --> 00:23:25.710
to, quote, preferred schools. And this seemingly

00:23:25.710 --> 00:23:28.450
neutral freedom of choice was naturally quietly

00:23:28.450 --> 00:23:31.109
recreating a system of predominantly white and

00:23:31.109 --> 00:23:33.769
predominantly black schools all over again. It

00:23:33.769 --> 00:23:36.150
took decades of further litigation all the way

00:23:36.150 --> 00:23:39.170
until 1999 for the Topeka School District to

00:23:39.170 --> 00:23:41.910
finally reach a court approved unified status.

00:23:42.150 --> 00:23:44.650
It just shows how deeply entrenched the structural,

00:23:44.849 --> 00:23:47.029
geographic and economic realities of separation

00:23:47.029 --> 00:23:49.390
really are far beyond just the written laws.

00:23:49.849 --> 00:23:53.240
So as you go about your day. Thinking about the

00:23:53.240 --> 00:23:55.759
simple, neatly packaged history we are so often

00:23:55.759 --> 00:23:57.940
taught, I want you to mull over this question.

00:23:58.619 --> 00:24:00.759
If freedom of choice naturally leads right back

00:24:00.759 --> 00:24:03.099
to the very segregation we fought so hard to

00:24:03.099 --> 00:24:06.359
abolish, how do we ever truly fulfill the promise

00:24:06.359 --> 00:24:08.099
of Brown v. Board of Education? It's a question

00:24:08.099 --> 00:24:09.619
we are still trying to answer today.
