WEBVTT

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It is 4 .00 a .m. on March 2nd, 1877. The United

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States is exactly three days away from Inauguration

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Day, and the country literally has no recognized

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president. Right, none. It's totally up in the

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air. And in Washington, D .C., you've got outgoing

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President Ulysses S. Grant. quietly tightening

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military security around the Capitol because

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out in the states these armed militias are openly

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threatening to march on Washington. Yeah, they

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want to install their preferred candidate by

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force. It's incredibly tense. Exactly. I mean,

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the nation is staring down the very real barrel

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of a second civil war. And this is barely a decade

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after the first one ended. The tension is just

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unbearable. And then suddenly everyone just goes

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home. It's so bizarre. The crisis just evaporates.

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One man takes the oath of office peacefully.

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The armed militias stand down. And today we are

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going to try and answer a question that has haunted

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historians for, well, 150 years. Why? Yeah, it

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is honestly one of the most abrupt and baffling

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deflations of political tension in American history.

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You have a nation fully mobilized for political

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violence and then overnight. a complete cessation

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of hostilities. Welcome to the Deep Dive. We

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are speaking directly to you, the listener, and

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today we know exactly what your mission is. You're

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a college history student and you are currently

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staring at a massive stack of sources trying

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to untangle the historiography of the post -Civil

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War era. Which is no small feat, let me tell

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you. Right. Specifically, you're looking at the

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event that supposedly brought reconstruction

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to a close, the Compromise of 1877, or, you know,

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the Wormley Agreement, the Tilden Hayes Compromise,

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the corrupt bargain. Basically, take your pick.

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Yeah, the sheer number of names for this single

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event is your first clue that pinning it down

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is incredibly difficult. And for a history student,

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I mean, that is where the real analytical work

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begins. Absolutely. Our goal today isn't just

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to recite the narrative of the 1876 election.

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You likely have the basic time from your survey

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courses already. Our objective is to dissect

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how historians actually argue about the resolution

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of that election. We're going to look at the

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sources you provided to analyze the main scholarly

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arguments surrounding the validity of this entire

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compromise theory. Okay, let's unpack this. We

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are going to track how the narrative of a secret

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backroom deal was constructed, how it was deconstructed

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by later scholars checking the receipts, and

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how it was eventually entirely reimagined by

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generations of historians looking through different

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global and legal lenses. Yeah, we really want

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to give you the analytical tools to write a killer

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paper. But to understand why historians have

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argued so fiercely over the end of this crisis,

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we have to understand the mechanics of the crisis

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itself, right? We have to go back to the election

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of 1876. We do. And to set the stage. It is impossible

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to overstate the fragility of the United States

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in the winter of 1876. I mean, we are 11 years

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out from Appomattox. Still so recent. Very recent.

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The southern United States is still under federal

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military oversight. Reconstruction is ongoing,

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though the political will in the North to sustain

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it is really waning, largely due to the economic

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devastation of the Panic of 1873. Right. People

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were just tired and broke. Exactly. And against

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this backdrop of racial tension and economic

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depression, we hit a presidential election. You

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have the Democratic candidate, Samuel J. Tilden,

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and the Republican candidate, Brotherford B.

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Hayes. So let's look at who these men actually

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were because their profiles explain a lot about

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the deadlock. Samuel J. Tilden is the governor

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of New York. He's incredibly wealthy and he's

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built this massive national reputation as a corruption

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busting reformer. He's the guy who famously took

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down the Tammany Hall political machine and boss

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Tweed. Which is exactly what the Democratic Party

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needed at that moment. The incumbent Republican

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administration under Ulysses S. Grant had been

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plagued by massive corruption scandals. The whiskey

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ring, the credit mobiliar scandal. So Tilden

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runs on a platform of cleaning house. And on

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the other side, the Republicans nominate Rutherford

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B. Hayes, the governor of Ohio. And Hayes is

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essentially chosen because he's safe. Very safe.

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Yeah, he's a respectable Civil War veteran. He

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has a clean record and he hasn't been tainted

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by the grand administration scandals at all.

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He also runs on a platform of civil service reform.

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So you have two reformers going head to head

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in an incredibly polarized country. And when

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the votes are cast on election night, the math

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creates just an unprecedented constitutional

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nightmare. It really does. The sources break

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down the foundational facts of this electoral

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math. Tilden, the Democrat, secures 184 uncontested

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electoral votes. He wins the popular vote by

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over 250 ,000 votes. Which is a huge margin for

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the time. Huge. And Hayes, the Republican, secures

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165 uncontested electoral votes. But the magic

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number to win the presidency in 1876 is 185.

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Which means Samuel J. Tilden is sitting exactly

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one electoral vote away from the presidency.

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Just one. Just one, and Hayes is 20 votes away.

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But, as luck would have it, there happen to be

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exactly 20 disputed electoral votes hanging in

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the balance. Of course there are. Right. These

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disputed votes are coming from four specific

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states. Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and

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Oregon. So the math dictates an absolute zero

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-sum game here. Hayes needs a miracle. He needs

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every single one of those 20 disputed votes to

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win. If Tilden gets even a fraction of one, if

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he gets a single electoral vote from any of those

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states, he's the president. Okay, we really need

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to drill down into how a state's electoral votes

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become disputed in the first place, because this

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isn't just a recount situation like Florida in

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2000. This is a situation where these states

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are literally sending two completely different

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sets of official paperwork to Washington. Yeah,

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it comes down to the chaotic reality of elections

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in the Reconstruction South. In South Carolina,

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Louisiana, and Florida, you had two fiercely

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competing political forces. You had the incumbent

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Republican state governments, which were supported

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by federal troops and newly enfranchised black

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voters. And then you had the Redeemer Democrats.

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These were white Southerners utilizing massive

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campaigns of intimidation, violence, and economic

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coercion, often spearheaded by paramilitary groups

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like the Red Shirts or the White League, to suppress

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the black Republican vote. So on election day,

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it is absolute chaos. Ballot boxes are being

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stolen, voters are physically blocked from the

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polls, and fraud is just rampant on both sides.

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Precisely. After the election, these three southern

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states utilized what were called returning boards.

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These were essentially state -level election

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commissions, heavily dominated by Republicans.

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The returning boards looked at the initial raw

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vote counts, which favored the Democrats, and

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they systematically threw out thousands of Democratic

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ballots. Thousands. Thousands. And they did this

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siting, documented evidence of violence in voters.

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intimidation by white supremacists. By throwing

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out those tainted votes, the returning boards

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officially certified the states for haze. But

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the Democrats in those states simply refuse to

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accept that, right? They claim the returning

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boards are corrupt and are just stealing the

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election for the Republicans. So the Democrats

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hold their own unofficial meetings, draft their

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own electoral certificates declaring Tilden the

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winner, and mail those to Washington, too. Exactly.

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And then there is Oregon. Oregon wasn't a southern

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state under reconstruction. It was a bizarre

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technicality. Oregon voted for Hayes, but one

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of the Republican electors happened to be a postmaster.

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Wait, a postmaster? Yes. And the U .S. Constitution

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strictly forbids federal officeholders from serving

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as electors. The Democratic governor of Oregon

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seized on this technicality, disqualified the

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Republican elector, and substituted a Democratic

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elector in his place. Wow. So when Congress convenes

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to count the electoral votes, they open the envelopes

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from Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina and Oregon

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and they literally have dueling pieces of paper.

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One set says Hayes, one set says Tilden and both

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claim to be the legal will of the state. And

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the really scary part is that the Constitution

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does not provide a clear tested mechanism for

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how Congress is supposed to decide Which envelope

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is the real one? Which creates a completely paralyzed

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federal government. To resolve the impasse, Congress

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is forced to invent an entirely new ad hoc legal

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mechanism on the fly. They pass the Electoral

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Commission Act. Yeah, and this act establishes

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a 15 member commission tasked with reviewing

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the evidence from the four contested states and

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making a binding ruling on which electoral certificates

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to accept. The mechanical makeup of this commission

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is fascinating, and it's honestly the key to

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understanding the Democrats rage later on. The

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commission is composed of five members from the

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House of Representatives, five members from the

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Senate, and five justices from the Supreme Court.

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Right. And the partisan breakdown was designed

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to be perfectly balanced with a single tiebreaker.

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The House provided three Democrats and two Republicans.

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The Senate provided three Republicans and two

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Democrats. So that's five Democrats and five

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Republicans from Congress. Okay. Perfectly even

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so far. Exactly. From the Supreme Court, they

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selected two known Democratic -leaning justices

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and two known Republican -leaning justices. That

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brings the total to seven Democrats and seven

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Republicans. 14 members. So the final 15th member,

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the ultimate tiebreaker for the presidency of

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the United States, was supposed to be Supreme

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Court Justice David Davis. Right. And Justice

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Davis was highly respected and universally viewed

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as the only true political independent in Washington.

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Both sides genuinely believed he would be an

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impartial judge. But then a massive political

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miscalculation occurred. Well, this part is crazy.

