WEBVTT

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When you look at the great American monuments,

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like the Washington Monument or the Golden Gate

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Bridge, we just see this finished. solid structure.

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It just looks inevitable, you know, like it's

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permanent. Oh, totally. You're just appreciating

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the final product. You don't see the temporary

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scaffolding or the intense debates over the blueprints

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or the compromises they had to make on the steel

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just to actually get it built. Yeah, you just

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see the bridge. But then if you look at American

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constitutional law, suddenly that solid monument

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starts to look a lot more like a like a living,

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breathing, highly contested construction site.

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It is the absolute definition of a legal and

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historical work in progress. Right. Well, welcome

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to today's deep dive. We are digging into a massive,

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really fascinating stack of source material today

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for you. You really are. We're going to offer

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a comprehensive, historical, and legal breakdown

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of one of the most famous... and definitely one

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of the most debated Supreme Court cases in American

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history. Roe v. Exactly. And look, I want to

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be super clear right up front. Because this source

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material contains highly politically charged

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content spanning both left -wing and right -wing

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viewpoints, our goal today is never to take a

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side. Absolutely not. We are leaving the politics

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entirely at the door. Our only mission today

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for you The learner who just wants to understand

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the actual mechanics of our history without getting

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bogged down in rhetoric is to map the architectural

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blueprints. Right. We're going to impartially

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report on the facts, the legal arguments, the

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societal reactions exactly as they appear in

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the original source material. Yeah, we aren't

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endorsing any of the viewpoints we discuss. We're

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just acting as your guides to unpack how this

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monumental ruling was built and, well, ultimately

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how it was taken down. And honestly, mapping

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that architecture is just an incredible exercise

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because because what makes this legal history

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so fascinating isn't just the 1973 ruling itself.

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It's the 150 -year historical arc that precedes

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it and the 50 -year legal pug of war that followed

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it. So to really grasp the mechanics of that

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1973 ruling, we first have to understand the

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surprising reality of abortion laws before it

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even happened. Yeah, the history here goes against

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a lot of our modern assumptions. It really does.

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If you go back to... the early 19th century in

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the US, abortion was actually a fairly common.

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private practice. Under English common law, which

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we adopted, it was legally permissible before

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a concept called quickening. Quickening, right.

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That's that moment in a pregnancy when a woman

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first feels fetal movement. Exactly. And that

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is a major shift from how we tend to view the

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historical timeline today. It wasn't actually

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until around the 1840s that the legal landscape

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began to drastically change. And what drove that

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change, this is wild, wasn't initially a moral

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crusade. It was largely a profession. It was

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driven by the medical profession. Wait, really?

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The doctors were the ones pushing for the bans?

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Oh, wait, sorry. I'm stealing your thunder. Go

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ahead. No, no, you're right. Absolutely. At the

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time, men with formal medical degrees were trying

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to legitimize and professionalize their relatively

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new field. But they were competing with unlicensed

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practitioners, particularly female midwives who

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frequently performed these procedures. And the

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midwives were highly trusted. and well -paid

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for this work. Exactly. So by lobbying state

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legislatures to criminalize the practice, this

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newly professionalized, male -dominated medical

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establishment could effectively eliminate their

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unlicensed competition. Wow. So it was, at least

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in part, an economic monopoly play. Yeah. That

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is wild. And it worked, right? Because by 1900,

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every single state had outlawed the procedure.

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Every single one. So fast forward to the late

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1960s. The story of Roe formally begins with

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two young attorneys in Texas. Sarah Weddington,

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and Linda Coffey. And they were looking to challenge

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these century -old state laws, but you can't

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just walk into a court and say, I think this

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law is unconstitutional. Right, you need a plaintiff.

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You need what's called a test case. Exactly.

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And eventually they found a 21 -year -old woman

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named Norma McCorvey, who would be given the

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legal pseudonym Jane Roe. Jane Roe. And McCorvey's

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demographics made her the exact plaintiff these

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lawyers were looking for. I mean, she was white,

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young, lower class, and pregnant with her third

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child. It's almost exactly like a casting director

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looking for the perfect lead in a movie, you

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know? Right. The lawyers needed someone whose

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circumstances would elicit sympathy from a judge.

