WEBVTT

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So in 1964, which is a full century after the

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end of the Civil War, The black voter registration

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rate in the state of Mississippi, it was a dismal

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6 .7%. Just incredibly low. Right. But then just

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five years later, that number had skyrocketed

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to 66 .5%. Yeah, which is just, it's staggering.

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It really is. Now that is not just a policy success.

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That is a full blown political earthquake. So

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welcome to today's Deep Dive. Glad to be here.

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We are looking at a massive stack of sources

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today. I mean, everything from constitutional

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law reviews, historical department. of justice

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records, down to some recent, really deeply divided

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Supreme Court dissents. It's a heavy stack for

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sure. It is. And our mission, we want to take

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a comprehensive look at the Voting Rights Act

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of 1965. And for you listening, while you likely

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already know the broad strokes of the VRA, we

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are here to pull the car into the garage and

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pop the hood. I like that. Look at the engine.

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Exactly. We're going to examine the surprising

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intricate legal engineering that made it the

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most effective civil rights law in American history

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and how it inadvertently triggered a massive

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ideological realignment in the U .S. And of course,

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why the Supreme Court has fundamentally dismantled

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its core architecture over the last decade or

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so. Right. It really is an astonishing piece

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of legal machinery. Oh, absolutely. And to truly

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understand it, you know, you can't just read

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the text of the law itself. Yeah, that's not

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enough. Right. You have to look at the mechanical

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enforcement of it, how it shifted the burden

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of proof and how it completely upended the traditional

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balance of power between the states and the federal

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government. But hold on, before we get to 1965,

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looking at the historical timeline in these sources,

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this is where I get tripped up, we already had

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the 15th Amendment, right? Yes, ratified way

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back in 1870. Exactly. And it explicitly banned

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racial discrimination in voting. So if that was

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already baked into the Constitution for nearly

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a century, why did we need this massive new piece

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of federal legislation? That is the essential

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historical puzzle right there. The 15th Amendment

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was a constitutional guarantee, absolutely, but

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it lacked self -executing power. What do you

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mean by that? Well, it stated a right, but it

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didn't provide a mechanism to actually enforce

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that right on a random Tuesday morning in a rural

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county clerk's office. Oh, I see. Yeah. So during

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the post reconstruction era, southern states

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just systematically neutralize the amendment.

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And, you know, you listening are probably well

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aware of the methods. Right. The literacy tests,

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the poll taxes. Exactly. Grandfather clauses.

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The states couldn't explicitly write no black

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voters into their laws. So they built this labyrinth

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of bureaucratic roadblocks that achieved the

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exact same result. OK, let's unpack this. Because

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looking at these DOJ records from the late 50s

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and early 60s, it wasn't just unfair. It was

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a complete bureaucratic black hole. Oh, completely.

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The Department of Justice was relying on case

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-by -case litigation. And it strikes me as playing

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like a rigged game of legal whack -a -mole. That

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is a perfect analogy for it. Right. Federal lawyers

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would spend thousands of hours pulling county

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records trying to prove that a specific local

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registrar was applying a literacy test in a discriminatory

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way. And that is exactly where the mechanics

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of the legal system totally failed the victims.

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Let's trace how a DOJ lawsuit actually worked

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back then. Walk me through it. So the federal

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government would file a suit. They bore the entire

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burden of proof. It would take months, sometimes

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years, to get before a judge. Wow, years. Yeah.

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And during that time, the election would happen

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anyway, and the disenfranchisement would already

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be complete. So the damage is done. Exactly.

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And even if the DOJ miraculously won the case

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and struck down a specific county's literacy

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test, the local registrar might just, well, They

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might just resign. Which stalls the federal mandate.

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Right. Or the state legislature would simply

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convene the very next week and pass a brand new,

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slightly different understanding clause. Or,

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you know, I guess the number of jelly beans in

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this jar test. Which instantly resets the clock.

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And the DOJ has to start a brand new multi -year

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lawsuit all over again. Precisely. Between 1957

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and 1964, the DOJ filed 71 voting rights lawsuits.

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Only 71. Yeah, and the amount of effort was monumental,

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yet the needle barely moved on actual voter registration.

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The perpetrators of discrimination had the ultimate

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advantage. They had time and inertia. Because

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the federal government was trapped in this agonizingly

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slow litigation loop. Exactly. So civil rights

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leaders realized they couldn't win in a courtroom.

