WEBVTT

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Imagine a massive reinforced vault. And inside

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this vault is a meticulous real -time record

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of the social, political, and cultural history

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of an entire continent, stretching back over

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half a century. It holds documents that have

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survived regime changes, global ideological shifts,

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and basically the entire digital revolution.

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That is a lot of history. It is. Now, imagine

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walking up to the outside of this formidable

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vault and finding that the world's biggest public

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encyclopedia, Wikipedia, has essentially slapped

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a sticky note on the heavy steel door. A sticky

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note. Yeah, a sticky note that just says, we

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don't really know what's in here. Can somebody

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help? I mean, it is an incredible image. And

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it really captures this massive paradox in how

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we interact with information today. We have this

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illusion that if a piece of knowledge exists

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out there in the world, it just must be instantly

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visible and perfectly summarized for us online.

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But the reality for you the listener is that

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the vast majority of human knowledge doesn't

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actually live in those neat little summary boxes

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on your search screen. No, it really doesn't.

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It lives behind closed doors in this incredibly

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complex hidden infrastructure of vetting and

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categorizing and honestly gatekeeping. Absolutely.

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And today we're going to open that vault for

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you. Our source material for this deep dive is

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that metaphorical sticky note. Yes. We are looking

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at a self -described Wikipedia stub, which is

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a highly abbreviated bare -bones article about

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an academic publication called Social Dynamics,

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a journal of African studies. And when you look

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at a stub like this, you are basically just staring

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at raw metadata. Yeah, just the skeleton. Exactly.

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It gives you a few bullet points, a founding

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date, a list of editors, and a string of databases.

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But our mission for you today is to take the

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anatomy of this tiny seemingly insignificant

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entry and use it to expose the hidden mechanical

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framework of the global academic publishing industry.

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Because it is all right there? It is. Locked

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inside those few bullet points is the exact blueprint

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for how verified human knowledge is actually

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built. Okay, let's unpack this. Well, let's start

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with the sheer longevity of this project because

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the source gives us a founding date of 1975.

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1975? Yeah. We are talking about an English -language,

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peer -reviewed academic journal covering African

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studies that has been running continuously since

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the mid -70s. I mean, if you think about the

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historical context of that date, this journal

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isn't just a publication. It's like a time capsule.

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Yeah. Or an intellectual survivor. Oh, without

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a doubt. We are talking about the height of the

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Cold War. the grinding reality of apartheid in

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South Africa, these complex waves of decolonization

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and post -colonial nation building across the

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entire African continent. It is a massive amount

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of change. Right. And this journal has been capturing

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the academic analysis of those massive shifts

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in real time. But, you know, a journal doesn't

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survive that kind of history just by printing

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opinions. No, it requires serious rigor. Exactly.

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The source explicitly calls it a peer review

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journal. And I want to dig into the actual mechanics

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of that. Let's do it. Because people hear the

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term peer reviewed all the time. And I think

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the assumption is just that a really smart editor

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ran a spell check and maybe checked a few footnotes.

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What's fascinating here is how drastically the

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reality of peer review differs from that assumption.

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It's not just a quick read through. Not at all.

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It is not an editorial polish. It is a brutal

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vetting machinery. Brutal. Truly. When a researcher

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submits a manuscript to social dynamics, it enters

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a highly adversarial process. Usually, this is

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double blind. OK, break that down for us. Double

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blind. So the journal's editors strip the author's

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name and their institutional affiliation entirely

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from the paper. So no one knows who wrote it.

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Right. And then they send it out to other experts,

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the peers, who specialize in that exact niche

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of African studies. Wow. So the reviewers don't

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know whose career they're evaluating. Exactly.

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And the author has absolutely no idea who's critiquing

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their life's work. Precisely. And the reviewer's

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job is essentially to try and break the paper.

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Like crash testing a car. Yes. They aren't looking

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for typos. They're looking for fundamental flaws

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in the data. Like, did the author misinterpret

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a historical archive? Or is their methodology

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biased somehow? Exactly. Are they ignoring a

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crucial demographic variable in their sociological

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study? The reviewers submit these aggressive

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critiques, and the author then has to painstakingly

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defend their work, revise their data, and patch

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the holes. And I imagine that is not a fast process.