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someone who clearly demonstrated the harsh real

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-world impact of these bans. And they even strategically

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filed the case in Dallas. Oh, they didn't do

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that by accident. No, not at all. They knew exactly

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which judges were sitting in that district. They

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basically engineered the filing to maximize their

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chances of drawing a sympathetic three -judge

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panel. Wow. But what's fascinating here is the

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sheer irony of Norma McCorvey's actual lived

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experience in all of this. What's fascinating

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here is, well, yeah, despite being the face of

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this monumental history -altering legal battle,

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McCorvey never actually attended the Supreme

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Court arguments. Never even went. She never even

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got the abortion she was originally seeking.

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Because the legal system is so slow. Right. By

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the time the slow machinery of the courts actually

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moved forward, she had already given birth to

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a daughter, who was subsequently adopted by a

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couple in Texas. It really highlights the massive

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disconnect between the abstract grind of the

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legal system and the urgent reality of the actual

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human beings caught up in it. It really does.

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But knowing how the players were assembled, we

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can now look at how the Supreme Court built the

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actual legal framework of the decision. And this

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was far from a simple process. First of all,

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the case bypassed the Federal Appeals Court entirely.

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Right. It went straight to the Supreme Court.

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How does that happen? Well, that was due to a

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very specific federal statute. It authorized

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a direct appeal to the Supreme Court whenever

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a civil injunction is decided by a three -judged

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district panel. Okay, so it lands on the desk

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of the High Court. And Chief Justice Warren Burger

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assigns the task of drafting the majority opinion

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to Justice Harry Blackmun. And Blackmun really

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struggled with it. I mean, he originally wanted

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to avoid declaring any kind of sweeping new constitutional

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right. Right. He focused his early drafts on

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the idea of vagueness, essentially arguing that

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the Texas law was written so poorly and was so

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confusing that a doctor couldn't reasonably figure

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out when an abortion was legally permitted to

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save a mother's life. Which is a classic. judicial

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minimalist approach. You know, strike the law

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down on a technicality without making grand constitutional

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pronouncements. But the other liberal justices...

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pushed back hard on that. Yeah. They told Blackman

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that vagueness just wasn't enough. He needed

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to ground this in the concept of privacy. So

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Blackman, who used to be resident counsel at

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the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota, literally goes

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back to the clinic's library. He spends a whole

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week there. A week researching the history of

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medical procedures, heavily influenced by the

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historical research his clerks and abortion rights

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advocates had compiled. Right. So he abandons

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the vagueness argument, and he pivots to the

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14th Amendment. Specifically, the due process

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clause. Now, just reading the text, the due process

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clause basically says the government can't take

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away your life, liberty, or property without

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fair legal procedures. Yeah, it's about fair

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trials. Right. So how do you get medical privacy

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out of that? Well, that requires a legal concept

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called substantive due process. OK. Over the

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years, the Supreme Court had interpreted the

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word liberty in the 14th Amendment to include

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certain implicit fundamental rights, rights that

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aren't specifically written down in the Constitution.

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Things like the right to marry. Exactly. Or the

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right to direct the upbringing of your children.

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The court determined that this unwritten right

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to privacy was broad enough to encompass a woman's

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decision to terminate a pregnancy. OK, let's

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unpack this. Because it wasn't an absolute right,

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the state also has interests. Precisely. The

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court had to balance a woman's right to privacy

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against the state's interest in regulating medicine

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and protecting potential life. So Black men created

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the famous trimester framework. Right. In the

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first trimester, the state could place virtually

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no restrictions on the choice. In the second

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trimester, the state's interest in maternal health

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kicks in. So they could regulate the procedure,

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but only in ways reasonably related to the mother's

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health. And then the third trimester. In the

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third trimester, At the point of fetal viability,

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meaning the fetus could survive outside the womb,

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the state's interest in potential life becomes

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compelling enough that they could outright ban

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abortion, except to save the mother's life. OK,

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let's unpack this. Because if you were reading

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the 14th Amendment, it doesn't mention abortion.

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It doesn't mention trimesters. And it definitely

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doesn't mention viability. No, it doesn't. How

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did Justice Blackmun legally justify pulling

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a strict 12 -week medical timetable out of the

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abstract concept of constitutional liberty. I

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mean, it sounds more like he was writing a hospital

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policy manual than a constitutional ruling. That

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is exactly the critique many legal scholars would

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later make. Even those who supported abortion

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access, it was highly prescriptive. Extremely.

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But honestly, just to get the case heard so he

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could build that framework, the court first had

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to rely on a fascinating procedural workaround.

