WEBVTT

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Imagine waking up tomorrow, pouring yourself

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a cup of coffee and just checking the news. You

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read a story about a recent government decision

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or, I don't know, a military deployment and you

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strongly disagree with it. So you do what millions

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of people do every single day. You go online

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and write a highly critical post. Right, just

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a standard reaction. Exactly. You use some colorful

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language. You express your contempt for the administration.

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Maybe you criticize the flag or the armed forces.

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Now imagine that just a few hours later, federal

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agents are knocking on your front door. And you

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aren't just facing a fine or a slap on the wrist.

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You are facing 20 years in a federal penitentiary

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simply for the words you published. I mean, it

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sounds like the plot of a dystopian novel, right?

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Something entirely divorced from our modern understanding

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of the First Amendment. It sounds completely

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foreign to everything we are taught about freedom

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of speech. But here is the reality for you, the

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listener. This is not fiction. This was the actual

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enforceable law of the land in the United States.

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just over a century ago. Yeah, it really was.

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Today, we are pulling our information from a

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really comprehensive Wikipedia article detailing

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the Sedition Act of 1918. And our mission for

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this deep dive is to explore exactly how quickly

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civil liberties and free speech can be entirely

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suspended during a national crisis. We want to

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look at who gets caught in the crossfire of these

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sweeping laws, and perhaps most surprisingly,

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how a piece of legislation this extreme ever

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made it through Congress in the first place.

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And I think today's deep dive is critical because

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we aren't just looking at a dusty forgotten piece

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of legislative history. We are analyzing a master

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class, really a real world case study in the

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sheer fragility of civil liberties. It demonstrates

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how rapidly the foundation of constitutional

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rights can shift when a society is gripped by

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fear, conflict and this overwhelming desire for

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national unity. OK, let's unpack this to really

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understand the Sedition Act of 1918. We have

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to look at the baseline. So the United States

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was already deep into the First World War. And

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the year prior, in 1917, the government had passed

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the Espionage Act. Right, the precursor. Yeah.

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And that initial act was primarily designed to

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stop outright interference with the war effort.

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Lawmakers wanted to disrupt anything that would

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harm military recruitment or attempt to aid a

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nation at war with the U .S. Which, you know,

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that makes a certain tactical sense during a

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major global conflict. But by 1918, lawmakers

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suddenly decided that the Espionage Act just

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didn't go far enough. What's fascinating here

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is the bizarre, highly counterintuitive logic

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they used to justify expanding that law. Because

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the country was witnessing these intense instances

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of public disorder. You had local groups of citizens...

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Like mobs, basically. Yeah. essentially vigilante

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mobs, taking it upon themselves to violently

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attack people who were expressing unpopular speech

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or anti -war sentiments. So people were physically

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assaulted in the streets simply for stating they

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didn't support the war effort. Yes, and the lawmakers

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looked at this wartime violence and their takeaway

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wasn't to crack down on the violent mobs. Instead,

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some lawmakers argued that the public was acting

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out because the federal government lacked the

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authority to punish the unpopular speech itself.

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Wait, what? I know. They pitched the Sedition

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Act as a way to enhance the government authority

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to punish dissenting speech, supposedly to prevent

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these vigilante mobs from doing what the government

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previously couldn't. It was framed, incredibly,

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as a measure to maintain public order. That is

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a staggering rationale. Yeah. Lock up the dissenters

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so the mob doesn't get to them first. It's totally

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backwards. But there is another layer to the

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politics of this that stood out to me in the

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source. You would assume... a law this heavy

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-handed was the brainchild of some authoritarian

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leader demanding absolute loyalty. Yet President

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Woodrow Wilson and his attorney general Thomas

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Watt Gregory, they didn't actually want this

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bill. They viewed it as a political compromise.

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Yeah, it came down to a bureaucratic turf war

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and just a desperate need to save face. The Justice

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Department was facing massive public and political

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pressure. Critics felt the administration was

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failing to prosecute offensive speech aggressively

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enough. And Wilson and Gregory wanted to avoid

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congressional hearings that would embarrass the

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administration over this perceived weakness.