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They had to win in the court of public opinion,

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which meant forcing a real confrontation. Which

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brings us to Selma. Right. Selma, Alabama in

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1965. The violence detailed in our historical

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sources is just, I mean, it's horrific. It really

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is. In February, a young unarmed protester named

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Jimmy Lee Jackson was shot and killed by police

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while trying to protect his mother during a nighttime

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march. And his murder was the absolute catalyst

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for the Selma to Montgomery marches. Right. The

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first of those attempts occurred on March 7th,

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1965. Bloody Sunday. Peaceful demonstrators were

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just brutally attacked by state troopers with

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tear gas and billy clubs on the Edmund Pettus

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And that footage was broadcast into living rooms

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across the entire nation. Right. It interrupted

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regular TV programming. It did. And shortly after

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that, Reverend James Reeb, who was a white minister

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from Boston who had traveled south to support

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the movement, was fatally beaten. So the national

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outrage completely shifted the political calculus

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because President Lyndon B. Johnson had initially

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been pretty hesitant, right? He was. He was worried

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about the political capital it would cost to

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push another civil rights bill so soon after

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the 1964 Civil Rights Act. But Selma changed

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his tune completely. Privately, he ordered his

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attorney general, Nicholas Katzenbach, to write

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the, and this is a quote, the goddamn -dest toughest

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voting rights act possible. Yeah, he didn't hold

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back. No. And publicly, he did something unprecedented.

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He addressed a joint session of Congress and

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adopted the anthem of the movement, literally

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saying, we shall overcome. If we connect this

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to the bigger picture, Selma was the breaking

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point that forced a massive paradigm shift in

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American legal philosophy. Oh, so? Well, the

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federal government finally admitted that reactive

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litigation suing after the damage was already

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done was a catastrophic failure. Right. The whack

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-a -mole wasn't working. Exactly. They needed

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a proactive structural remedy. They needed to

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write a law that actually anticipated the bad

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faith of local officials and preempted it entirely.

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And that proactive remedy was the informally

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named Dirksenbach Bill. drafted by Katzenbach

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alongside Senators Mike Mansfield and Everett

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Dirksen. This is where the actual legal architecture

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just blows my mind. The way they designed this

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law was a two -pronged approach. First you have

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the general provisions. which were mostly housed

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in Section 2. Yes, Section 2. This was a permanent

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nationwide ban prohibiting any voting practice

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that discriminates on the basis of race. And

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we really should pause on Section 2 because an

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amendment in 1982 significantly changed its mechanics.

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Oh right, the intent versus effect thing. Exactly.

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Originally, courts interpreted Section 2 to require

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proof of discriminatory intent. You had to prove

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the lawmakers actively wanted to suppress minority

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votes. Which has to be incredibly difficult to

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prove in a court of law. Lawmakers rarely put

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their racism in writing. Exactly. So in 1982,

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Congress established a results test. This meant

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plaintiffs only had to prove that a voting law

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had a discriminatory effect or a disparate impact.

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Regardless of what the lawmakers underlying intent

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supposedly was. Right. It shifted the focus to

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the actual real world outcome. OK. So Section

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2 applies everywhere from Maine to California.

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But the architects of the VRA knew a general

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rule wouldn't stop the states that had been playing

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that whack -a -mole game for a century. No, not

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at all. So they created the second prom, the

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special provisions, which are anchored by Section

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4B and Section 5. Here's where it gets really

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interesting. This is really the genius of the

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legislation. Section 4B established a mathematical

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coverage formula. A formula? Yes. It was designed

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to automatically identify the worst offenders

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without needing a lengthy trial. The formula

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basically looked at two things. Did a jurisdiction

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maintain a test or device restricting voting

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as of November 1964? And did less than 50 % of

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its voting age population register or vote in

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the 1964 presidential election? Got it. So if

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you hit those two mathematical triggers, congratulations,

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you're on the federal naughty list. Exactly.

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Which consisted mostly of states and counties

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in the Deep South. And being on that list, triggered

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Section 5, which is known as pre -clearance.

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To me, this is the craziest part of the law.

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It's definitely the most powerful. Right. Under

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pre -clearance, covered jurisdictions were completely

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legally frozen. They could not change any voting

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law. I mean, not even moving a polling place

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from a high school gym to the church across the

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street without getting permission from the federal

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government first. And that permission or pre

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-clearance had to come from either the U .S.