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Oh, right. The mootness doctrine exception. Because

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normally, federal courts only hear live controversies.

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Like if you sue because you want to build a fence

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and then you sell the house, the court throws

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the case out because it's moot. There's nothing

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to decide anymore. Right. And since Norman McCorvey

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had already given birth, her case was technically

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moot. Exactly. But the court recognized a special

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exception for issues that are capable of repetition,

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yet evading a review. Because a normal human

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pregnancy is vastly shorter than the multi -year

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federal appellate process. Exactly. If the Supreme

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Court dismissed every pregnancy -related case

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for mootness once the woman gave birth, the legal

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issue would never, ever be resolved. So they

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had to create a... procedural bridge just to

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get to the point where they could build that

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medical legal framework. Exactly. But because

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that massive legal foundation was built on this

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highly specific medical framework, rather than

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explicit constitutional text, it immediately

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drew fire. And looking at the history, this fire

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didn't just come from conservative opponents.

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No, it came from all sides. Let's start with

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the immediate dissents on the court, specifically

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from Justices Byron White and William Rehnquist.

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Right. went straight for the historical argument.

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Remember how we said the 14th Amendment's protection

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of liberty only covers rights deeply rooted in

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history? Yeah. Well, Rehnquist pointed out that

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by the time the 14th Amendment was adopted in

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1868, there were at least 36 state or territorial

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laws limiting abortion. Wow. So his argument

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was, how can you claim the drafters of the 14th

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Amendment implicitly intended to protect a right

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that they were actively outlawing at the exact

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same time? And Justice White famously called

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majority's decision and exercise in raw judicial

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power. He did. But then you look at the liberal

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critiques and they're incredibly revealing too.

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Oh absolutely. Like future Supreme Court Justice

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Ruth Bader Ginsburg, an absolute champion of

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women's rights, was highly critical of the legal

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architecture of Roe. She felt the decision ventured

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too far, too fast, and that its legal reasoning

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was fundamentally flawed. Right. Because Gimsburg

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pointed out that since Blackman relied so heavily

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on his medical background, his opinion actually

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centered on a doctor's right to practice medicine

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freely. Yes. Rather than centering on a woman's

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right to equal protection under the law, she

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believed the foundation should have been equality,

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not medical privacy. And later on, reproductive

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justice advocates argued that the ruling was

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fundamentally limited because privacy is a negative

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right. Right. It just means the government has

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to keep its hands off you. It doesn't guarantee

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you any actual help. Exactly. If Roe had been

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based on an affirmative human right, it would

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have required the state to actually ensure access

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to the procedure, regardless of your income or

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whether you lived in a rural zip code with no

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hospitals. So it left a lot of people who supported

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the outcome very anxious about the method used

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to achieve it. Highly anxious. Here's where it

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gets really interesting. It's like the Supreme

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Court built a massive legal skyscraper, right?

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But instead of anchoring it to solid bedrock,

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they built a foundation on sand. That is a very

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accurate way to look at it. Even the people who

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desperately wanted that skyscraper were terrified

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that the privacy foundation was legally flimsy

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and could easily collapse. Because Rehnquist

00:12:34.049 --> 00:12:37.110
historical dissent provided the exact blueprint

00:12:37.110 --> 00:12:39.669
that conservative legal scholars would use to

00:12:39.669 --> 00:12:41.850
chip away at that foundation for the next five

00:12:41.850 --> 00:12:45.070
decades. They systematically targeted the premise

00:12:45.070 --> 00:12:47.690
that this right was deeply rooted in the nation's

00:12:47.690 --> 00:12:50.429
history. Which brings us to how that foundation

00:12:50.429 --> 00:12:53.240
eventually cracked. because you have a vulnerable

00:12:53.240 --> 00:12:56.019
legal structure combined with rapidly advancing

00:12:56.019 --> 00:12:58.559
medical technology. Oh, the medical tech. Yeah.

00:12:58.679 --> 00:13:00.860
And that combination forced the Supreme Court

00:13:00.860 --> 00:13:03.220
to constantly rewrite its own rules. Right. So

00:13:03.220 --> 00:13:05.720
the first major structural earthquake hit in

00:13:05.720 --> 00:13:09.200
1992 with a case called Planned Parenthood v.