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But wait, if Wilson and his attorney general

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fundamentally didn't want this bill and they

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thought it went too far, why didn't Wilson just

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veto it? Was he really that afraid of bad PR

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from a congressional hearing? It was more than

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just bad PR. It was an existential threat to

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the Justice Department's jurisdiction. There

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were other proposals floating around Congress

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that would have stripped prosecutorial authority

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away from the Justice Department entirely and

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handed it over to the War Department. Oh wow.

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Right. If that had happened, it would have created

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a system of civilian courts martial. The military

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would have been prosecuting everyday civilians

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for things they said. Wilson and Gregory found

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the constitutionality of military trials for

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civilians highly questionable. So the Sedition

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Act, which was managed by civilian courts, was

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swallowed as the lesser of two evils to keep

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the War Department at bay. It's amazing how massive

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historical shifts sometimes just come down to

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departmental power struggles. Just protecting

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their turf. Exactly. And despite that reluctance

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at the very top, the bill sailed through Congress

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with remarkable speed. In the House of Representatives,

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the final vote was 293 to 1. That ratio is insane.

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Out of nearly 300 representatives, only one single

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person, Socialist Representative Meyer London

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of New York, voted against making it illegal

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to criticize the government. The Senate vote

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was closer though. passing 48 to 26. And to maintain

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strict impartiality regarding the political dynamics

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of the time, we should really note who made up

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that opposition. It came almost entirely from

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Republicans in the Senate. Right, figures like

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Henry Cabot Lodge and Hiram Johnson led the push

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back there. Johnson specifically defended the

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principle of free speech during the debates,

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while Lodge pointed out that the administration

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wasn't even effectively utilizing the laws that

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were already on the books. Yeah. Even former

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President Theodore Roosevelt publicly voiced

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his opposition to the measure. But the momentum

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of wartime paranoia pushed it through anyway.

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Which brings us to the actual mechanics of the

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law. The fine print. Yeah. The Sedition Act of

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1918 was technically a set of amendments to the

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1917 Espionage Act. But when you actually read

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the text of the legislation, it is incredibly

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broad. It explicitly forbade the use of disloyal,

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profane, scurrilous, or abusive language about

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the United States government, its flag, or its

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armed forces. It also criminalized language that

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caused others to view the American government

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with contempt or any speech that interfered with

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the sale of government bonds. The inclusion of

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a word like scurrilous is deeply problematic

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from a legal standpoint. It is entirely subjective.

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Who defines what is scurrilous or abusive? Exactly.

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It could be anything. When the language of a

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law is that vague, it gives prosecutors immense

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discretionary power to target almost anyone expressing

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a dissenting thought. And the stakes were incredibly

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high. A conviction under this act generally meant

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a prison sentence ranging from five to 20 years.

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20 years for a scurrilous comment. Just let that

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sink in. And if we connect this to the bigger

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picture, there is a mechanism in this law that

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is often overlooked, but was devastatingly effective.

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The Sedition Act granted the Postmaster General

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the authority to refuse to deliver any mail that

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met these vague standards for punishable speech.

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So the Postmaster General essentially became

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the arbiter of public discourse. Precisely. Blocking

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mail in 1918 was akin to deplatforming someone

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from the modern digital infrastructure today.

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It completely severed their ability to organize,

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to distribute newspapers or to share dissenting

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ideas. The government had an incredibly effective

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quiet tool for censoring printed materials and

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entirely silencing activists before their words

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even reached an audience. You don't even need

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to risk a public trial at that point. Your ideas

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are just physically intercepted and destroyed

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in transit. So with this incredible broad law,

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and the postmaster acting as the nation's content

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moderator, the enforcement phase began. Now,

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the act passed in May of 1918, which was just

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a few months before Armistice Day in November,

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ending the hostilities of World War I. Despite

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that really narrow window, the enforcement was

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aggressive. Overall, there were about 1 ,500