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It really is. Democrats in the Illinois state

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legislature hoping to curry favor with Davis

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and secure his vote on the commission suddenly

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elected him to the United States Senate. They

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thought they were buying his loyalty. They absolutely

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did. Instead, they compromised his neutrality.

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Feeling his independence was now hopelessly politicized,

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Justice Davis immediately resigned from the Supreme

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Court to take his Senate seat, and he completely

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recused himself from the Electoral Commission.

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Which leaves a vacant seat on the commission

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that has to be filled by another Supreme Court

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justice. But there are no independents left on

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the court. Every remaining justice is a Republican

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appointee. Yeah. So they select Justice Joseph

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P. Bradley. a Republican. The carefully designed

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bipartisan commission now officially consists

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of eight Republicans and seven Democrats. And

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shocker when the commission sits down to review

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the complex, nuanced, highly disputed evidence

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of fraud and intimidation in Florida, Louisiana,

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South Carolina and Oregon, they vote exactly

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eight to seven along strict party lines to give

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every single one of those 20 disputed votes to

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the Republican Rutherford B. Hayes. Every single

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vote securing him the presidency by margin of

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185 to 184. I mean that's like a tied championship

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game where the league invents a special referee

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panel at the last minute only for the refs to

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vote exactly along their own team allegiances.

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The reaction from the Democratic Party must have

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been explosive. Oh it was. They feel they've

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been completely defrauded. The Commission, which

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was supposed to be an impartial arbiter, had

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just functioned as a partisan rubber stamp. But

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here is the question for our listener who's trying

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to trace the causality here in their paper. If

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the commission legally resolved it, I mean, if

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it was created by an act of Congress and it executed

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its mandate by voting, why was there a crisis

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that required a compromise in the first place?

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Didn't the commission just do its job? Well,

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legally, yes, the commission fulfilled its mandate,

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but political authority requires consent, and

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the Democratic Party was entirely unwilling to

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grant that consent. And they had one final weapon.

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Under the rules of the Electoral Commission Act,

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The Commission's decisions were binding unless

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they were rejected by both the Senate and the

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House of Representatives. Okay, but the Senate

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is controlled by Republicans, so they're perfectly

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happy to accept the Commission's ruling giving

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the presidency to Hayes. Right. But the House

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is controlled by Democrats, and since they can't

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overrule the Commission without the Senate, they

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decide to completely break the machinery of Congress.

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They resort to extreme dilatory tactics. Let's

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explain the mechanics of that. What does a dilatory

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tactic actually look like on the floor of the

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House in 1877? It is the complete weaponization

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of parliamentary procedure to grind all legislative

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business to an absolute halt. Democratic representatives

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began initiating endless roll call votes. When

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a roll call was called, Democratic members would

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simply refuse to answer, technically depriving

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the House of the quorum necessary to conduct

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business, even though they were physically sitting

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right there in the room. That is so petty, but

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so effective. Highly effective. They would introduce

00:12:29.659 --> 00:12:32.899
endless motions to adjourn. They demanded that

00:12:32.899 --> 00:12:34.940
the entirety of the Constitution be read aloud

00:12:34.940 --> 00:12:38.379
on the floor. Wow. So they are basically filibustering

00:12:38.379 --> 00:12:40.679
the certification of the election. And they took

00:12:40.679 --> 00:12:42.840
it a step further. They started raising completely

00:12:42.840 --> 00:12:45.659
spurious objections to electoral votes from states

00:12:45.659 --> 00:12:47.700
that weren't even in dispute. Wait, really? Like,

00:12:47.799 --> 00:12:50.519
which states? Well, when the county reached Vermont,

00:12:50.799 --> 00:12:53.919
or Wisconsin, states, haze one cleanly without

00:12:53.919 --> 00:12:56.360
any controversy at all, Democrats would suddenly

00:12:56.360 --> 00:12:58.820
submit fake alternative electoral certificates

00:12:58.820 --> 00:13:01.419
and demand that the entire Electoral Commission

00:13:01.419 --> 00:13:04.519
convene again to investigate them. It was a strategy

00:13:04.519 --> 00:13:06.799
of infinite delay. Because the goal here is the

00:13:06.799 --> 00:13:10.179
calendar. Inauguration Day is March 5th. If the

00:13:10.179 --> 00:13:12.200
Democrats can just keep reading the Constitution

00:13:12.200 --> 00:13:14.220
and refusing roll calls until the clock runs

00:13:14.220 --> 00:13:17.379
out on March 5th, Ulysses S. Grant's term ends

00:13:17.379 --> 00:13:20.059
and the United States is left without a legally

00:13:20.059 --> 00:13:22.620
recognized president. And this parliamentary

00:13:22.620 --> 00:13:25.539
sabotage was accompanied by terrifying real -world

00:13:25.539 --> 00:13:28.399
threats. The source material notes the widespread

00:13:28.399 --> 00:13:30.480
talk among Democratic voters that Tilden had

00:13:30.480 --> 00:13:33.279
been robbed. Prominent Democratic newspapers

00:13:33.279 --> 00:13:36.120
were running headlines demanding Tilden or blood.

00:13:36.299 --> 00:13:39.120
Tilden or blood. Wow. Yeah. There were credible

00:13:39.120 --> 00:13:41.600
intelligence reports that armed units of Democratic

00:13:41.600 --> 00:13:43.620
supporters were preparing to physically march

00:13:43.620 --> 00:13:46.559
on Washington, D .C. to install Tilden by force.

00:13:47.179 --> 00:13:49.200
The threat of a second civil war was palpable.

00:13:49.399 --> 00:13:51.700
It's the ultimate staring contest. The Democrats

00:13:51.700 --> 00:13:53.620
have the congressional machinery locked down.

00:13:53.960 --> 00:13:55.960
The Republicans have the commission's legal ruling

00:13:55.960 --> 00:13:58.120
and the threat of catastrophic violence is just

00:13:58.120 --> 00:14:00.659
hovering over the entire country. And then the

00:14:00.659 --> 00:14:03.279
staring contest just abruptly ends. The sources

00:14:03.279 --> 00:14:06.139
tell us that at 410 a .m. on March 2nd, with

00:14:06.139 --> 00:14:08.559
just three days left on the clock, the Democratic

00:14:08.559 --> 00:14:12.259
filibuster simply collapses. The president pro

00:14:12.259 --> 00:14:14.460
tempore of the Senate announces that Hayes has

00:14:14.460 --> 00:14:17.620
been elected. The armed militias stand down.

00:14:18.259 --> 00:14:20.960
Hayes is inaugurated peacefully. And the sheer

00:14:20.960 --> 00:14:23.539
abruptness of this capitulation is the catalyst

00:14:23.539 --> 00:14:26.159
for the entire historiography we are analyzing

00:14:26.159 --> 00:14:29.620
today. Why did the Democrats who had the power

00:14:29.620 --> 00:14:32.159
to push the nation into a constitutional abyss,

00:14:32.539 --> 00:14:35.360
just give up. What'd they get in return for handing

00:14:35.360 --> 00:14:37.840
over the presidency? Which brings us to the first

00:14:37.840 --> 00:14:40.840
major hurdle for historians, right? Section two

00:14:40.840 --> 00:14:43.059
of your notes, the silent era and the rumor mill.

00:14:43.600 --> 00:14:45.200
Because if you were a college student writing

00:14:45.200 --> 00:14:47.820
a paper on this today, your first instinct is

00:14:47.820 --> 00:14:50.250
to go look for the primary sources. You want

00:14:50.250 --> 00:14:52.409
to see the treaty. You want the diary entries

00:14:52.409 --> 00:14:54.970
from the politicians who brokered the deal, the

00:14:54.970 --> 00:14:57.269
secret memos detailing what was traded. And you

00:14:57.269 --> 00:14:59.549
will find absolutely nothing of the sort. Hold

00:14:59.549 --> 00:15:01.830
on, wait. If this was the deal of the century,

00:15:01.990 --> 00:15:04.029
a bargain that literally traded the American

00:15:04.029 --> 00:15:06.889
presidency and ended the era of federal reconstruction,

00:15:07.809 --> 00:15:10.070
how is it possible there are no receipts, no

00:15:10.070 --> 00:15:13.649
diaries, no memos? It is a profound historiographical

00:15:13.649 --> 00:15:16.789
problem known as the paucity of documentary evidence.

00:15:17.159 --> 00:15:20.200
Because the stakes were so high, essentially

00:15:20.200 --> 00:15:23.340
trading the presidency, any negotiations would

00:15:23.340 --> 00:15:26.519
have been highly, highly secret. In the immediate

00:15:26.519 --> 00:15:30.320
aftermath of 1877, there is zero contemporary

00:15:30.320 --> 00:15:32.899
documentary evidence of a negotiated compromise.