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Oh, this back and forth can take months, sometimes

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over a year. Wow. So when you see that social

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dynamics has been peer reviewed since 1975, you're

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really looking at an archive of knowledge where

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every single printed claim has survived a grueling

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intellectual gauntlet. A very grueling gauntlet,

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yes. It's basically a fortified wall of tested

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claims. But I mean, maintaining that kind of

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rigorous machinery for nearly 50 years requires

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serious infrastructure. It takes a village and

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a lot of money. Yeah. You need funding, you need

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distribution, and you need a constant pipeline

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of high -level academic talent. And here's where

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it gets really interesting. If you look at the

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source's data on who actually builds this journal,

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it reveals this massive structural tension. The

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institutional architecture. Right. The journal

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is published by Routledge, but it is done in

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association with the Center for African Studies

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at the University of Cape Town. Yes. And the

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editors -in -chief, that's Christopher Uma, Lauren

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Parramore, and Bernard Doubled, they are entirely

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based at South African institutions, specifically

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the University of Cape Town and Stellenbosch

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University. This is a perfect micro study of

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how modern academic power operates. How so? Well,

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you are looking at a highly strategic marriage

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between a global heavyweight and deep localized

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expertise. Routledge is a titan in the publishing

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world. Wait, so Routledge has the global servers,

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right? Right. The massive digital distribution

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networks. Yeah. The institutional subscriptions

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that get a journal into the libraries of Harvard,

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Oxford, Tokyo. Oh, that. But if they tried to

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run an African Studies journal out of a corporate

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office in, say, London, they would be completely

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disconnected from the actual continent. They'd

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be flying blind. So they're essentially borrowing

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the local credibility and the network of Cape

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Town and Stellenbosch. Well, I'd say they aren't

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just borrowing credibility. They're securing

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the raw supply chain of knowledge. Oh, that's

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a great way to put it. Think about the logistics

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of this partnership. A global publisher cannot

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effectively spot emerging trends in African social

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dynamics from an office park in the UK. No, of

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course not. But those editors in South Africa.

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They are walking the campus at the University

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of Kictown every day. They are living it. Yes.

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They are advising the grad students who are doing

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the fresh field work. They are attending the

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local symposiums. Right, right. By anchoring

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the editorial control in South Africa, Routledge

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ensures that the intellectual curation is embedded

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in the environment it is actually studying. That

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makes total sense. The journal isn't just talking

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about Africa from afar. The vetting and the theorizing

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are being driven by scholars who are on the ground.

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So the local universities act as the filter and

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really the generator for the raw research. And

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then Routledge acts as the giant megaphone pumping

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it out to the rest of the world. That is the

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architecture of academic influence right there.

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It's a machine. It is. But that local global

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machine doesn't operate at the speed you might

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expect. Right. Which brings us to the actual

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output. The rhythm of this thing. Yes. Let's

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talk about the output. The source tells us that

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social dynamics is tri -annual. Meaning three

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issues a year. Hold on. Three issues a year.

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So what does this all mean? I mean, if you think

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about the median environment you and I live in

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where we get push notifications every 30 seconds

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and an entire news cycle turns over in four hours.

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It's exhausting. It is. So triennial sounds completely

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glacial. Aren't they just rendering themselves

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obsolete by moving that slowly? It feels entirely

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counterintuitive to a modern digital consumer,

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I agree. But you have to separate the speed of

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commentary from the speed of empirical research.

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Because you can't rush the gauntlet we just talked

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about. Exactly. And you can't rush the field

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work either. Right. If, say, an anthropologist

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is writing an article for this journal about

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shifting labor dynamics in a specific South African

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mining community, they have to spend months actually

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observing that community. You can't just write

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a hot take on Twitter. No. Then they write the

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paper. Then it goes through that double -blind

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peer review, then the revisions, then the formatting.

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Right. A tri -annual schedule is actually a physical

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boundary. It is the journal enforcing a speed

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limit to ensure that they are prioritizing depth

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and verification over speed. OK, so they are

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playing a fundamentally different, much slower

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game than the internet. Very different. But even

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in that slow game, they still keep score. Oh,

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academics definitely keep score. Yeah, they do.

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The source gives us a very specific metric. According

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to the 2021 Journal Citation Reports by Clarivate,

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social dynamics holds an impact factor of .483.

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Ah, the impact factor. Yeah. Now, if you are

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a lay person looking at that number, your first

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instinct might be that .483 is a failing grade.

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It does look low. Right, it's less than one.

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What does that math actually represent? Well,

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if we connect this to the bigger picture, the

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impact factor is the primary currency of the

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academic realm. It isn't a grade on a test. It's

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a very specific mathematical ratio that measures

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influence. Clarivate, the organization that tracks

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this looks at a two -year window. To get that

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.483, they took the total number of times articles

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published in Social Dynamics were cited by other

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researchers in 2021. So how many times they were

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referenced? Yes. And they divided that by the

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total number of citable items the journal published

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in the previous two years. Oh, I see. So it's

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basically tracking the academic footprint of

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an idea. Exactly. It's calculating how often

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an average article from this specific journal

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gets picked up. up red and then used as a foundational

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building block in someone else's published research.