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prosecutions carried out under the Espionage

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and Sedition Acts, resulting in more than 1 ,000

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convictions. A conviction rate of roughly two

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thirds is staggering, especially considering

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the short time frame. It highlights how aggressively

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federal prosecutors pursued these cases and how

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willing juries were to convict their fellow citizens

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under the banner of patriotism. Looking at the

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specific case studies provided really puts a

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human face on this whole dragnet. Let's look

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at William C. Edenborn. He was a naturalized

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citizen originally from Germany and a wealthy

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industrialist running a railroad business down

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in New Orleans, Louisiana in April of 1918. Federal

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authorities arrived at his business and arrested

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him. Now, he wasn't accused of espionage or plotting

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sabotage. He was accused of speaking disloyally

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because he allegedly belittled the threat of

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Germany to the security of the United States.

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The Edenborn case illustrates that wealth and

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social status didn't insulate you if your speech

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was deemed insufficiently patriotic. He merely

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expressed an opinion minimizing a foreign threat,

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and that was enough to trigger a federal arrest.

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It shows how low the bar for prosecution had

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actually fallen. And the government also specifically

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went after prominent politicians. figures to

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set an example. In June of 1918, they arrested

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Eugene V. Debs in Canton, Ohio. And Debs wasn't

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just a casual critic. He was a major, highly

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visible figure in the Socialist Party. He had

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run for president multiple times. Debs is a fascinating

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case because his arrest was directly tied to

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a public speech that authorities claimed undermined

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conscription efforts. For delivering a political

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speech, this major national figure was sentenced

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to 10 years in prison. Ten years. Yes, he actually

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served his sentence in the Atlanta federal penitentiary

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starting in April 1919. What's remarkable is

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that he ran for president of the United States

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in the 1920 election from inside his prison cell,

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eventually receiving nearly a million votes.

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That is wild. He remained in prison until December

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1921 when President Warren G. Harding finally

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commuted his sentence. The idea of a prominent

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political leader today being locked in a federal

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penitentiary for 10 years because they criticize

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military policy is just difficult to process.

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And the enforcement varied greatly depending

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on where you were in the country. The history

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notes that prosecutions were particularly intense

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in the western states where the industrial workers

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of the world, the IWW labor union, was highly

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active. Right, the Wobblies. Exactly. Which brings

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us to Molly Steimer, another notable activist

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convicted under the amended act, and Marie Equi.

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The Marie Equi case is where the government's

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timeline completely falls apart for me, so she

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was arrested for giving a speech at the IWW Hall

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in Portland, Oregon. But the timing of her conviction

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is the real story here. Ah, yes. The timeline

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of the Acre case really highlights the sheer

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bureaucratic momentum of these prosecutions.

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Here's where it gets really interesting. Marie

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Equi was convicted for her speech after the war

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was already over. The hostilities had ended,

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the supposed emergency that justified the law

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had passed, and yet she was still prosecuted

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and convicted. How is that even legally justifiable

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when the law itself was intrinsically tied to

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wartime? It perfectly illustrates how once a

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mechanism of suppression is activated, it doesn't

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just immediately switch off because the original

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threat is gone. The machinery of prosecution

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was already in motion. The Sedition Act explicitly

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stated it only applied to times when the United

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States is in war. But the formal peace treaties

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hadn't been signed. And honestly, some powerful

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officials in the Justice Department wanted to

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keep that machinery running for domestic purposes.