00:15:33.080 --> 00:15:36.360
None. None. If you look at the private papers

00:15:36.360 --> 00:15:39.259
of people intimately involved, the silence is

00:15:39.259 --> 00:15:41.659
deafening. Take Abram Hewitt, who was the chairman

00:15:41.659 --> 00:15:44.019
of the Democratic National Committee and deeply

00:15:44.019 --> 00:15:46.639
involved in the crisis. His papers contain no

00:15:46.639 --> 00:15:49.139
evidence of a grand bargain. OK, but what about

00:15:49.139 --> 00:15:51.240
the people literally taking notes in the room?

00:15:51.299 --> 00:15:53.620
Well, look at Milton H. Northrop. He was the

00:15:53.620 --> 00:15:55.419
secretary of the select committee that drafted

00:15:55.419 --> 00:15:58.179
the Electoral Commission Act. In 1901, he wrote

00:15:58.179 --> 00:16:01.279
a highly detailed history of the crisis. He meticulously

00:16:01.279 --> 00:16:03.559
details the debates, the tensions, the voting.

00:16:04.190 --> 00:16:06.350
But he makes absolutely no mention of a backroom

00:16:06.350 --> 00:16:08.690
negotiation that secured Hayes' presidency. So

00:16:08.690 --> 00:16:10.049
if the people in the room weren't writing about

00:16:10.049 --> 00:16:12.470
a deal, where does the narrative of a compromise

00:16:12.470 --> 00:16:15.570
even come from? It emerges from whispers, anecdotes,

00:16:15.710 --> 00:16:18.429
and logical deduction. The sources point to a

00:16:18.429 --> 00:16:20.590
highly revealing account written by a journalist

00:16:20.590 --> 00:16:22.970
and political insider named Henry Watterson.

00:16:23.850 --> 00:16:27.649
In 1913, decades after the event, Watterson published

00:16:27.649 --> 00:16:31.840
an inside history of the 1876 crisis. To illustrate

00:16:31.840 --> 00:16:34.279
the secrecy of the event, he shares a fascinating

00:16:34.279 --> 00:16:36.980
anecdote about a White House dinner party that

00:16:36.980 --> 00:16:39.259
occurred during Grover Cleveland's administration

00:16:39.259 --> 00:16:42.139
in the late 1880s. Okay, so we are already 10

00:16:42.139 --> 00:16:43.759
years removed from the crisis at this point.

00:16:44.539 --> 00:16:47.419
Yes. Watterson describes this dinner where four

00:16:47.419 --> 00:16:50.139
unnamed high -level political insiders from the

00:16:50.139 --> 00:16:53.090
1876 crisis are sitting around the table. They

00:16:53.090 --> 00:16:54.970
start drinking, and they begin trying to outdo

00:16:54.970 --> 00:16:56.669
each other, bragging and dropping hints about

00:16:56.669 --> 00:16:58.830
the salacious secrets they knew about that chaotic

00:16:58.830 --> 00:17:01.710
winter. It's a political parlor game of who knows

00:17:01.710 --> 00:17:03.990
the darkest secret. But did they spill the beans?

00:17:04.470 --> 00:17:06.930
No. Watterson notes that even in that private,

00:17:07.089 --> 00:17:09.390
boastful setting, nobody actually revealed the

00:17:09.390 --> 00:17:12.190
full mechanics of how the crisis ended. Watterson

00:17:12.190 --> 00:17:14.589
himself concludes his 1913 history by stating,

00:17:15.009 --> 00:17:17.440
the whole truth will never be known. That is

00:17:17.440 --> 00:17:19.759
incredibly frustrating for a historian. You have

00:17:19.759 --> 00:17:22.460
a massive historical pivot point and the only

00:17:22.460 --> 00:17:24.799
evidence of a deal is guys at a dinner party

00:17:24.799 --> 00:17:27.119
hinting that they know a secret they won't share.

00:17:27.779 --> 00:17:30.380
But if that's the evidentiary baseline, how does

00:17:30.380 --> 00:17:33.980
the Compromise of 1877 become accepted historical

00:17:33.980 --> 00:17:37.099
fact? It became accepted history because nature

00:17:37.099 --> 00:17:40.519
abhors a vacuum. The lack of evidence paradoxically

00:17:40.519 --> 00:17:44.500
allowed the rumor of a bargain of 1877 to calcify

00:17:44.500 --> 00:17:47.400
into accepted history. simply because it was

00:17:47.400 --> 00:17:49.799
the most plausible way to explain human behavior.

00:17:50.029 --> 00:17:52.609
Political parties do not unilaterally surrender

00:17:52.609 --> 00:17:55.670
the presidency out of a sudden burst of patriotism,

00:17:55.670 --> 00:17:57.750
especially not in the hyper -partisan gilded

00:17:57.750 --> 00:17:59.910
age. Right. Southern Democrats who had spent

00:17:59.910 --> 00:18:02.170
months screaming about fraud and threatening

00:18:02.170 --> 00:18:05.150
violence suddenly recognizing the legal authority

00:18:05.150 --> 00:18:07.490
of a Republican president requires a mechanism

00:18:07.490 --> 00:18:10.150
of explanation. Exactly. It's the logic of deduction.

00:18:10.809 --> 00:18:12.910
Observers assumed a secret deal was struck because

00:18:12.910 --> 00:18:14.869
a secret deal was the only logical framework

00:18:14.869 --> 00:18:17.349
that explained why the Democrats stopped filibustering.

00:18:17.890 --> 00:18:19.529
They assumed the lack of evidence was simply

00:18:19.400 --> 00:18:21.859
proof of how secret the negotiations had to be.

00:18:22.180 --> 00:18:24.440
So if you wake up and the streets are wet you

00:18:24.440 --> 00:18:26.859
assume it rained even if you didn't see the clouds.

00:18:27.140 --> 00:18:30.240
Exactly. And that reliance on plausibility over

00:18:30.240 --> 00:18:33.759
hard paper trails persisted for over 70 years.

00:18:34.119 --> 00:18:36.200
It wasn't until the mid -20th century that a

00:18:36.200 --> 00:18:38.500
historian decided to stop relying on dinner party

00:18:38.500 --> 00:18:41.220
gossip and actually attempt to build a concrete

00:18:41.220 --> 00:18:44.259
structural model of what exactly happened in

00:18:44.259 --> 00:18:46.700
those unrecorded back rooms. Which is where the

00:18:46.700 --> 00:18:49.059
historiography takes a massive leap forward.

00:18:49.460 --> 00:18:53.019
In 1951, a historian named C. Van Woodward publishes

00:18:53.019 --> 00:18:56.140
a seminal book called Reunion and Reaction, the

00:18:56.140 --> 00:18:59.430
Compromise of 1876. and the end of Reconstruction.

00:18:59.829 --> 00:19:01.730
And Woodward doesn't just analyze the event,

00:19:01.890 --> 00:19:04.589
he completely brands it. He really does. Woodward

00:19:04.589 --> 00:19:06.769
is the scholar who coined the term compromise

00:19:06.769 --> 00:19:09.589
of 1877. By giving it that specific title, he

00:19:09.589 --> 00:19:11.769
is making a very intentional historical argument.

00:19:11.910 --> 00:19:14.230
He is elevating this messy, desperate electoral

00:19:14.230 --> 00:19:17.349
dispute to the level of the famous nation -shaping

00:19:17.349 --> 00:19:19.309
legislative compromises of the 19th century,

00:19:19.490 --> 00:19:21.670
things like the Missouri Compromise of 1820 or

00:19:21.670 --> 00:19:24.430
the Compromise of 1850. And his theory completely

00:19:24.430 --> 00:19:26.769
changes how historians look at the motivations

00:19:26.769 --> 00:19:29.950
of the people involved. Before Woodward, the

00:19:29.950 --> 00:19:31.849
assumption was always that this was a purely

00:19:31.849 --> 00:19:34.269
political fight, you know, politicians arguing

00:19:34.269 --> 00:19:37.349
over cabinet seats and federal troops. But Woodward

00:19:37.349 --> 00:19:40.150
introduces a massively important new variable

00:19:40.150 --> 00:19:43.890
into the equation, Gilded Age economics. What's

00:19:43.890 --> 00:19:45.910
fascinating here is how Woodward shifts the focus

00:19:45.910 --> 00:19:49.549
from purely political actors to economic and

00:19:49.549 --> 00:19:52.309
industrial motivations, railroads as the real

00:19:52.309 --> 00:19:54.950
currency of power. Woodward posits that the real

00:19:54.950 --> 00:19:57.670
architects of the compromise were Northern Republican

00:19:57.670 --> 00:20:00.549
railroad barons and the emerging business elite

00:20:00.549 --> 00:20:02.670
of the New South. Let's define the New South

00:20:02.670 --> 00:20:04.789
for our listener, because it's crucial to Woodward's

00:20:04.789 --> 00:20:07.069
argument. The Old South was built entirely on

00:20:07.069 --> 00:20:09.990
plantation agriculture and enslaved labor. After

00:20:09.990 --> 00:20:11.970
the Civil War, there was a movement among southern

00:20:11.970 --> 00:20:13.930
elites, championed by figures like journalist

00:20:13.930 --> 00:20:16.690
Henry Grady, to modernize the South. They want

00:20:16.690 --> 00:20:19.089
factories, they want steel mills, and most importantly,

00:20:19.250 --> 00:20:21.549
they want railroads. They want to industrialize

00:20:21.549 --> 00:20:23.579
to compete with the North. Woodward argues that

00:20:23.579 --> 00:20:25.880
these New South industrialists and the Northern

00:20:25.880 --> 00:20:29.059
Railroad interests recognized a mutual financial

00:20:29.059 --> 00:20:33.160
opportunity in the political chaos of 1876. He

00:20:33.160 --> 00:20:35.900
posits that these businessmen bypassed the screaming

00:20:35.900 --> 00:20:39.019
politicians and met secretly at Wormley's Hotel

00:20:39.019 --> 00:20:41.980
in Washington, D .C. The famous Wormley Agreement.