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That is a great way to describe it. It maps the

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DNA of an idea as it spreads through the academic

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ecosystem. But still, why is the number 0 .483?

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Why not, like, a 10? You have to understand that

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impact factors vary wildly depending on the discipline.

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Really? Oh, absolutely. In clinical medicine

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or, say, molecular biology, where researchers

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are constantly publishing rapid -fire lab results

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and citing dozens of concurrent studies, impact

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factors can be in the 20s, 30s, or even higher.

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Because there's just more traffic. Exactly. But

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in a highly specialized, geographically specific

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social science field like this one, the entire

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pool of researchers is just much smaller. Right.

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And the research takes much longer to produce.

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OK. So a 0 .483 in Africa. studies isn't a sign

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of failure at all. Not at all. It indicates a

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steady specialized pulse. It basically means

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that roughly every other article they publish

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is being actively utilized and cited by another

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scholar in that specific field within a two -year

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window. It proves that the research is foundational.

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Yeah. They aren't trying to reach the widest

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possible audience, they are trying to reach the

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right peers. Right. But if you aren't trying

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to reach a wide audience and you are only publishing

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three times a year, How do those specific peers

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actually find you? That is the million dollar

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question. Right. Because if you are a grad student

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in Toronto or Tokyo doing a thesis on South African

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sociology, how do you even know that a specific

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article in Social Dynamics exists? Well, this

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is where we have to look at the invisible digital

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infrastructure of discoverability. The databases.

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Yes. The source gives us a dense alphabet soup

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list of databases where this journal is abstracted

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and indexed. Let's hear them. Okay, we've got

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EBSCO, Index Islamicus, the Modern Language Association

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or MLA database, ProQuest, Scopus, the Social

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Sciences Citation Index, and CSA. It also mentions

00:12:17.070 --> 00:12:20.230
specific ISSN numbers for print and web. It's

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a long list. It really is. And I think the temptation

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is to view these databases just as big digital

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filing cabinets. like a Dewey decibel system

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for the internet. And that is a dangerous underestimation

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of their power. Why dangerous? Think of these

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databases less like passive filing cabinets and

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more like exclusive digital toll roads. Okay,

00:12:39.379 --> 00:12:42.059
toll roads. I like that. If your journal is not

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vetted and mathematically integrated into EBSCO

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or ProQuest -specific search algorithms, a university

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library search engine simply will not drive traffic

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to your articles. Wow. You are effectively off

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the map for the global academic... community.

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So it's like having a website but not being indexed

00:12:59.669 --> 00:13:01.789
by Google. Yes. You might as well not exist.

00:13:01.990 --> 00:13:04.350
Exactly. And what's really revealing here is

00:13:04.350 --> 00:13:07.110
how the tagging actually works across these different

00:13:07.110 --> 00:13:09.070
toll roads. Look at the variety in that list

00:13:09.070 --> 00:13:11.830
you just read. Yeah, the MLA database, the index

00:13:11.830 --> 00:13:14.990
Islamicists, the social sciences citation index.

00:13:15.190 --> 00:13:17.809
It is a massive cross -section of disciplines.

00:13:18.070 --> 00:13:20.940
Literature, religion, sociology. This raises

00:13:20.940 --> 00:13:23.840
an important question about how knowledge fragments

00:13:23.840 --> 00:13:26.519
and spreads. What do you mean by fragments? Let's

00:13:26.519 --> 00:13:29.480
say one of those editors in Cape Town publishes

00:13:29.480 --> 00:13:33.539
a paper in Social Dynamics titled Post -Apartheid

00:13:33.539 --> 00:13:36.759
Labor Rhetoric in Islamic Communities. OK, hypothetically.

00:13:36.940 --> 00:13:39.559
Right. When that paper hits the databases, it

00:13:39.559 --> 00:13:41.919
gets dismantled and tagged differently by different

00:13:41.919 --> 00:13:43.559
algorithms. Oh, I see where you're going with

00:13:43.559 --> 00:13:46.960
this. The bots for the MLA database. are going

00:13:46.960 --> 00:13:50.139
to scan that paper and tag it for its analysis

00:13:50.139 --> 00:13:53.000
of rhetoric and linguistics. Because it's a language

00:13:53.000 --> 00:13:55.600
database. Right. Yeah. But the bots for the index

00:13:55.600 --> 00:13:58.600
Islamicus are going to tag the exact same paper

00:13:58.600 --> 00:14:01.820
for its demographic data on Islamic communities.