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Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer was one of

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those officials, right? The war ends, but the

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paranoia doesn't. Exactly. The environment in

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1919 was incredibly volatile. You had the aftermath

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of the Russian Revolution, massive domestic labor

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strikes, and a series of anarchist bombings in

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the United States. This was the birth of the

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first Red Scare. And A. Mitchell Palmer capitalized

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on this national anxiety. He waged a highly public

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campaign to create a permanent peacetime version

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of the Sedition Act. Peacetime. Right. And his

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push for this legislation was not unrelated to

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his own political ambitions. He was actively

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campaigning for the Democratic nomination for

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president, and he wanted to brand himself as

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the ultimate law and order candidate tough on

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radicalism. In January of 1919, Palmer sent a

00:12:36.090 --> 00:12:38.929
circular out to newspaper editors outlining his

00:12:38.929 --> 00:12:41.580
rationale for peacetime censorship. He cited

00:12:41.580 --> 00:12:43.820
what he viewed as the dangerous foreign language

00:12:43.820 --> 00:12:46.679
press in America. He also pointed to radical

00:12:46.679 --> 00:12:48.980
attempts to create unrest within African -American

00:12:48.980 --> 00:12:51.500
communities. He was clearly using the fear of

00:12:51.500 --> 00:12:53.600
domestic radicalism and racial unrest as the

00:12:53.600 --> 00:12:56.480
bogeyman to justify extending wartime suppression

00:12:56.480 --> 00:12:59.320
into everyday peacetime American life. He even

00:12:59.320 --> 00:13:02.960
went to Congress in June 1920 to testify in favor

00:13:02.960 --> 00:13:05.840
of this peacetime law. And Congress was certainly

00:13:05.840 --> 00:13:08.299
listening at first. At one point, there were

00:13:08.299 --> 00:13:10.639
more than 70 different versions of proposed language

00:13:10.639 --> 00:13:13.559
and amendments for a peacetime sedition act floating

00:13:13.559 --> 00:13:15.740
around the legislature. Seventy different versions.

00:13:16.840 --> 00:13:19.059
But Palmer eventually overplayed his hand, didn't

00:13:19.059 --> 00:13:21.600
he? He pushed far too hard, and the backlash

00:13:21.600 --> 00:13:25.620
was severe. Despite those 70 proposed versions,

00:13:26.139 --> 00:13:28.700
Congress ultimately took no action on the controversial

00:13:28.700 --> 00:13:31.820
proposal during that 1920 campaign year. The

00:13:31.820 --> 00:13:34.700
political tides had turned. Later in June, a

00:13:34.700 --> 00:13:37.220
court decision explicitly cited Palmer's anti

00:13:37.220 --> 00:13:39.860
-radical campaign for its blatant abuse of power.

00:13:39.899 --> 00:13:42.360
Wow. Even the conservative press turned on him.

00:13:43.019 --> 00:13:45.279
The Christian Science Monitor wrote a scathing

00:13:45.279 --> 00:13:47.279
rebuke, essentially stating they could no longer

00:13:47.279 --> 00:13:49.700
support him. They wrote that his actions, quote,

00:13:49.840 --> 00:13:52.159
appeared to be an excess of radicalism and was

00:13:52.159 --> 00:13:54.000
certainly met with an excess of suppression.

00:13:54.539 --> 00:13:57.559
An excess of suppression. That's a powerful phrase.

00:13:58.340 --> 00:14:00.519
But while Congress was backing away from a peacetime

00:14:00.519 --> 00:14:03.320
act, what was the Supreme Court doing about the

00:14:03.320 --> 00:14:04.840
convictions that had already happened during

00:14:04.840 --> 00:14:07.779
the war? Did they step in and strike down the

00:14:07.779 --> 00:14:10.080
1918 Sedition Act to protect the First Amendment?

00:14:10.220 --> 00:14:12.460
Surprisingly, they didn't. In fact, the Supreme

00:14:12.460 --> 00:14:15.080
Court actually upheld the constitutionality of

00:14:15.080 --> 00:14:17.820
the Sedition Act. The landmark case was Abrams

00:14:17.820 --> 00:14:21.620
v. United States in 1919. The court upheld the

00:14:21.620 --> 00:14:23.480
convictions of individuals who were distributing

00:14:23.480 --> 00:14:25.799
leaflets urging the curtailment of production

00:14:25.799 --> 00:14:28.860
of essential war materials. OK, so they let it

00:14:28.860 --> 00:14:31.799
stand. Yes. The majority of the court relied

00:14:31.799 --> 00:14:34.279
on the legal standard of the time, the clear

00:14:34.279 --> 00:14:36.919
and present danger test, arguing that during

00:14:36.919 --> 00:14:39.840
wartime, dissenting speech intrinsically damages

00:14:39.840 --> 00:14:41.919
the war effort and therefore can be punished.