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Attorney General or a three -judge panel in Washington,

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D .C. It's the difference between setting a general

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speed limit for everyone on the road, which is

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Section 2, versus taking a group of drivers with

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a history of severe reckless driving and forcing

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them to ask a parole officer for permission before

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they can even put their keys in the ignition.

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That's Section 5 pre -clearance. That's a great

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way to put it. And the standard the DOJ used

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to evaluate these new laws was called retrogression,

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which was established in a case called Beer v.

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United States. Yes, the retrogression standard.

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The federal government wasn't demanding that

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states draw a perfect optimal maps for minority

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voters, right? They would only deny a new law

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if it made things worse for minority voters than

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the status quo. It was strictly an anti -backsliding

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mechanism. What's fascinating here is how breathtakingly

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aggressive this was for constitutional federalism.

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Yeah, it's a huge shift. I mean, the United States

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has founded on the 10th Amendment principle of

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state sovereignty that states hold the power

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to run their own elections. Right. The Voting

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Rights Act intentionally stripped specific targeted

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states of their sovereign rights based on their

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historical behavior. And the Supreme Court was

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okay with that? The Supreme Court at the time

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upheld it. They essentially agreed that the disease

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of systemic racism was so entrenched that it

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justified an exceptional, highly invasive structural

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remedy. Wow. The brilliance was that it entirely

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flipped the burden of proof. Instead of victims

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suing to stop a bad law, the states now had to

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mathematically prove their new laws were not

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discriminatory before they could even enact them.

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So with that strict federal loosh in place, the

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immediate impact was just staggering. In 1965

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alone, 250 ,000 African Americans registered

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to vote. A massive jump. And importantly, our

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sources note that one -third of those were registered

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directly by federal examiners. Literally, federal

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agents sent down to bypass local registrars entirely.

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And the tangible outcomes of that enfranchisement

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completely reshaped local governance. The number

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of black elected officials skyrocketed. Which

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led to real changes on the ground. Yes, the research

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shows this led to highly concrete policy changes.

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We see significant increases in public goods

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provision, like municipal services and public

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education funding, directed toward areas with

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higher black populations. Because suddenly, local

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white lawmakers had to actually care about the

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needs of these newly registered black voters

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if they wanted to win reelection. Exactly. It

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forced a change in priorities. So what does this

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all mean? Looking at the broader historical narrative

00:11:38.039 --> 00:11:39.960
in these sources, this is where I want to push

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back a little on how we usually talk about this.

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OK, let's hear it. We always hear about the VRA

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as this shining moral victory for civil rights,

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which obviously it absolutely is. But the raw

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data suggests it was also arguably the biggest

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political earthquake of the 20th century. Oh,

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absolutely. It didn't just change who voted.

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It literally rewired the entire ideological grid

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of American politics. It absolutely did. The

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enfranchisement of millions of black voters in

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the South pushed the National Democratic Party

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significantly to the left on civil rights. Right.

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In response, Southern white conservatives, who

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had been a monolithic voting bloc for the Democrats

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since the Civil War, felt deeply alienated. So

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they jumped ship. Yes. They began abandoning

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the Democratic Party and switching their support

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to the Republican Party. And the GOP actively

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capitalized on this racial resentment with what

00:12:35.870 --> 00:12:38.429
became known as the Southern Strategy. But the

00:12:38.429 --> 00:12:40.309
sources point out it wasn't just about voters

00:12:40.309 --> 00:12:42.990
changing their minds. It was mechanically about

00:12:42.990 --> 00:12:45.230
how the maps were drawn. Right. The districting.

00:12:45.549 --> 00:12:48.809
Because of Section 5, states had to prevent vote

00:12:48.809 --> 00:12:51.779
dilution. So they started drawing what are called

00:12:51.779 --> 00:12:55.279
majority minority districts Packing a large percentage

00:12:55.279 --> 00:12:58.279
of black voters into a single congressional district

00:12:58.279 --> 00:13:00.679
to ensure they could elect a candidate of their

00:13:00.679 --> 00:13:03.019
choice Exactly and the mechanical side effect

00:13:03.019 --> 00:13:05.460
of that districting is crucial to understand

00:13:05.460 --> 00:13:08.240
break that down for me well if you take a geographic