00:14:02.080 --> 00:14:04.600
Right, right. And then the social sciences citation

00:14:04.600 --> 00:14:08.080
index will tag it for its data on labor economics.

00:14:08.259 --> 00:14:11.659
That is wild. So a single article sitting in

00:14:11.659 --> 00:14:14.480
this one journal can be pulled up by a literature

00:14:14.480 --> 00:14:17.259
professor. a theology student and an economist.

00:14:17.480 --> 00:14:20.460
Yes. All entering through entirely different

00:14:20.460 --> 00:14:23.059
digital doorways searching for completely different

00:14:23.059 --> 00:14:25.679
things. Exactly. The fact that social dynamics

00:14:25.679 --> 00:14:28.120
has secured placement in all of these highly

00:14:28.120 --> 00:14:31.259
guarded multidisciplinary databases proves its

00:14:31.259 --> 00:14:33.320
structural importance. It's connected everywhere.

00:14:33.399 --> 00:14:36.159
It is deeply woven into the hidden fabric of

00:14:36.159 --> 00:14:38.440
the digital library. Which ironically brings

00:14:38.440 --> 00:14:41.059
us to the ultimate irony of this entire deep

00:14:41.059 --> 00:14:43.120
dive. Yes, let's bring it back. Let's zoom all

00:14:43.120 --> 00:14:45.559
the way back out to the actual page we've been

00:14:45.559 --> 00:14:48.019
analyzing. The sticky note. The sticky note.

00:14:48.580 --> 00:14:52.080
The text explicitly identifies itself as an African

00:14:52.080 --> 00:14:54.899
Studies journal stub. Right. It notes that the

00:14:54.899 --> 00:14:58.580
page was last edited on April 28th, 2023. And

00:14:58.580 --> 00:15:01.000
at the very bottom, it includes that classic

00:15:01.000 --> 00:15:04.100
almost pleading Wikipedia call to action. You

00:15:04.100 --> 00:15:06.259
know the one. You can help Wikipedia by adding

00:15:06.259 --> 00:15:09.110
missing information. Yes. You can help Wikipedia

00:15:09.110 --> 00:15:11.629
by adding missing information. He's a staggering

00:15:11.629 --> 00:15:14.350
contrast. It really is. On one side of the divide,

00:15:14.509 --> 00:15:17.490
you have social dynamics itself. It is a rigorously

00:15:17.490 --> 00:15:20.110
vetted, double -blind, peer -reviewed journal

00:15:20.110 --> 00:15:22.950
that has been documenting half a century of history.

00:15:22.970 --> 00:15:25.809
Our huge legacy. Curated by premier experts at

00:15:25.809 --> 00:15:28.200
the University of Cape Town. It is mathematically

00:15:28.200 --> 00:15:31.679
scored for its influence. It is intricately woven

00:15:31.679 --> 00:15:34.220
into the algorithms of the most elite academic

00:15:34.220 --> 00:15:37.139
databases on earth. All of that weight. And then,

00:15:37.299 --> 00:15:39.700
on the other side of the divide, its public -facing

00:15:39.700 --> 00:15:42.240
footprint on the most visited, most accessible

00:15:42.240 --> 00:15:44.740
encyclopedia in human history is, well, sticky

00:15:44.740 --> 00:15:47.159
note. A tiny stub. A few lines of text basically

00:15:47.159 --> 00:15:49.750
saying, hey, We know this exists, but we don't

00:15:49.750 --> 00:15:52.490
really know what it does. It perfectly illustrates

00:15:52.490 --> 00:15:55.269
the great fracture in how human knowledge is

00:15:55.269 --> 00:15:59.009
managed today. The fracture? Yes. We have institutional

00:15:59.009 --> 00:16:02.490
academic knowledge, which is deep, heavily verified,

00:16:02.809 --> 00:16:06.000
and incredibly rich. But it is locked. hidden

00:16:06.000 --> 00:16:08.919
away. It is locked inside those exclusive toll

00:16:08.919 --> 00:16:12.980
roads like ProQuest and eBisco or it is sitting

00:16:12.980 --> 00:16:16.059
behind Routledge's corporate paywalls. You literally

00:16:16.059 --> 00:16:18.940
have to be enrolled at a major university or

00:16:18.940 --> 00:16:21.960
be willing to pay a really steep fee just to

00:16:21.960 --> 00:16:24.340
read a single article from that 50 -year archive.