00:14:42.460 --> 00:14:44.679
They reinforce the government's power to suppress

00:14:44.679 --> 00:14:47.080
speech when the nation's security is perceived

00:14:47.080 --> 00:14:49.700
to be at risk. But there's a vital piece of legal

00:14:49.700 --> 00:14:51.519
philosophy that came out of that Supreme Court

00:14:51.519 --> 00:14:54.740
case, a famous dissenting opinion that changed

00:14:54.740 --> 00:14:57.700
how we view free speech today. Yes, absolutely.

00:14:58.519 --> 00:15:01.100
While the majority upheld the act, Justice Oliver

00:15:01.100 --> 00:15:03.460
Wendell Holmes wrote a brilliant dissenting opinion.

00:15:03.659 --> 00:15:06.840
He argued that unless speech poses an immediate,

00:15:07.179 --> 00:15:09.919
tangible danger, the government has no business

00:15:09.919 --> 00:15:12.590
regulating it. It was in this descent that he

00:15:12.590 --> 00:15:15.149
birthed the concept we now call the marketplace

00:15:15.149 --> 00:15:18.370
of ideas. The marketplace of ideas. Right. Holmes

00:15:18.370 --> 00:15:20.629
argued that the best test of truth is the power

00:15:20.629 --> 00:15:23.330
of a thought to get itself accepted in the competition

00:15:23.330 --> 00:15:26.330
of the market. You don't suppress bad ideas with

00:15:26.330 --> 00:15:28.909
20 -year prison sentences. You defeat them with

00:15:28.909 --> 00:15:31.509
better ideas. And it is important to note, for

00:15:31.509 --> 00:15:33.789
modern context, that subsequent Supreme Court

00:15:33.789 --> 00:15:36.149
decisions over the decades, specifically rulings

00:15:36.149 --> 00:15:39.629
like Brandenburg v. Ohio in 1969, have dramatically

00:15:39.629 --> 00:15:41.889
shifted the legal landscape toward Holmes' view.

00:15:42.429 --> 00:15:44.789
Under modern rulings, the Sedition Act of 1918

00:15:44.789 --> 00:15:47.149
would almost certainly be considered unconstitutional

00:15:47.149 --> 00:15:49.690
today. Yeah, thankfully. And Congress eventually

00:15:49.690 --> 00:15:51.950
officially repealed the Sedition Act on December

00:15:51.950 --> 00:15:55.269
13, 1920, as part of a sweeping repeal of wartime

00:15:55.269 --> 00:15:58.450
laws. And in 1921, the new president, Woodrow

00:15:58.450 --> 00:16:01.149
Wilson, offered clemency to most of the individuals

00:16:01.149 --> 00:16:02.909
who are still sitting in prison under the act.

00:16:03.070 --> 00:16:06.009
A quiet end to a very loud piece of history.

00:16:06.429 --> 00:16:09.289
Exactly. So what does this all mean? We started

00:16:09.289 --> 00:16:11.629
by talking about the hypothetical horror of facing

00:16:11.629 --> 00:16:14.269
20 years in prison for a critical social media

00:16:14.269 --> 00:16:18.190
post. We've traced the panic of 1918, the vigilante

00:16:18.190 --> 00:16:21.190
logic, the thousands of rapid convictions, the

00:16:21.190 --> 00:16:23.470
targeting of political opponents, and the eventual

00:16:23.470 --> 00:16:26.450
repeal. When we look at all these facts, what

00:16:26.450 --> 00:16:29.299
is the core takeaway for the listener? The Sedition