00:13:08.240 --> 00:13:12.120
area and intentionally pack 65 % of the liberal

00:13:12.120 --> 00:13:14.500
leaning minority voters into one single district

00:13:14.500 --> 00:13:17.600
to guarantee a civil rights victory you are simultaneously

00:13:17.600 --> 00:13:19.500
pulling those liberal vote voters out of the

00:13:19.500 --> 00:13:21.620
neighboring districts. Precisely. You're concentrating

00:13:21.620 --> 00:13:24.019
the blue votes, which inadvertently makes the

00:13:24.019 --> 00:13:26.320
three or four surrounding districts much more

00:13:26.320 --> 00:13:29.039
solidly white and reliably red. That is wild.

00:13:29.200 --> 00:13:31.320
So while minority representation in Congress

00:13:31.320 --> 00:13:34.980
increased exactly as the VRA intended, the overall

00:13:34.980 --> 00:13:39.000
structural effect actually helped solidify Republican

00:13:39.000 --> 00:13:41.799
conservative control over the wider southern

00:13:41.799 --> 00:13:44.879
political landscape. Wow. The VRA essentially

00:13:44.879 --> 00:13:47.500
forced the two major American political parties

00:13:47.500 --> 00:13:50.210
to abandon their historical regional coalitions

00:13:50.210 --> 00:13:53.269
and polarize into the distinct ideologically

00:13:53.269 --> 00:13:56.669
pure conservative and liberal identities we recognize

00:13:56.669 --> 00:13:59.649
today. It's incredible. The act was so profoundly

00:13:59.649 --> 00:14:02.070
effective at stopping discrimination and changing

00:14:02.070 --> 00:14:04.370
the electorate that it changed the parties themselves.

00:14:04.470 --> 00:14:06.809
It really did. But here's the ultimate legal

00:14:06.809 --> 00:14:09.990
irony found in our sources. That very success,

00:14:10.409 --> 00:14:12.370
the fact that black voter registration reached

00:14:12.370 --> 00:14:14.730
parity with white voter registration, became

00:14:14.730 --> 00:14:16.889
the primary legal weapon the Supreme Court used

00:14:16.889 --> 00:14:19.529
to... mantle the VRA's core enforcement mechanisms

00:14:19.529 --> 00:14:22.470
in the 21st century. Yes. The structural integrity

00:14:22.470 --> 00:14:24.850
of the VRA has been systematically deconstructed

00:14:24.850 --> 00:14:26.830
by the modern court. And you have to start with

00:14:26.830 --> 00:14:29.490
the 2013 landmark decision in Shelby County v.

00:14:29.610 --> 00:14:32.049
Holder. This is the massive turning point. In

00:14:32.049 --> 00:14:34.500
Shelby County, The Supreme Court struck down

00:14:34.500 --> 00:14:36.879
Section 4B, that mathematical coverage formula

00:14:36.879 --> 00:14:39.240
we talked about. Right. Chief Justice John Roberts

00:14:39.240 --> 00:14:41.539
argued that using 40 -year -old voter turnout

00:14:41.539 --> 00:14:46.620
data from 1964 to punish states in 2013 violated

00:14:46.620 --> 00:14:49.139
the constitutional principle of the equal sovereignty

00:14:49.139 --> 00:14:52.120
of the states. Exactly. But the mechanical trick

00:14:52.120 --> 00:14:54.279
here is that the court didn't actually strike

00:14:54.279 --> 00:14:57.139
down Section 5 preclearance itself. They just

00:14:57.139 --> 00:14:59.259
destroyed the formula that determines who goes

00:14:59.259 --> 00:15:01.779
on the list. Which means Section 5 preclearance

00:15:01.779 --> 00:15:04.929
still exists on paper, but it is a lock without

00:15:04.929 --> 00:15:07.330
a key. Wow. Yeah, without a coverage formula,

00:15:07.429 --> 00:15:09.429
the federal government has no jurisdiction to

00:15:09.429 --> 00:15:12.049
freeze those state laws. Chief Justice Roberts

00:15:12.049 --> 00:15:14.370
argued that the 10th Amendment guarantees states

00:15:14.370 --> 00:15:16.850
the right to run their elections and that the

00:15:16.850 --> 00:15:19.330
exceptional conditions of 1965 that justified

00:15:19.330 --> 00:15:22.190
federal intrusions simply no longer exist. But

00:15:22.190 --> 00:15:24.429
that logic drove the liberal justices crazy.