00:13:09.279 --> 00:13:12.620
Casey. Now, in Casey, a divided court narrowly

00:13:12.620 --> 00:13:14.419
saved the central holding of Roe that the right

00:13:14.419 --> 00:13:17.659
to an abortion exists, but they completely scrapped

00:13:17.659 --> 00:13:20.299
Justice Blackmun's entire trimester framework.

00:13:20.620 --> 00:13:22.360
They just threw the whole 12 -week timetable

00:13:22.360 --> 00:13:24.480
out. They had to. They replaced the trimester

00:13:24.480 --> 00:13:26.940
system with a simple viability line. Because

00:13:26.940 --> 00:13:29.919
medical science had advanced so rapidly. Exactly.

00:13:30.200 --> 00:13:33.039
A fetus could now potentially survive outside

00:13:33.039 --> 00:13:36.639
the womb at 23 or 24 weeks, rather than the 28

00:13:36.639 --> 00:13:39.320
weeks that was understood back in 1973. Wait,

00:13:39.639 --> 00:13:43.340
if the entire engine of the original 1973 Roe

00:13:43.340 --> 00:13:46.820
decision was the trimester framework, and Casey

00:13:46.820 --> 00:13:50.279
threw that framework in the trash in 1992, didn't

00:13:50.279 --> 00:13:53.799
the court basically write a brand new law while

00:13:53.799 --> 00:13:56.409
pretending to just uphold the old one? If we

00:13:56.409 --> 00:13:57.990
connect this to the bigger picture, you've hit

00:13:57.990 --> 00:14:00.090
on the exact structural weakness we were just

00:14:00.090 --> 00:14:02.450
talking about. The legal right was intimately

00:14:02.450 --> 00:14:05.509
tied to a moving scientific target. Because the

00:14:05.509 --> 00:14:08.389
law was tethered to viability as incubators and

00:14:08.389 --> 00:14:11.250
neonatal care improved, the legal line literally

00:14:11.250 --> 00:14:13.830
had to shift earlier and earlier into the pregnancy.

00:14:13.950 --> 00:14:16.690
The law was inherently destabilized by scientific

00:14:16.690 --> 00:14:19.090
advancement. And Casey didn't just change the

00:14:19.090 --> 00:14:21.029
timeline, it changed the legal test entirely.

00:14:21.190 --> 00:14:23.889
Yes. Under Rowe, regulations on abortion faced

00:14:23.889 --> 00:14:26.110
strict scrutiny, which is the highest level of

00:14:26.110 --> 00:14:27.990
judicial review. Basically meaning the government

00:14:27.990 --> 00:14:29.850
almost never wins. Right. They have to prove

00:14:29.850 --> 00:14:32.029
a compelling interest. But Casey abandoned that.

00:14:32.289 --> 00:14:35.389
They introduced the Undo Burden Test. Which meant

00:14:35.389 --> 00:14:37.669
states could now heavily regulate the procedure.

00:14:38.200 --> 00:14:40.899
Exactly. Instituting mandatory waiting periods,

00:14:41.399 --> 00:14:44.080
parental consent laws, strict clinic requirements,

00:14:44.559 --> 00:14:46.919
just as long as those rules didn't put a substantial

00:14:46.919 --> 00:14:49.059
obstacle in the path of the woman. So states

00:14:49.059 --> 00:14:51.340
were essentially given a green light to see exactly

00:14:51.340 --> 00:14:53.919
how many obstacles they could pile up before

00:14:53.919 --> 00:14:56.320
a judge called it substantial. And as that legal

00:14:56.320 --> 00:14:59.590
foundation shifted, States began finding incredibly

00:14:59.590 --> 00:15:03.110
creative workarounds. Like the 2021 Texas Heartbeat

00:15:03.110 --> 00:15:05.450
Act. Yeah, it was a master class in exploiting

00:15:05.450 --> 00:15:08.669
procedural loopholes. Texas created an abortion

00:15:08.669 --> 00:15:11.990
ban, but they explicitly forbid any state official

00:15:11.990 --> 00:15:14.789
from enforcing it. Which sounds crazy. Right.

00:15:15.110 --> 00:15:17.649
Instead, they outsourced the enforcement to private

00:15:17.649 --> 00:15:21.190
citizens via civil lawsuits. Anyone could sue

00:15:21.190 --> 00:15:23.809
someone who aided an abortion and win a $10 ,000

00:15:23.809 --> 00:15:26.090
bounty. It's brilliant in a highly controversial

00:15:26.090 --> 00:15:28.659
way. Because you can't sue a state official to

00:15:28.659 --> 00:15:31.159
block a law if that official has zero power to

00:15:31.159 --> 00:15:34.419
enforce it. Exactly. Abortion providers had literally

00:15:34.419 --> 00:15:36.879
no one to take to federal court to get an injunction.