00:16:29.299 --> 00:16:32.200
Act of 1918 proves, with historical certainty,

00:16:32.639 --> 00:16:35.039
that during times of immense national fear or

00:16:35.039 --> 00:16:37.460
conflict, a government's instinct to control

00:16:37.460 --> 00:16:39.840
the narrative can easily override constitutional

00:16:39.840 --> 00:16:42.659
rights. It shows us that the noble desire to

00:16:42.659 --> 00:16:44.679
protect the public from a perceived threat can

00:16:44.679 --> 00:16:47.080
morph incredibly quickly into a mechanism for

00:16:47.080 --> 00:16:49.659
punishing unpopular opinions. Civil liberties

00:16:49.659 --> 00:16:52.240
aren't self -executing. They are fragile, and

00:16:52.240 --> 00:16:54.879
they require constant vigilance, especially when

00:16:54.879 --> 00:16:57.259
society feels the most vulnerable to external

00:16:57.259 --> 00:16:59.860
or internal. threats. It's a stark reminder of

00:16:59.860 --> 00:17:02.179
how thin the line between national security and

00:17:02.179 --> 00:17:04.900
authoritarian suppression really is. This raises

00:17:04.900 --> 00:17:06.720
an important question though for everyone listening.

00:17:07.079 --> 00:17:09.279
What stands out to you the most about this history?

00:17:09.630 --> 00:17:12.329
Is it the sheer volume of convictions in such

00:17:12.329 --> 00:17:15.230
a short window of time? Is it the fact that almost

00:17:15.230 --> 00:17:17.630
the entire House of Representatives voted to

00:17:17.630 --> 00:17:21.009
criminalize dissenting speech? Or is it how easily

00:17:21.009 --> 00:17:22.849
the fundamental right to free expression was

00:17:22.849 --> 00:17:25.190
discarded the moment it became inconvenient for

00:17:25.190 --> 00:17:27.690
the government's wartime narrative? That is exactly

00:17:27.690 --> 00:17:29.829
what we want you to be thinking about. And as

00:17:29.829 --> 00:17:31.670
we wrap up this deep dive, I want to leave you

00:17:31.670 --> 00:17:34.109
with one final lingering thought to mull over.

00:17:34.329 --> 00:17:38.210
We discussed how, in 1918, the government utilized

00:17:38.210 --> 00:17:41.309
the Postmaster General to physically stop the

00:17:41.309 --> 00:17:44.829
delivery of dissenting ideas. It was an incredibly

00:17:44.829 --> 00:17:47.309
effective way to silence opposition by cutting

00:17:47.309 --> 00:17:50.329
off their distribution network. Well, if a major

00:17:50.329 --> 00:17:52.670
global conflict broke out tomorrow and national

00:17:52.670 --> 00:17:55.309
panic set in again, you obviously wouldn't be

00:17:55.309 --> 00:17:57.269
relying on the Postmaster General for your news.

00:17:57.589 --> 00:17:59.650
But who controls the flow of your information

00:17:59.650 --> 00:18:02.819
today? And if a modern sweeping emergency measure

00:18:02.819 --> 00:18:05.640
were passed, how easily could a digital switch

00:18:05.640 --> 00:18:08.099
be flipped by an internet service provider or

00:18:08.099 --> 00:18:10.319
a major tech platform to block what you were

00:18:10.319 --> 00:18:13.240
allowed to read, share, or say online long before

00:18:13.240 --> 00:18:15.019
the courts ever get a chance to intervene? That

00:18:15.019 --> 00:18:17.240
is a heavy thought, but an absolutely necessary

00:18:17.240 --> 00:18:19.380
one to consider. It is. Thank you for joining

00:18:19.380 --> 00:18:21.400
us on this deep dive into the Sedition Act of

00:18:21.400 --> 00:18:24.279
1918. We hope you walk away with a richer understanding

00:18:24.279 --> 00:18:26.650
of this turbulent chapter in history. Keep asking

00:18:26.650 --> 00:18:29.009
questions, keep exploring the past, and we will

00:18:29.009 --> 00:18:30.390
catch you on the next deep dive.