00:15:24.590 --> 00:15:27.090
I mean, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously

00:15:27.090 --> 00:15:29.389
wrote in her blistering dissent that throwing

00:15:29.389 --> 00:15:31.750
out the coverage formula is exactly like out

00:15:31.750 --> 00:15:34.169
your umbrella in a rainstorm because you aren't

00:15:34.169 --> 00:15:36.509
currently getting wet. It's a famous line. The

00:15:36.509 --> 00:15:38.909
Supreme Court majority looked at the high registration

00:15:38.909 --> 00:15:41.730
data and said the disease is cured we don't need

00:15:41.730 --> 00:15:44.230
this harsh medicine anymore while critics are

00:15:44.230 --> 00:15:48.049
screaming no the medicine is just working. This

00:15:48.049 --> 00:15:50.389
raises an important question though. How does

00:15:50.389 --> 00:15:53.210
a court measure when a historical remedy is no

00:15:53.210 --> 00:15:55.950
longer needed? Right. And the immediate aftermath

00:15:55.950 --> 00:15:58.549
proved Ginsburg's point for many civil rights

00:15:58.549 --> 00:16:01.570
advocates. The very same day Shelby County was

00:16:01.570 --> 00:16:04.090
decided, previously covered states immediately

00:16:04.090 --> 00:16:07.429
announced strict new voter ID laws. The very

00:16:07.429 --> 00:16:10.090
same day. Yeah. In the years following, jurisdictions

00:16:10.090 --> 00:16:12.970
freed from preclearance massively increased the

00:16:12.970 --> 00:16:15.629
rate of voter registration role purges and closed

00:16:15.629 --> 00:16:17.830
hundreds of polling places in minority neighborhoods.

00:16:18.279 --> 00:16:21.399
So with Section 5 functionally dead, civil rights

00:16:21.399 --> 00:16:23.860
groups had to rely entirely on Section 2. that

00:16:23.860 --> 00:16:26.120
nationwide ban we talked about earlier. But then

00:16:26.120 --> 00:16:28.799
in 2021, the Supreme Court took a sled hammer

00:16:28.799 --> 00:16:31.759
to Section 2 in a case called Brandovich v. DNC.

00:16:31.980 --> 00:16:34.399
The mechanics of Brandovich are vital here. The

00:16:34.399 --> 00:16:36.940
court substantially weakened the results test

00:16:36.940 --> 00:16:38.820
of Section 2. How did they do that? They ruled

00:16:38.820 --> 00:16:41.019
that a state's interest in preventing election

00:16:41.019 --> 00:16:43.860
fraud could justify restrictive voting rules

00:16:43.860 --> 00:16:46.559
that have a disparate impact on minority voters,

00:16:46.860 --> 00:16:49.340
even if the state cannot produce any evidence

00:16:49.340 --> 00:16:51.440
that voter fraud has actually occurred in the

00:16:51.440 --> 00:16:54.919
past. Really? even without evidence of past fraud?

00:16:55.139 --> 00:16:58.519
Exactly. It significantly elevated the state's

00:16:58.519 --> 00:17:02.159
theoretical fears over the minority voters' actual

00:17:02.159 --> 00:17:04.359
statistical disenfranchisement. And the legal

00:17:04.359 --> 00:17:07.359
assault is still happening right now. The sources

00:17:07.359 --> 00:17:09.940
highlight a 2023 ruling from the Eighth Circuit

00:17:09.940 --> 00:17:12.940
Court of Appeals that questioned a concept called

00:17:12.940 --> 00:17:15.779
statutory standing. Right? They questioned whether

00:17:15.779 --> 00:17:18.839
private groups, like the NAACP or individual

00:17:18.839 --> 00:17:21.160
voters, even have the legal right to sue under

00:17:21.160 --> 00:17:24.509
Section 2. The court suggested that because Congress

00:17:24.509 --> 00:17:27.269
didn't explicitly write a private right of action

00:17:27.269 --> 00:17:29.690
into the text, perhaps only the United States

00:17:29.690 --> 00:17:31.650
Attorney General is allowed to bring these lawsuits.

00:17:31.829 --> 00:17:33.569
Which is a mechanical nightmare for enforcement.