00:15:37.000 --> 00:15:38.940
It was a complete end run around the federal

00:15:38.940 --> 00:15:42.120
judiciary. And all of this erosion ultimately

00:15:42.120 --> 00:15:45.799
culminated in 2022 with Dobbs v. Jackson Women's

00:15:45.799 --> 00:15:48.480
Health Organization. The Supreme Court officially

00:15:48.480 --> 00:15:52.159
overturned both Roe and Casey in a 5 -4 vote.

00:15:52.490 --> 00:15:55.210
Justice Samuel Alito wrote the majority opinion

00:15:55.210 --> 00:15:59.129
and he leaned heavily on the exact logic Rehnquist

00:15:59.129 --> 00:16:03.049
used in his 1973 dissent. Right. Alito argued

00:16:03.049 --> 00:16:05.409
that the right to an abortion was entirely unknown

00:16:05.409 --> 00:16:07.309
in American law up until the latter part of the

00:16:07.309 --> 00:16:10.070
20th century and therefore could not be implicitly

00:16:10.070 --> 00:16:12.929
protected by the 14th Amendment. But you can't

00:16:12.929 --> 00:16:15.809
officially declare a right entirely unknown in

00:16:15.809 --> 00:16:18.370
American law without fundamentally fracturing

00:16:18.370 --> 00:16:20.830
the massive political alliances that relied on

00:16:20.830 --> 00:16:23.200
it. Oh the fallout was massive. The moment Dobbs

00:16:23.200 --> 00:16:25.460
came down, the sociological fallout was immediate.

00:16:25.679 --> 00:16:27.519
And when you look at the source material detailing

00:16:27.519 --> 00:16:29.820
the decades leading up to Dobbs, you realize

00:16:29.820 --> 00:16:32.700
how much this single legal battle fundamentally

00:16:32.700 --> 00:16:35.639
rewired American demographics. And party politics

00:16:35.639 --> 00:16:37.919
too. It is so easy to forget how different the

00:16:37.919 --> 00:16:40.279
political landscape was before 1973. Oh, totally

00:16:40.279 --> 00:16:42.899
different. If you look at the 1960s and early

00:16:42.899 --> 00:16:46.379
70s, opposition to abortion was heavily concentrated

00:16:46.379 --> 00:16:49.139
on the political left and among Catholic Democrats.

00:16:49.460 --> 00:16:52.580
Meanwhile, many Republicans and evangelical Protestants

00:16:52.580 --> 00:16:55.039
actually supported legalization. They did. They

00:16:55.039 --> 00:16:56.820
viewed it through the lens of individual liberty,

00:16:57.440 --> 00:16:59.740
religious freedom, keeping the government out

00:16:59.740 --> 00:17:03.100
of private family matters. Roe radically flipped.

00:17:03.309 --> 00:17:06.410
those political coalitions. It's almost unimaginable

00:17:06.410 --> 00:17:09.150
to someone looking at modern politics, but the

00:17:09.150 --> 00:17:12.069
parties essentially traded sides over the next

00:17:12.069 --> 00:17:14.750
few decades. And the public opinion data during

00:17:14.750 --> 00:17:18.289
that 50 year span reveals deep, deep contradictions.

00:17:18.730 --> 00:17:20.890
Vast majorities of Americans consistently told

00:17:20.890 --> 00:17:23.390
pollsters they opposed overturning Roe v. Wade.

00:17:23.410 --> 00:17:26.130
Right. But simultaneously, those exact same majorities

00:17:26.130 --> 00:17:28.990
supported strict second trimester bans, which

00:17:28.990 --> 00:17:31.970
Roe prohibited. So what does this all mean? I

00:17:31.970 --> 00:17:33.809
look at American public opinion on this like

00:17:33.809 --> 00:17:37.109
a mosaic. From far away, people claim to be solidly

00:17:37.109 --> 00:17:39.829
pro -choice or pro -life. But when you look closely

00:17:39.829 --> 00:17:42.890
at the individual tiles, the data is full of

00:17:42.890 --> 00:17:45.930
massive contradictions. People wanted the symbolic

00:17:45.930 --> 00:17:49.069
umbrella of Roe upheld while actively supporting

00:17:49.069 --> 00:17:51.750
laws that Roe technically prohibited. It totally

00:17:51.750 --> 00:17:54.109
defies the simple binary we see on the news.