00:20:42.220 --> 00:20:44.259
Right. And at this hotel, they hammered out a

00:20:44.259 --> 00:20:47.160
highly specific transactional deal. Woodward

00:20:47.160 --> 00:20:49.920
doesn't just suggest a vague agreement, he itemizes

00:20:49.920 --> 00:20:53.519
it into five distinct points of compromise. Five

00:20:53.519 --> 00:20:55.900
specific promises the Republicans made to the

00:20:55.900 --> 00:20:58.279
Southern Democrats in exchange for abandoning

00:20:58.279 --> 00:21:00.519
the filibuster and handing Hayes the presidency.

00:21:00.809 --> 00:21:03.190
Okay, let's break down Woodward's five bullet

00:21:03.190 --> 00:21:05.369
points, because if you are writing a paper, this

00:21:05.369 --> 00:21:07.390
is the structural foundation of the Standard

00:21:07.390 --> 00:21:10.089
Model of 1877. Definitely. Point number one,

00:21:10.450 --> 00:21:13.009
the removal of all remaining U .S. military forces

00:21:13.009 --> 00:21:15.809
from the former Confederate states. By 1877,

00:21:16.230 --> 00:21:18.089
federal troops were only actively propping up

00:21:18.089 --> 00:21:20.230
Republican governments in Louisiana and South

00:21:20.230 --> 00:21:23.460
Carolina. Florida was already done. The Democrats

00:21:23.460 --> 00:21:25.880
demanded they be removed, officially ending federal

00:21:25.880 --> 00:21:28.000
reconstruction and returning the states to home

00:21:28.000 --> 00:21:30.900
rule. Right. Point number two. The appointment

00:21:30.900 --> 00:21:33.599
of at least one Southern Democrat to Hayes's

00:21:33.599 --> 00:21:35.819
presidential cabinet. This would give the White

00:21:35.819 --> 00:21:38.660
South a direct voice in executive patronage.

00:21:39.500 --> 00:21:41.220
And Hayes actually followed through on this.

00:21:41.779 --> 00:21:44.420
He appointed a man named David M. Key of Tennessee

00:21:44.420 --> 00:21:46.940
as postmaster general. Point number three is

00:21:46.940 --> 00:21:49.079
where Woodward's economic thesis really takes

00:21:49.079 --> 00:21:51.960
hold. He argues the South demanded the construction

00:21:51.960 --> 00:21:54.599
of another transcontinental railroad using the

00:21:54.599 --> 00:21:57.099
Texas and Pacific Roads. And this was intimately

00:21:57.099 --> 00:22:00.019
tied to a man named Thomas A. Scott, the powerful

00:22:00.019 --> 00:22:02.940
executive of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Woodward

00:22:02.940 --> 00:22:05.799
actually argues that Scott was the primary power

00:22:05.799 --> 00:22:08.950
broker. initiating the negotiations at Wormley's

00:22:08.950 --> 00:22:12.369
Hotel. Wait, so a railroad executive is essentially

00:22:12.369 --> 00:22:14.650
brokering the presidency of the United States?

00:22:14.769 --> 00:22:16.910
Under Woodward's model, absolutely. Because building

00:22:16.910 --> 00:22:19.490
a transcontinental railroad in the 1870s required

00:22:19.490 --> 00:22:22.150
massive federal land grants and government -backed

00:22:22.150 --> 00:22:24.849
bonds. Scott needed a compliant Congress and

00:22:24.849 --> 00:22:26.970
a friendly president to underwrite his railroad.

00:22:27.769 --> 00:22:30.349
By facilitating a deal that gave Hayes the presidency,

00:22:30.849 --> 00:22:33.089
Scott believed he was securing the federal subsidies

00:22:33.089 --> 00:22:35.700
his railroad desperately needed. Which flows

00:22:35.700 --> 00:22:39.440
perfectly into point number four, a broad commitment

00:22:39.440 --> 00:22:41.940
to federal legislation to industrialize the South.

00:22:42.700 --> 00:22:45.480
The South wanted federal money for internal improvements,

00:22:45.660 --> 00:22:48.079
you know, dredging harbors, building bridges,

00:22:48.400 --> 00:22:50.160
repairing levees along the Mississippi River.

00:22:50.259 --> 00:22:51.940
They wanted the federal government to bankroll

00:22:51.940 --> 00:22:54.539
the new South. And finally, point number five,

00:22:54.960 --> 00:22:57.259
the most tragic and consequential element of

00:22:57.259 --> 00:23:00.269
the bargain. Woodward argues the Republicans

00:23:00.269 --> 00:23:03.210
explicitly agreed to grant the white South the

00:23:03.210 --> 00:23:05.390
right to manage race relations and deal with

00:23:05.390 --> 00:23:08.470
black citizens without any further northern or

00:23:08.470 --> 00:23:11.589
federal interference. They were agreeing to turn

00:23:11.589 --> 00:23:14.170
a blind eye to civil rights. So you have the

00:23:14.170 --> 00:23:16.690
five pillars. Remove the troupes, appoint a southern

00:23:16.690 --> 00:23:19.730
postmaster, build the Texas and Pacific Railroad,

00:23:20.069 --> 00:23:22.589
pass industrial legislation, and abandon federal

00:23:22.589 --> 00:23:25.420
protection for black southerners. I have to admit,

00:23:25.599 --> 00:23:27.779
when you lay out Woodward's model, it is incredibly

00:23:27.779 --> 00:23:30.240
compelling. It is the ultimate smoke -filled

00:23:30.240 --> 00:23:32.579
room narrative. It really is. It's neat, it has

00:23:32.579 --> 00:23:35.019
five clear bullet points, and it perfectly ties

00:23:35.019 --> 00:23:37.720
up the loose ends. As a student writing a paper

00:23:37.720 --> 00:23:39.960
in the 1960s, this is your gold standard, right?

00:23:40.259 --> 00:23:42.059
But, I mean, doesn't it seem almost too neat?

00:23:42.200 --> 00:23:45.220
It does. When you start trying to map a perfectly

00:23:45.220 --> 00:23:48.579
logical five point contract onto the absolute

00:23:48.579 --> 00:23:52.160
chaos of 19th century politics, it seems overly

00:23:52.160 --> 00:23:56.000
tidy. And that exact skepticism is what drove

00:23:56.000 --> 00:23:58.380
the next wave of historiography. OK, so where

00:23:58.380 --> 00:24:02.000
do we go next? In the 1970s, historians began

00:24:02.000 --> 00:24:04.960
to take Woodward's five bullet points and cross

00:24:04.960 --> 00:24:07.299
-reference them against the actual legislative

00:24:07.299 --> 00:24:09.880
and economic record of the Hayes administration.

00:24:10.519 --> 00:24:12.380
And they realized that the math of the compromise

00:24:12.380 --> 00:24:16.039
did not add up. This brings us to 1973, when

00:24:16.039 --> 00:24:18.400
historian Alan Peskin published a devastating

00:24:18.400 --> 00:24:21.740
critique titled, Was There a Compromise of 1877?

00:24:22.039 --> 00:24:24.500
Peskin essentially takes out a red pen and starts

00:24:24.500 --> 00:24:26.710
grading Woodward's theory. And his conclusion

00:24:26.710 --> 00:24:29.130
is that this grand five -point economic bargain

00:24:29.130 --> 00:24:31.490
wasn't actually a compromise at all because the

00:24:31.490 --> 00:24:34.349
terms were largely fictional. Exactly. Peskin

00:24:34.349 --> 00:24:36.630
systematically dismantles the transactional nature

00:24:36.630 --> 00:24:38.730
of the deal. He points out that of Woodward's

00:24:38.730 --> 00:24:40.690
five points, three of them were completely unmet.