00:17:33.829 --> 00:17:35.650
The Department of Justice only has a few dozen

00:17:35.650 --> 00:17:37.829
voting rights attorneys. That's it. Yeah, and

00:17:37.829 --> 00:17:40.450
there are thousands of counties and municipalities

00:17:40.450 --> 00:17:43.630
in the United States. If private citizens and

00:17:43.630 --> 00:17:46.109
civil rights organizations cannot bring lawsuits,

00:17:46.849 --> 00:17:49.869
99 % of discriminatory maps or policies will

00:17:49.869 --> 00:17:52.119
simply go unchallenged because the government

00:17:52.119 --> 00:17:55.299
lacks the manpower to police the entire country.

00:17:55.680 --> 00:17:57.660
And when we look at our sources regarding the

00:17:57.660 --> 00:18:00.740
ongoing 2025 congressional map revisions urged

00:18:00.740 --> 00:18:03.660
by President Trump, it's fascinating because

00:18:03.660 --> 00:18:07.319
we are watching two completely incompatible legal

00:18:07.319 --> 00:18:11.400
philosophies colliding in real time. Absolutely

00:18:11.400 --> 00:18:13.279
colliding. And just to be clear to you, the listener,

00:18:13.819 --> 00:18:15.900
our goal here isn't to pick a winner between

00:18:15.900 --> 00:18:18.700
these two sides. We are just here to map out

00:18:18.730 --> 00:18:20.869
the legal architecture they are both using to

00:18:20.869 --> 00:18:23.289
fight this battle. Right, exactly. On the conservative

00:18:23.289 --> 00:18:25.789
side of our sources, the legal argument is fundamentally

00:18:25.789 --> 00:18:28.009
about constitutional fairness and state sovereignty.

00:18:28.170 --> 00:18:30.769
Yes. The right -wing legal perspective contends

00:18:30.769 --> 00:18:33.210
that the old coverage formula unfairly punished

00:18:33.210 --> 00:18:35.910
states for the historical sins of their grandfathers,

00:18:36.130 --> 00:18:38.809
ignoring decades of massive demographic and political

00:18:38.809 --> 00:18:41.769
progress. It asserts that all states must have

00:18:41.769 --> 00:18:44.289
equal sovereignty to manage their own elections

00:18:44.289 --> 00:18:47.470
without constant federal micromanagement. And

00:18:47.470 --> 00:18:50.369
importantly, that race should not be the primary

00:18:50.369 --> 00:18:53.450
overarching factor dictating how state legislatures

00:18:53.450 --> 00:18:56.450
draw their map lines. Right. Now, conversely,

00:18:56.829 --> 00:18:59.109
the left -wing legal architecture argues that

00:18:59.109 --> 00:19:01.450
the disease of voter discrimination was only

00:19:01.450 --> 00:19:05.259
in remission never cured. Exactly. This viewpoint

00:19:05.259 --> 00:19:07.240
contends that rulings like Shelby County and

00:19:07.240 --> 00:19:10.900
Brnovich are intellectually dishonest and inherently

00:19:10.900 --> 00:19:13.720
discriminatory because they systematically strip

00:19:13.720 --> 00:19:16.579
away the only effective safeguards minority voters

00:19:16.579 --> 00:19:18.720
have against state -level suppression tactics.

00:19:19.400 --> 00:19:21.660
They argue that without the VRA, states will

00:19:21.660 --> 00:19:23.900
inevitably revert to gerrymandering and vote

00:19:23.900 --> 00:19:26.579
dilution. This tension sits at the very heart

00:19:26.579 --> 00:19:36.500
of modern American jurisprudence. It's a huge

00:19:36.500 --> 00:19:47.319
question. Well, let's bring this all together.

00:19:47.549 --> 00:19:49.549
We've taken quite a journey through these sources

00:19:49.549 --> 00:19:52.849
today. We started with the violent, tragic catalyst

00:19:52.849 --> 00:19:55.690
of Bloody Sunday, which finally forced the federal

00:19:55.690 --> 00:19:58.269
government to stop playing legal whack -a -mole

00:19:58.269 --> 00:20:01.490
and build a proactive firewall. We looked at

00:20:01.490 --> 00:20:04.549
the sheer ingenuity of Section 5 pre -clearance,

00:20:04.910 --> 00:20:07.910
forcing states with bad track records to prove

00:20:07.910 --> 00:20:10.450
their innocence before changing a single rule.