00:17:54.589 --> 00:17:57.009
And the sociological impacts went far beyond

00:17:57.009 --> 00:17:59.730
polling. They touched deep structural aspects

00:17:59.730 --> 00:18:02.420
of American society. Like the Donna Hugh Leavitt

00:18:02.420 --> 00:18:06.279
hypothesis. Yes, highly controversial. But two

00:18:06.279 --> 00:18:09.039
researchers argued that the legalization of abortion

00:18:09.039 --> 00:18:12.839
in the 1970s directly contributed to the massive

00:18:12.839 --> 00:18:16.140
unexpected drop in violent crime rates in the

00:18:16.140 --> 00:18:19.500
1990s. Their mechanism was that fewer children

00:18:19.500 --> 00:18:21.980
were being born into severe poverty or highly

00:18:21.980 --> 00:18:25.140
challenging socioeconomic environments. So two

00:18:25.140 --> 00:18:27.099
decades later, there was a smaller demographic

00:18:27.099 --> 00:18:30.079
cohort statistically at risk for criminal behavior.

00:18:30.269 --> 00:18:32.650
Though it is crucial to point out that theory

00:18:32.650 --> 00:18:35.670
caused an absolute uproar. Oh, yeah. Many economists

00:18:35.670 --> 00:18:38.170
heavily push back. They pointed out that crime

00:18:38.170 --> 00:18:40.390
dropped globally, even in countries where abortion

00:18:40.390 --> 00:18:42.690
wasn't legalized. Right. They argued the drop

00:18:42.690 --> 00:18:44.890
had more to do with the end of the crack epidemic

00:18:44.890 --> 00:18:47.789
and better policing. But just the fact that a

00:18:47.789 --> 00:18:50.890
Supreme Court ruling on medical privacy could

00:18:50.890 --> 00:18:53.450
even theoretically alter national crime rates

00:18:53.450 --> 00:18:56.589
two decades later shows you the scale of its

00:18:56.589 --> 00:18:59.299
impact. Absolutely. There are also documented

00:18:59.299 --> 00:19:01.579
shifts in the labor market. Older women, who

00:19:01.579 --> 00:19:03.140
historically might have had to drop out of the

00:19:03.140 --> 00:19:05.220
workforce to care for unexpected grandchildren,

00:19:05.900 --> 00:19:07.980
were suddenly able to continue their careers,

00:19:08.500 --> 00:19:10.799
changing the trajectory of women's economic power.

00:19:11.099 --> 00:19:13.759
This raises an important question about how political

00:19:13.759 --> 00:19:16.900
alliances are formed and broken. Because one

00:19:16.900 --> 00:19:19.400
of the most fascinating forgotten details in

00:19:19.400 --> 00:19:22.460
our historical material is the role of the global

00:19:22.460 --> 00:19:25.680
population control movement. Back in the 1960s,

00:19:26.160 --> 00:19:28.500
population control advocates were massive champions

00:19:28.500 --> 00:19:30.619
of abortion rights. Right, they viewed it as

00:19:30.619 --> 00:19:33.420
a necessary tool for demographic management to

00:19:33.420 --> 00:19:36.119
solve projected global food and resource crises.

00:19:36.380 --> 00:19:38.240
But that alliance fractured almost immediately.

00:19:38.539 --> 00:19:40.900
Civil rights leaders and black power activists,

00:19:41.180 --> 00:19:43.539
including prominent figures like H. Rat Brown,

00:19:43.980 --> 00:19:46.299
push back fiercely against the population control

00:19:46.299 --> 00:19:48.859
narrative. They looked at the history of eugenics

00:19:48.859 --> 00:19:52.279
and feared that abortion access, when championed

00:19:52.279 --> 00:19:54.500
by wealthy institutions to control population

00:19:54.500 --> 00:19:57.400
growth, was essentially a tool for racial genocide

00:19:57.400 --> 00:20:00.799
aimed at minority communities. Exactly. That

00:20:00.799 --> 00:20:03.700
intense tension forced the mainstream abortion

00:20:03.700 --> 00:20:06.579
rights movement to quickly distance itself from

00:20:06.579 --> 00:20:10.039
any talk of population control. They had to completely

00:20:10.039 --> 00:20:13.279
rebrand the movement around the concept of individual

00:20:13.279 --> 00:20:16.220
private choice, which is the rhetoric we still

00:20:16.220 --> 00:20:18.670
use. today. It is just a staggering history.