00:24:40.769 --> 00:24:42.849
They never happened. And the two that did happen

00:24:42.849 --> 00:24:44.650
were not actually concessions squeezed out of

00:24:44.650 --> 00:24:47.400
the Republicans to buy the presidency. OK. Let's

00:24:47.400 --> 00:24:50.279
dig into the three unmet conditions because this

00:24:50.279 --> 00:24:53.619
reveals so much about Gilded Age lobbying. Woodward

00:24:53.619 --> 00:24:56.119
claimed the South was promised Thomas A. Scott's

00:24:56.119 --> 00:24:58.859
Texas and Pacific Railroad. But Peskin looks

00:24:58.859 --> 00:25:01.259
at the congressional record and points out that

00:25:01.259 --> 00:25:03.599
no serious federal effort was ever made during

00:25:03.599 --> 00:25:06.079
the Hayes administration to fund that railroad.

00:25:06.460 --> 00:25:09.000
The mechanics of why it failed are crucial here.

00:25:09.559 --> 00:25:12.319
Thomas A. Scott wasn't the only railroad baron

00:25:12.319 --> 00:25:15.000
in America. He had a massive rival in Callis

00:25:15.000 --> 00:25:17.200
P. Huntington, who controlled the Southern Pacific

00:25:17.200 --> 00:25:20.119
Railroad. Huntington aggressively lobbied Congress

00:25:20.119 --> 00:25:22.619
against Scott's plan. He essentially bought off

00:25:22.619 --> 00:25:25.640
enough politicians to completely thwart the Texas

00:25:25.640 --> 00:25:28.039
and Pacific route. Wow. Yeah. And the Southern

00:25:28.039 --> 00:25:29.920
Pacific ended up building their own line to New

00:25:29.920 --> 00:25:32.180
Orleans without the federal subsidies Scott was

00:25:32.180 --> 00:25:34.539
demanding. So the great economic prize of the

00:25:34.539 --> 00:25:36.559
compromise, the Southern Transcontinental Railroad,

00:25:36.839 --> 00:25:39.059
was never delivered to the South. And what about

00:25:39.059 --> 00:25:42.059
point four, the grand federal legislation to

00:25:42.059 --> 00:25:45.500
industrialize the South? Peskin finds that also

00:25:45.500 --> 00:25:48.380
never materialized. There was no massive influx

00:25:48.380 --> 00:25:50.920
of federal cash to rebuild southern infrastructure

00:25:50.920 --> 00:25:53.680
under Hayes. The northern public was just tired

00:25:53.680 --> 00:25:55.940
of spending money on the South, and Congress

00:25:55.940 --> 00:25:58.859
refused to open the Treasury. Then Peskin takes

00:25:58.859 --> 00:26:01.440
aim at the fifth point, the Republican agreement

00:26:01.440 --> 00:26:04.769
to abandon civil rights. Woodward argued that

00:26:04.769 --> 00:26:07.589
in 1877, the Republican Party formally agreed

00:26:07.589 --> 00:26:09.829
to stop interfering in Southern race relations.

00:26:10.789 --> 00:26:13.450
But Peskin argues this is a profound misreading

00:26:13.450 --> 00:26:16.289
of the timeline. The Republican Party did not

00:26:16.289 --> 00:26:19.029
abandon civil rights efforts in 1877. In fact,

00:26:19.130 --> 00:26:20.869
they continued to fight for federal oversight

00:26:20.869 --> 00:26:22.990
of Southern elections for more than a decade.

00:26:23.170 --> 00:26:25.230
This is a really important mechanical detail.

00:26:25.549 --> 00:26:27.309
How are they still fighting for civil rights

00:26:27.309 --> 00:26:29.329
after Reconstruction ended? You have to look

00:26:29.329 --> 00:26:31.789
at the Federal Elections Bill of 1890, commonly

00:26:31.789 --> 00:26:34.309
known as the Lodge Bill, drafted by Representative

00:26:34.309 --> 00:26:36.730
Henry Cabot Lodge. The mechanics of this bill

00:26:36.730 --> 00:26:40.750
were incredibly strong. It proposed that if 100

00:26:40.750 --> 00:26:43.369
citizens in any district petition the government,

00:26:43.970 --> 00:26:45.950
federal supervisors would be sent in to oversee

00:26:45.950 --> 00:26:48.970
local elections, investigate fraud, and enforce

00:26:48.970 --> 00:26:52.019
voting rights. This was a direct attempt by the

00:26:52.019 --> 00:26:54.519
Republican Party to combat the disenfranchisement

00:26:54.519 --> 00:26:57.619
of black voters in the South 13 years after the

00:26:57.619 --> 00:27:01.299
supposed compromise of 1877 13 years later. Yeah,

00:27:01.319 --> 00:27:03.660
and the Lodge bill passed the house and only

00:27:03.660 --> 00:27:06.940
failed in the Senate by a single vote Peskin

00:27:06.940 --> 00:27:08.839
argues that if the Republicans had truly struck

00:27:08.839 --> 00:27:11.460
a bargain in 1877 to permanently abandon the

00:27:11.460 --> 00:27:13.539
South the white supremacy The Lodge bill never

00:27:13.539 --> 00:27:15.259
would have been written let alone almost passed

00:27:15.500 --> 00:27:17.599
The Republican retreat from civil rights was

00:27:17.599 --> 00:27:20.319
a long agonizing erosion of political will, not

00:27:20.319 --> 00:27:22.779
a sudden switch flipped in a hotel room in 1877.

00:27:23.200 --> 00:27:25.420
So Peskin destroys three of the five pillars.

00:27:26.380 --> 00:27:28.500
The Democrats were supposedly bought off with

00:27:28.500 --> 00:27:31.279
railroads, factories, and the immediate end of

00:27:31.279 --> 00:27:33.599
civil rights enforcement, but they didn't get

00:27:33.599 --> 00:27:35.599
the railroads, they didn't get the factories,

00:27:35.920 --> 00:27:38.640
and the Republicans kept trying to pass civil

00:27:38.640 --> 00:27:42.039
rights bills until 1890. Here's where it gets

00:27:42.039 --> 00:27:44.440
really interesting for our listener. If I'm understanding

00:27:44.440 --> 00:27:47.660
Peskin correctly, Woodward's grand compromise

00:27:47.660 --> 00:27:50.920
was basically a mirage. Yeah, pretty much. It's

00:27:50.920 --> 00:27:52.960
like claiming I bribed you with a pizza, but

00:27:52.960 --> 00:27:55.279
I was already planning to buy pizza and I never

00:27:55.279 --> 00:27:57.279
actually gave you the garlic knots I promised.

00:27:57.359 --> 00:27:59.640
Can we even call that a bargain? Well, Woodward

00:27:59.640 --> 00:28:01.400
defenders would point to the two points that

00:28:01.400 --> 00:28:03.819
were honored, the withdrawal of federal troops

00:28:03.819 --> 00:28:05.799
and the appointment of the Southern postmaster.

00:28:06.359 --> 00:28:09.259
But Peskin addresses those as well. He argues

00:28:09.259 --> 00:28:11.200
they weren't transactional bribes to end the

00:28:11.200 --> 00:28:13.380
filibuster. They were events that were already

00:28:13.380 --> 00:28:15.700
going to happen regardless of the crisis. How

00:28:15.700 --> 00:28:17.519
does he prove that? By looking at the public

00:28:17.519 --> 00:28:20.099
record. Rutherford B. Hayes had actually announced

00:28:20.099 --> 00:28:23.000
prior to the election during his campaign that

00:28:23.000 --> 00:28:25.319
he supported the restoration of home rule in

00:28:25.319 --> 00:28:28.519
the South. He believed the era of military occupation

00:28:28.519 --> 00:28:31.559
had run its course. The troop withdrawal wasn't

00:28:31.559 --> 00:28:33.660
a secret concession squeezed out of him in a

00:28:33.660 --> 00:28:36.079
hotel room. It was the execution of his stated

00:28:36.079 --> 00:28:38.920
public platform. Okay, that makes sense. Furthermore,

00:28:39.180 --> 00:28:41.039
appointing a Southern Democrat to the cabinet

00:28:41.039 --> 00:28:44.240
wasn't a corrupt payoff. It was standard political

00:28:44.240 --> 00:28:46.940
bridge building. It was high. Peskin directs

00:28:46.940 --> 00:28:49.059
our attention away from the Southern Democrats

00:28:49.059 --> 00:28:51.900
and towards the Northern Democrats. Specifically,

00:28:52.319 --> 00:28:54.720
he focuses on the Speaker of the House, Samuel

00:28:54.720 --> 00:28:58.589
J. Randall, a Democrat from Pennsylvania. Beskin

00:28:58.589 --> 00:29:00.930
argues that Northern Democrats gained absolutely

00:29:00.930 --> 00:29:03.710
nothing from Woodward's proposed economic terms.

00:29:04.269 --> 00:29:06.009
Speaker Randall did not care if Thomas A. Scott

00:29:06.009 --> 00:29:08.190
got a railroad in Texas. Right, he's from Pennsylvania.

00:29:08.730 --> 00:29:11.009
Exactly. Randall was a political pragmatist.