00:20:10.599 --> 00:20:14.019
We mapped out how that enfranchisement inadvertently

00:20:14.019 --> 00:20:17.519
redrew the ideological map of the U .S., sparking

00:20:17.519 --> 00:20:19.680
the modern political realignment. Huge ripple

00:20:19.680 --> 00:20:22.079
effects. And finally, we examined the modern

00:20:22.079 --> 00:20:24.799
Supreme Court era where the act's most powerful

00:20:24.799 --> 00:20:27.480
structural teeth have been mathematically pulled

00:20:27.480 --> 00:20:29.720
out. And for you listening, it is crucial to

00:20:29.720 --> 00:20:32.059
remember that the mechanics of voting laws aren't

00:20:32.059 --> 00:20:35.099
just dry, abstract history. No, not at all. They

00:20:35.099 --> 00:20:37.910
are the invisible architecture of power. The

00:20:37.910 --> 00:20:40.769
exact algorithm used to draw your district, the

00:20:40.769 --> 00:20:43.509
specific ID required at your local polling place,

00:20:44.009 --> 00:20:46.529
the obscure rules governing the purging of registration

00:20:46.529 --> 00:20:49.150
roles these mechanics dictate who holds office,

00:20:49.529 --> 00:20:51.890
which in turn dictates every aspect of your daily

00:20:51.890 --> 00:20:54.829
life, from your tax rate to your public education

00:20:54.829 --> 00:20:57.490
to your health care. Whoever writes the rules

00:20:57.490 --> 00:21:00.349
of the game determines who wins, which leaves

00:21:00.349 --> 00:21:02.539
us with a brand new thought to ponder. Something

00:21:02.539 --> 00:21:04.440
that builds on everything we've unpacked today.

00:21:04.700 --> 00:21:07.480
What's that? Well, the Voting Rights Act of 1965

00:21:07.480 --> 00:21:10.319
was fundamentally designed to integrate a historically

00:21:10.319 --> 00:21:14.099
disenfranchised black population into an overwhelmingly

00:21:14.099 --> 00:21:17.480
white majority system. But looking to the future,

00:21:17.900 --> 00:21:19.920
the demographics of the United States are shifting

00:21:19.920 --> 00:21:22.900
incredibly fast. Very fast. We are rapidly moving

00:21:22.900 --> 00:21:25.680
toward becoming a majority minority nation where

00:21:25.680 --> 00:21:28.599
no single racial or ethnic group holds a clear

00:21:28.599 --> 00:21:31.390
numerical majority. That demographic reality

00:21:31.390 --> 00:21:33.769
changes the entire incentive structure of voting

00:21:33.769 --> 00:21:36.450
rights and election law. It really does. So how

00:21:36.450 --> 00:21:38.990
will representation and voting rights be managed

00:21:38.990 --> 00:21:41.670
in a post -pre -clearance world under these new

00:21:41.670 --> 00:21:43.950
demographics? That's the million dollar question.

00:21:44.329 --> 00:21:47.549
Right. If a local historically white power structure

00:21:47.549 --> 00:21:50.589
suddenly finds itself in the minority, Will they

00:21:50.589 --> 00:21:54.170
invent entirely new, mathematically complex methods

00:21:54.170 --> 00:21:58.349
of vote dilution, like at -large voting or aggressive

00:21:58.349 --> 00:22:01.289
cracking and packing to target emerging demographic

00:22:01.289 --> 00:22:03.650
groups? It's entirely possible. And without the

00:22:03.650 --> 00:22:06.230
original proactive teeth of the VRA's pre -clearance

00:22:06.230 --> 00:22:08.950
formula, who is actually going to police them,

00:22:09.289 --> 00:22:11.450
are we destined to just sit back down at the

00:22:11.450 --> 00:22:14.150
table trapped in the exact same rigged game of

00:22:14.150 --> 00:22:16.650
legal whack -a -mole the DOJ was playing in 1964?

00:22:16.849 --> 00:22:18.730
It's definitely something to think about. Keep

00:22:18.730 --> 00:22:21.650
questioning the rules. Keep questioning the invisible

00:22:21.650 --> 00:22:23.789
architecture around you, and thanks for taking

00:22:23.789 --> 00:22:24.789
this deep dive with us.