00:20:18.769 --> 00:20:21.910
It really is. To quickly recap the journey we've

00:20:21.910 --> 00:20:24.609
taken today for you. We've traced this single

00:20:24.609 --> 00:20:27.009
issue from the common law of the 19th century

00:20:27.009 --> 00:20:29.230
midwives through the strategic engineering of

00:20:29.230 --> 00:20:31.410
a test case in Dallas. We've walked through the

00:20:31.410 --> 00:20:33.430
back rooms of the Supreme Court where Justice

00:20:33.430 --> 00:20:36.349
Blackmun crafted a precarious medical legal framework

00:20:36.349 --> 00:20:38.730
based on the 14th Amendment. We examined the

00:20:38.730 --> 00:20:40.829
early dissents that provided the exact blueprint

00:20:40.829 --> 00:20:43.750
for the ruling's demise. We followed the timeline

00:20:43.750 --> 00:20:45.910
through the moving target of fetal viability.

00:20:46.140 --> 00:20:49.680
all the way to the 2022 dogs decision. We've

00:20:49.680 --> 00:20:51.700
stripped away the modern political rhetoric to

00:20:51.700 --> 00:20:55.460
look purely at the historical, legal, and sociological

00:20:55.460 --> 00:20:58.339
machinery of this monumental case. And as we

00:20:58.339 --> 00:21:01.759
close, there is one final, truly fascinating

00:21:01.759 --> 00:21:04.259
nugget from the source material for you to ponder

00:21:04.259 --> 00:21:07.559
on your own. The legal framework of Roe was so

00:21:07.559 --> 00:21:10.160
powerful and so deeply embedded in the definitions

00:21:10.160 --> 00:21:13.720
of medical science that it spawned entirely new,

00:21:14.099 --> 00:21:16.839
highly controversial categories of civil lawsuits.

00:21:17.299 --> 00:21:19.319
I saw this in the notes. You're talking about

00:21:19.319 --> 00:21:21.160
the wrongful birth and wrongful life claims.

00:21:21.359 --> 00:21:25.059
Yes. The legal interaction between Roe, the changing

00:21:25.059 --> 00:21:27.900
interpretations of the 14th Amendment, and advancing

00:21:27.900 --> 00:21:30.259
medical technology allowed for unprecedented

00:21:30.259 --> 00:21:33.660
legal theories. How so? Well, in some jurisdictions,

00:21:33.819 --> 00:21:36.029
the shifting The constitutional definition of

00:21:36.029 --> 00:21:38.450
fetal viability literally allowed parents, and

00:21:38.450 --> 00:21:40.769
in rare cases the children themselves, to sue

00:21:40.769 --> 00:21:42.690
a doctor over the very fact that they were born.

00:21:42.789 --> 00:21:45.289
Unbelievable. These usually involve cases with

00:21:45.289 --> 00:21:47.309
severe disabilities that weren't diagnosed in

00:21:47.309 --> 00:21:49.430
utero. The parents argued that if they had been

00:21:49.430 --> 00:21:51.210
properly informed, they would have exercised

00:21:51.210 --> 00:21:53.509
their right to terminate. Think about the profound

00:21:53.509 --> 00:21:56.769
gravity of that. We started this deep dive by

00:21:56.769 --> 00:21:59.670
comparing constitutional law to a living, breathing

00:21:59.670 --> 00:22:01.769
construction site. Right. But when you look at

00:22:01.769 --> 00:22:04.000
the reality of a wrongful life's lawsuit, You

00:22:04.000 --> 00:22:05.900
realize that the scaffolding the Supreme Court

00:22:05.900 --> 00:22:08.359
builds doesn't just hold up abstract legal theories

00:22:08.359 --> 00:22:11.420
in a vacuum. It constructs the very definitions

00:22:11.420 --> 00:22:15.119
of existence, liability, and life itself. The

00:22:15.119 --> 00:22:16.579
architecture of the law is never just written

00:22:16.579 --> 00:22:20.079
on paper. It dictates the actual lived boundaries

00:22:20.079 --> 00:22:20.960
of human reality.