00:29:11.190 --> 00:29:13.349
He realized that the Democrats had lost the legal

00:29:13.349 --> 00:29:17.349
fight. Samuel J. Tilden had no viable constitutional

00:29:17.349 --> 00:29:20.210
path to successfully challenge the Electoral

00:29:20.210 --> 00:29:22.769
Commission's findings. The filibuster wasn't

00:29:22.769 --> 00:29:25.049
a strategy to win the presidency. It was just

00:29:25.049 --> 00:29:27.829
delay for the sake of delay. And infinite delay

00:29:27.829 --> 00:29:30.230
eventually destroys the government. Precisely.

00:29:30.609 --> 00:29:32.569
Peskin argues that Speaker Randall abandoning

00:29:32.569 --> 00:29:35.490
the filibuster wasn't a quid pro quo. It wasn't,

00:29:35.750 --> 00:29:37.529
I give you the presidency, you give me a railroad.

00:29:38.170 --> 00:29:40.549
It was a pragmatic recognition of limited bargaining

00:29:40.549 --> 00:29:43.099
power. The country was exhausted, the threat

00:29:43.099 --> 00:29:45.359
of violence was becoming uncontrollable, and

00:29:45.359 --> 00:29:47.359
the Democrats simply cut their losses and allowed

00:29:47.359 --> 00:29:49.930
the legal process to conclude. So for our listeners

00:29:49.930 --> 00:29:52.450
structuring their paper, Peskin is the perfect

00:29:52.450 --> 00:29:56.089
example of historiographical revisionism. Woodward

00:29:56.089 --> 00:29:58.730
built this massive, structurally beautiful theory

00:29:58.730 --> 00:30:01.809
based on economic motivations. Twenty years later,

00:30:02.029 --> 00:30:04.190
Peskin comes along with a ledger, checks the

00:30:04.190 --> 00:30:05.829
congressional and economic records, and says

00:30:05.829 --> 00:30:08.490
the structural integrity of this theory is compromised

00:30:08.490 --> 00:30:10.769
because the events simply didn't play out the

00:30:10.769 --> 00:30:14.039
way the theory demands. Peskin systematically

00:30:14.039 --> 00:30:16.579
dismantled the quid pro quo nature of the event.

00:30:16.779 --> 00:30:19.299
He really did. And if Peskin proved the specific

00:30:19.299 --> 00:30:21.839
terms of the deal were largely hollow, the next

00:30:21.839 --> 00:30:23.819
evolution in the historiography stepped in to

00:30:23.819 --> 00:30:26.259
argue that the mechanism of the deal was legally

00:30:26.259 --> 00:30:29.160
irrelevant entirely. Oh, wow. Yeah. This brings

00:30:29.160 --> 00:30:32.000
us to 1980 and the work of constitutional historian

00:30:32.000 --> 00:30:34.900
Michael S. Benedict. Benedict takes a completely

00:30:34.900 --> 00:30:37.779
different analytical approach. He isn't interested

00:30:37.779 --> 00:30:40.380
in tracking railroad subsidies or cabinet appointments.

00:30:40.680 --> 00:30:42.900
He looks at the constitutional framework of the

00:30:42.900 --> 00:30:45.720
United States. He accepts that sure, an informal

00:30:45.720 --> 00:30:48.299
agreement, handshakes, and backroom talks probably

00:30:48.299 --> 00:30:50.900
happen at Wormley's hotel, politicians talk,

00:30:51.220 --> 00:30:54.480
but he completely strips the compromise of 1877

00:30:54.480 --> 00:30:57.819
of its mythical nation -altering status. Benedict

00:30:57.819 --> 00:31:01.079
forces us to evaluate what the word compromise

00:31:01.079 --> 00:31:04.019
actually means in a historical legal context.

00:31:04.480 --> 00:31:06.180
If we connect this to the bigger picture, think

00:31:06.180 --> 00:31:09.450
of the compromises Woodward compared 1877 to,

00:31:09.769 --> 00:31:12.450
the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Compromise

00:31:12.450 --> 00:31:16.109
of 1850, or even 1824 and 1861. What did those

00:31:16.109 --> 00:31:18.490
events actually entail? Well, they were pieces

00:31:18.490 --> 00:31:20.690
of legislation. They had a text, they were debated

00:31:20.690 --> 00:31:22.349
on the floor of Congress, they were subjected

00:31:22.349 --> 00:31:24.430
to a roll call vote, and they were signed into

00:31:24.430 --> 00:31:26.890
law by the president. They had binding constitutional

00:31:26.890 --> 00:31:29.309
weight. Exactly. They altered the legal landscape

00:31:29.309 --> 00:31:32.430
of the nation. The Compromise of 1877. Benedict

00:31:32.430 --> 00:31:35.289
points out that it had absolutely no legal effect.

00:31:35.430 --> 00:31:37.490
There was no treaty. There was no legislation

00:31:37.490 --> 00:31:40.269
passed at Wormley's Hotel. The informal agreements

00:31:40.269 --> 00:31:42.490
made by businessmen and politicians in a private

00:31:42.490 --> 00:31:45.329
room had zero binding power on the United States

00:31:45.329 --> 00:31:48.119
government. So how does Benedict explain Hayes

00:31:48.119 --> 00:31:51.619
becoming president? He points to the actual documented

00:31:51.619 --> 00:31:54.720
constitutional mechanics. In formal legal terms,

00:31:54.859 --> 00:31:57.700
the election of 1876 was decided by the official

00:31:57.700 --> 00:32:00.160
vote of Congress to accept the recommendations

00:32:00.160 --> 00:32:02.519
of the Electoral Commission. That is the only

00:32:02.519 --> 00:32:04.779
mechanism that mattered. Congress passed a law

00:32:04.779 --> 00:32:07.279
creating the 15 -member commission. The commission

00:32:07.279 --> 00:32:10.119
reviewed the evidence and voted 8 to 7. Congress

00:32:10.119 --> 00:32:13.039
then tabulated those votes. That is the legal

00:32:13.039 --> 00:32:15.440
reality of how Hayes became president. But what

00:32:15.440 --> 00:32:18.240
about the filibuster? The hotel meeting supposedly

00:32:18.240 --> 00:32:20.339
ended the filibuster, which allowed the legal

00:32:20.339 --> 00:32:23.319
counting to finish. Benedict diminishes the institutional

00:32:23.319 --> 00:32:26.519
threat of the filibuster. He notes that the dilatory

00:32:26.519 --> 00:32:29.480
tactics in the House were largely a chaotic protest

00:32:29.480 --> 00:32:32.380
by a faction of angry Democrats, and they were

00:32:32.380 --> 00:32:34.279
happening against the wishes of the Democratic

00:32:34.279 --> 00:32:36.799
leadership like Speaker Randall. Oh, so they

00:32:36.799 --> 00:32:39.859
didn't even have full party support. Right. Benedict

00:32:39.859 --> 00:32:41.859
argues that the filibuster was already running

00:32:41.859 --> 00:32:44.519
out of steam. There were already sufficient votes

00:32:44.519 --> 00:32:46.500
in Congress to push the Commission's findings

00:32:46.500 --> 00:32:49.640
through. The threat of the filibuster was overblown.

00:32:49.779 --> 00:32:53.240
It was noisy political theater, not a legitimate

00:32:53.240 --> 00:32:56.160
institutional roadblock that required a grand

00:32:56.160 --> 00:32:58.619
historical compromise to overcome. So what does

00:32:58.619 --> 00:33:00.920
this all mean for our listener? If they are writing

00:33:00.920 --> 00:33:03.599
a history paper, they need to distinguish between

00:33:03.599 --> 00:33:06.160
informal political appeasement and actual legal

00:33:06.160 --> 00:33:09.160
compromise. Benedict is telling you to separate

00:33:09.160 --> 00:33:11.420
the political theater from the actual constitutional

00:33:11.420 --> 00:33:14.539
machinery. The informal backroom talk didn't

00:33:14.539 --> 00:33:16.819
make Hayes president. The legal framework of

00:33:16.819 --> 00:33:19.059
the Electoral Commission Act did. It's a powerful

00:33:19.059 --> 00:33:22.200
argument for prioritizing institutions over backroom

00:33:22.200 --> 00:33:25.240
drama. But history doesn't stop evolving. As

00:33:25.240 --> 00:33:28.160
we move into the 21st century, the historiographical

00:33:28.160 --> 00:33:31.380
lens shifts yet again. Historians grew frustrated

00:33:31.380 --> 00:33:34.279
with debating the minutiae of railroad legislation

00:33:34.279 --> 00:33:37.000
and constitutional counting procedures. They

00:33:37.000 --> 00:33:39.200
realized that by focusing so heavily on Washington,

00:33:39.319 --> 00:33:42.539
DC, previous historians had missed the profound

00:33:42.539 --> 00:33:45.000
psychological terror that actually drove the

00:33:45.000 --> 00:33:48.339
crisis. Which brings us to 2012 and a historian

00:33:48.339 --> 00:33:51.380
named Greg Downs who published a wildly influential

00:33:51.380 --> 00:33:54.359
piece called The Mexicanization of American Politics.

00:33:54.940 --> 00:33:57.039
This is where the historiography goes global

00:33:57.039 --> 00:33:59.940
and it is fascinating. Downs looks at Woodward,

00:34:00.240 --> 00:34:02.380
Peskin and Benedict and essentially argues that

00:34:02.380 --> 00:34:04.359
they are all suffering from American tunnel vision.

00:34:04.839 --> 00:34:07.740
They are treating 1876 like a normal albeit highly

00:34:07.740 --> 00:34:10.360
disputed democratic election. They are analyzing

00:34:10.360 --> 00:34:12.380
it through the framework of a stable republic.

00:34:12.980 --> 00:34:15.159
Downs argues that to understand the absolute

00:34:15.159 --> 00:34:18.239
panic of 1876, you cannot just look at the Electoral

00:34:18.239 --> 00:34:20.280
College. You have to look at how Americans viewed

00:34:20.280 --> 00:34:22.239
the rest of the world, and specifically what

00:34:22.239 --> 00:34:24.219
was happening south of the border in Latin America.

00:34:24.619 --> 00:34:28.070
This concept of Mexicanization is the key. Downs

00:34:28.070 --> 00:34:30.949
frames the event not as a tidy negotiated compromise,

00:34:31.329 --> 00:34:34.030
but as a desperate attempt at state stabilization

00:34:34.030 --> 00:34:36.809
in an era of state fragility. To understand this,

00:34:36.869 --> 00:34:38.550
you have to look at what American newspapers

00:34:38.550 --> 00:34:41.269
were actually reporting on in the 1870s regarding

00:34:41.269 --> 00:34:44.409
the Mexican Republic. Mexico had been experiencing

00:34:44.409 --> 00:34:47.590
periods of extreme violent political instability.

00:34:47.969 --> 00:34:50.809
In 1876, the exact same year as the Hayes -Tilden

00:34:50.809 --> 00:34:53.510
dispute, Mexico held a presidential election.

00:34:53.969 --> 00:34:56.929
The incumbent, Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, claimed

00:34:56.809 --> 00:35:00.070
victory, but a military leader named Porfirio

00:35:00.070 --> 00:35:02.969
Diaz claimed the election was fraudulent. Sounds

00:35:02.969 --> 00:35:05.849
familiar. Very. But Diaz didn't file a lawsuit.

00:35:06.349 --> 00:35:08.949
He initiated the plan of Tuxtepec, launched a

00:35:08.949 --> 00:35:11.050
military rebellion, and physically marched his

00:35:11.050 --> 00:35:13.250
army on Mexico City. So you literally have a

00:35:13.250 --> 00:35:15.110
situation in Mexico where an election dispute

00:35:15.110 --> 00:35:17.550
results in two men claiming to be the legitimate

00:35:17.550 --> 00:35:19.829
president, backed by armed factions fighting

00:35:19.829 --> 00:35:23.400
it out in the streets. Yes. The concept of dual

00:35:23.400 --> 00:35:26.579
presidencies settled by military force was a

00:35:26.579 --> 00:35:29.239
horrifying reality just across the border. And

00:35:29.239 --> 00:35:32.380
Americans in 1876 were watching this unfold while

00:35:32.380 --> 00:35:35.300
staring down the exact same barrel. They just

00:35:35.300 --> 00:35:37.820
survived a horrific civil war that killed hundreds

00:35:37.820 --> 00:35:40.199
of thousands of men. Now they have two men, Hayes

00:35:40.199 --> 00:35:42.500
and Tilden, both with claims to the presidency.

00:35:42.880 --> 00:35:44.639
They have returning boards throwing out votes.

00:35:44.739 --> 00:35:46.800
They have armed democratic militias threatening

00:35:46.800 --> 00:35:50.039
to march on Washington. Ulysses as Grant is tightening

00:35:50.039 --> 00:35:52.969
military security. The American public is utterly

00:35:52.969 --> 00:35:55.190
terrified that the United States is about to

00:35:55.190 --> 00:35:57.730
be Mexicanized. They are terrified that the American

00:35:57.730 --> 00:36:00.230
democratic experiment is failing and that we

00:36:00.230 --> 00:36:02.289
are about to devolve into a system where elections

00:36:02.289 --> 00:36:05.250
are just pretexts for civil wars. Dowdgers argues

00:36:05.250 --> 00:36:07.710
that this sheer existential terror is what actually

00:36:07.710 --> 00:36:09.599
ended the crisis. He notes that the lobbying

00:36:09.599 --> 00:36:12.239
pressure to abandon Tilden and end the filibuster

00:36:12.239 --> 00:36:14.579
didn't just come from greedy railroad executives

00:36:14.579 --> 00:36:16.780
looking for subsidies. The pressure came from

00:36:16.780 --> 00:36:19.239
prominent, dedicated Tilden supporters themselves.

00:36:19.579 --> 00:36:21.699
Like who? Men like Charles Francis Adams Sr.

00:36:21.800 --> 00:36:24.900
and Alexander Stevens. These were men who desperately

00:36:24.900 --> 00:36:27.619
wanted a democratic victory. But they feared

00:36:27.619 --> 00:36:29.480
a collapse of the state more than they wanted

00:36:29.480 --> 00:36:31.920
Tilden in the White House. They were terrified

00:36:31.920 --> 00:36:34.219
that pushing the dispute past Inauguration Day

00:36:34.219 --> 00:36:36.940
would lead to dual presidencies, which would

00:36:36.940 --> 00:36:39.510
instantly ignite a second civil war. That is

00:36:39.510 --> 00:36:41.650
an incredible paradigm shift. It's like looking

00:36:41.650 --> 00:36:44.070
at a chess board and arguing over why a player

00:36:44.070 --> 00:36:46.969
sacrificed their queen, only to realize the players

00:36:46.969 --> 00:36:49.050
weren't making a strategic trade at all. They

00:36:49.050 --> 00:36:51.190
just saw the board was about to catch fire and

00:36:51.190 --> 00:36:53.550
wanted to end the game immediately. I love that

00:36:53.550 --> 00:36:55.750
analogy. And Dals writes something profound that

00:36:55.750 --> 00:36:58.570
summarizes this shift. He argues that traditional

00:36:58.570 --> 00:37:00.949
historiography focuses too heavily on electoral

00:37:00.949 --> 00:37:04.250
democracy and ignores the central role of violence

00:37:04.250 --> 00:37:07.070
in broadly defining what politics is. For our

00:37:07.070 --> 00:37:08.610
listener, this is a huge paradigm shift. paradigm

00:37:08.610 --> 00:37:11.949
shift. You are viewing 1877 not as a corrupt

00:37:11.949 --> 00:37:14.989
bargain of greedy men but as a traumatized nation

00:37:14.989 --> 00:37:17.090
pulling back from the brink of a second civil

00:37:17.090 --> 00:37:20.090
war. The sheer terror of violence dictated the

00:37:20.090 --> 00:37:22.349
political outcome more than any backroom deal

00:37:22.349 --> 00:37:25.329
about cabinet appointments. It drastically reshapes

00:37:25.329 --> 00:37:28.300
how we judge the actors involved. But regardless

00:37:28.300 --> 00:37:30.980
of how historians categorize the end of the crisis,

00:37:31.579 --> 00:37:34.079
you know, Woodward's bargain, Peskin's pragmatism,

00:37:34.739 --> 00:37:37.840
or Downes' panic, the real world results on the

00:37:37.840 --> 00:37:40.539
ground were absolute and devastating. Which brings

00:37:40.539 --> 00:37:43.179
us to the tragic aftermath and the definitive

00:37:43.179 --> 00:37:46.110
end of Reconstruction. Because history isn't

00:37:46.110 --> 00:37:48.989
just a debate over theories, right? It's an accounting

00:37:48.989 --> 00:37:51.809
of human costs. We need to look at the cause

00:37:51.809 --> 00:37:53.869
and effect detailed in the sources regarding

00:37:53.869 --> 00:37:56.789
disenfranchisement and the redeemers completely

00:37:56.789 --> 00:37:59.769
impartially. Exactly. When Rutherford B. Hayes

00:37:59.769 --> 00:38:01.769
took the oath of office, he immediately followed

00:38:01.769 --> 00:38:03.730
through on his previously announced policy of

00:38:03.730 --> 00:38:07.610
restoring home rule. In April of 1877, he officially

00:38:07.610 --> 00:38:09.489
ordered the withdrawal of the last remaining

00:38:09.489 --> 00:38:11.489
federal troops from their protective duties at

00:38:11.489 --> 00:38:13.909
the state houses in South Carolina and Louisiana.

00:38:14.059 --> 00:38:16.400
Remember, President Grant had already pulled

00:38:16.400 --> 00:38:18.639
them from Florida. With those troops confined

00:38:18.639 --> 00:38:20.880
to their barracks, the era of federal reconstruction

00:38:20.880 --> 00:38:25.789
officially ended. As soon as the federal troops

00:38:25.789 --> 00:38:28.030
stood down, the Republican state governments

00:38:28.030 --> 00:38:30.889
in the South collapsed. White Republicans fled

00:38:30.889 --> 00:38:33.550
the region entirely, and the Redeemer Democrats

00:38:33.550 --> 00:38:36.309
took absolute control of the state legislatures.

00:38:36.769 --> 00:38:39.070
This cemented what became known as the Solid

00:38:39.070 --> 00:38:42.309
South, a region entirely dominated by the Democratic

00:38:42.309 --> 00:38:44.829
Party for nearly a century. And the human cost

00:38:44.829 --> 00:38:47.329
of this political stabilization fell squarely

00:38:47.329 --> 00:38:49.710
on the shoulders of Black citizens. The source

00:38:49.710 --> 00:38:52.429
material notes that Black Republicans were deeply

00:38:52.429 --> 00:38:55.489
and rightfully betrayed. They lost the political

00:38:55.489 --> 00:38:57.969
legitimacy and physical safety that the federal

00:38:57.969 --> 00:39:00.389
military had provided. Now, it's important to

00:39:00.389 --> 00:39:03.489
note for historical nuance that the total disenfranchisement

00:39:03.489 --> 00:39:06.250
of Black Southerners wasn't instantaneous. Right.

00:39:06.269 --> 00:39:08.809
It wasn't a switch that flipped in 1877 and suddenly

00:39:08.809 --> 00:39:10.349
everyone lost their rights the next morning.

00:39:10.469 --> 00:39:13.659
It was a systematic grinding process. Until the

00:39:13.659 --> 00:39:16.539
very end of the 19th century, some Black Republicans

00:39:16.539 --> 00:39:19.519
continued to hold local offices. There were even

00:39:19.519 --> 00:39:22.280
brief localized periods of what were called fusion

00:39:22.280 --> 00:39:24.719
governments. What were those? This was when white

00:39:24.719 --> 00:39:27.940
populists, usually poor farmers, frustrated with

00:39:27.940 --> 00:39:30.420
elite Redeemer Democrats, would form temporary

00:39:30.420 --> 00:39:32.579
political alliances with Black Republicans to

00:39:32.579 --> 00:39:35.079
win local elections. A prominent example was

00:39:35.079 --> 00:39:38.500
in North Carolina in the 1890s. But those fusion

00:39:38.500 --> 00:39:40.860
movements were ultimately crushed. The Wilmington

00:39:40.860 --> 00:39:43.780
Insurrection of 1898 in North Carolina is a horrific

00:39:43.780 --> 00:39:47.079
example where a white supremacist mob literally

00:39:47.079 --> 00:39:50.500
overthrew a legitimately elected biracial fusion

00:39:50.500 --> 00:39:53.579
government by force. That violence reflects the

00:39:53.579 --> 00:39:56.909
broader trajectory set in motion in 1877. The

00:39:56.909 --> 00:39:58.730
federal government had essentially signaled that

00:39:58.730 --> 00:40:00.630
it was no longer going to intervene to protect

00:40:00.630 --> 00:40:02.650
the constitutional rights of Black Southerners.

00:40:03.070 --> 00:40:05.570
And by the early 1900s, the Redeemer Democrats

00:40:05.570 --> 00:40:07.889
had completely rewritten their state constitutions.

00:40:08.510 --> 00:40:10.730
Through a combination of explicitly discriminatory

00:40:10.730 --> 00:40:13.909
legal mechanisms, like poll taxes, literacy tests,

00:40:13.949 --> 00:40:16.909
and grandfather clauses, combined with extrajudicial

00:40:16.909 --> 00:40:19.230
violence, African Americans were effectively

00:40:19.230 --> 00:40:21.650
disenfranchised across the South. This raises

00:40:21.650 --> 00:40:24.250
what is perhaps the most profound question of

00:40:24.250 --> 00:40:27.940
the entire historiography. How do we as students

00:40:27.940 --> 00:40:30.440
of history weigh the avoidance of a national

00:40:30.440 --> 00:40:33.579
political crisis against the catastrophic sacrifice

00:40:33.579 --> 00:40:36.800
of civil rights for millions of citizens? If

00:40:36.800 --> 00:40:39.260
Greg Downs is right and the nation abandoned

00:40:39.260 --> 00:40:41.920
Tilden to avoid a chaotic collapse, the price

00:40:41.920 --> 00:40:44.679
of that stabilization was Jim Crow. And this

00:40:44.679 --> 00:40:46.719
raises an important question. How do we look

00:40:46.719 --> 00:40:48.860
at the legacy of that stabilization stretching

00:40:48.860 --> 00:40:52.119
into the 20th century? Fast forward to 1948,

00:40:52.480 --> 00:40:54.739
President Harry Truman proposed the first comprehensive

00:40:54.739 --> 00:40:57.320
Presidential Civil Rights Act in American history.

00:40:57.840 --> 00:40:59.719
It included federal anti -lynching provisions,

00:41:00.239 --> 00:41:02.300
voter rights protections, and the elimination

00:41:02.300 --> 00:41:04.659
of segregation in interstate travel. And the

00:41:04.659 --> 00:41:07.239
historian Taylor Branch describes Truman's 1948

00:41:07.239 --> 00:41:09.679
proposal with a fascinating phrase. He calls

00:41:09.679 --> 00:41:14.219
it a repeal of 1877. A repeal of 1877. Think

00:41:14.219 --> 00:41:16.369
about the gravity of that statement. It took

00:41:16.369 --> 00:41:18.670
over 70 years for the executive branch to even

00:41:18.670 --> 00:41:21.110
attempt to reassert the constitutional protections

00:41:21.110 --> 00:41:23.289
that were abandoned in the wake of the Hayes

00:41:23.289 --> 00:41:25.570
-Tilden election. Okay, let's bring this all

00:41:25.570 --> 00:41:28.610
together for your paper. You now have a comprehensive

00:41:28.610 --> 00:41:31.130
roadmap of how historians have argued over this

00:41:31.130 --> 00:41:34.289
pivotal moment. You started in the silent era,

00:41:34.670 --> 00:41:37.050
realizing that a lack of documentary evidence

00:41:37.050 --> 00:41:40.010
birthed a plausible rumor. You moved to Woodward,

00:41:40.210 --> 00:41:42.670
who built the standard model of a grand economic

00:41:42.670 --> 00:41:45.269
bargain at Wormley's Hotel. Then you journeyed

00:41:45.269 --> 00:41:48.130
into the 1970s with Alan Peskin, who brought

00:41:48.130 --> 00:41:50.190
up the congressional ledger and proved the terms

00:41:50.190 --> 00:41:52.949
of Woodward's deal were hollow, suggesting that

00:41:52.949 --> 00:41:56.679
pragmatic politics ended the crisis. Right. Then

00:41:56.679 --> 00:41:59.019
Michael S. Benedict shifted your focus to legal

00:41:59.019 --> 00:42:01.320
realities, demonstrating that the Electoral Commission

00:42:01.320 --> 00:42:04.559
Act was the true constitutional mechanism. And

00:42:04.559 --> 00:42:06.699
finally, Greg Downs suggested that the crisis

00:42:06.699 --> 00:42:09.159
was resolved by a traumatized nation terrified

00:42:09.159 --> 00:42:12.340
of descending into Mexicanization. This historiography

00:42:12.340 --> 00:42:14.619
is a masterclass in how this study of history

00:42:14.619 --> 00:42:18.639
is never static. Exactly. I want to leave you

00:42:18.639 --> 00:42:21.139
with one final thought to mull over as you begin

00:42:21.139 --> 00:42:25.300
outlining your paper. The debate over 1877 teaches

00:42:25.300 --> 00:42:28.760
us that history is rarely a closed case. But

00:42:28.760 --> 00:42:31.400
consider this. If the exact nature of the agreement

00:42:31.400 --> 00:42:34.019
that decided a U .S. presidency and fundamentally

00:42:34.019 --> 00:42:36.579
altered the rights of millions of citizens can

00:42:36.579 --> 00:42:39.820
still be debated 150 years later, what informal

00:42:39.820 --> 00:42:42.239
agreements are shaping our world today that future

00:42:42.239 --> 00:42:45.909
historians will struggle to prove? In our era

00:42:45.909 --> 00:42:48.329
of encrypted messaging and vanishing emails,

00:42:48.829 --> 00:42:50.909
what deals are being struck today that we won't

00:42:50.909 --> 00:42:53.369
know about for a century? That is a brilliant

00:42:53.369 --> 00:42:56.090
and genuinely unsettling point. The paper trails

00:42:56.090 --> 00:42:57.369
aren't getting clearer, they're just getting

00:42:57.369 --> 00:42:59.510
better at disappearing. To our listener, thank

00:42:59.510 --> 00:43:01.329
you for sharing your stack of sources with us,

00:43:01.369 --> 00:43:03.809
and we hope this helps you crush that historiography

00:43:03.809 --> 00:43:06.309
paper. Keep digging, keep questioning, and we'll

00:43:06.309 --> 00:43:07.510
see you on the next Deep Dive.