00:16:24.539 --> 00:16:26.559
Exactly. And on the other side of that fracture

00:16:26.559 --> 00:16:29.460
you have public open source knowledge like Wikipedia.

00:16:29.600 --> 00:16:32.500
The open square. Right. It is free. It is accessible

00:16:32.500 --> 00:16:35.379
to anyone with a smartphone and it operates entirely

00:16:35.379 --> 00:16:38.059
on the energy of crowdsourcing. Just people volunteering

00:16:38.059 --> 00:16:40.159
their time. The fact that this incredible important

00:16:40.159 --> 00:16:42.679
journal only has a stub tells us that the bridge

00:16:42.679 --> 00:16:44.899
between the locked academic vault and the open

00:16:44.899 --> 00:16:47.480
public square does not build itself. No, it doesn't.

00:16:47.519 --> 00:16:49.919
It relies entirely on volunteer labor. So if

00:16:49.919 --> 00:16:52.320
an independent researcher or a passionate student

00:16:52.320 --> 00:16:55.240
doesn't take the time to read the journal, summarize

00:16:55.240 --> 00:16:57.879
its 50 years of historical impact, and manually

00:16:57.879 --> 00:16:59.879
type that information into Wikipedia for the

00:16:59.879 --> 00:17:02.980
public, the journal just remains a ghost on the

00:17:02.980 --> 00:17:06.440
open web. That call to action, you can help Wikipedia

00:17:06.440 --> 00:17:09.799
by adding missing information, is a stark reminder.

00:17:10.160 --> 00:17:12.740
We like to think that the democratization of

00:17:12.740 --> 00:17:15.099
knowledge is an automatic feature of the internet.

00:17:15.359 --> 00:17:17.559
Like it just happens by magic. Right. But it

00:17:17.559 --> 00:17:20.500
isn't. It requires active, deliberate translation

00:17:20.500 --> 00:17:23.200
by everyday people. Wow. The knowledge is sitting

00:17:23.200 --> 00:17:25.240
right there in the vault, but the public map

00:17:25.240 --> 00:17:27.859
to find it is still mostly blank. So what does

00:17:27.859 --> 00:17:30.480
this all mean for you, the listener? We started

00:17:30.480 --> 00:17:33.200
today with a tiny overlooked list of journal

00:17:33.200 --> 00:17:35.700
metadata, just a few bullet points. Very brief.

00:17:35.859 --> 00:17:38.259
But by unpacking it, we've essentially taken

00:17:38.259 --> 00:17:40.400
a guided tour through the hidden plumbing of

00:17:40.400 --> 00:17:43.119
human knowledge. Yes, we have. You've seen how

00:17:43.119 --> 00:17:47.130
a single academic claim has to survive. a grueling

00:17:47.130 --> 00:17:49.730
gauntlet of anonymous peers. The crash test.

00:17:50.049 --> 00:17:52.950
Right. You've seen how a global publisher has

00:17:52.950 --> 00:17:55.690
to borrow the on -the -ground expertise of South

00:17:55.690 --> 00:17:58.190
African universities just to stay relevant. The

00:17:58.190 --> 00:18:00.509
local connection. You've seen how influence is

00:18:00.509 --> 00:18:03.009
mathematically calculated over years, not days,

00:18:03.589 --> 00:18:06.809
and how complex tagging algorithms slice up a

00:18:06.809 --> 00:18:09.369
single idea and route it to different disciplines

00:18:09.369 --> 00:18:11.740
across the globe. And honestly, once you see

00:18:11.740 --> 00:18:14.839
the blueprints of that hidden factory, it completely

00:18:14.839 --> 00:18:17.240
changes how you evaluate the information you

00:18:17.240 --> 00:18:19.940
consume. It really does. You realize that every

00:18:19.940 --> 00:18:23.519
genuinely verified fact has a massive labor -intensive

00:18:23.519 --> 00:18:26.519
lineage behind it. It absolutely does. Before

00:18:26.519 --> 00:18:28.779
we let you go, we want to leave you with a final

00:18:28.779 --> 00:18:31.119
thought to mull over. Something to think about.

00:18:31.200 --> 00:18:33.359
Yeah. The next time you are searching the web

00:18:33.359 --> 00:18:35.599
and you feel that frictionless magic of an answer

00:18:35.599 --> 00:18:38.000
just popping up on your screen. Think about this.

00:18:38.279 --> 00:18:41.019
If a scholarly journal that has been rigorously

00:18:41.019 --> 00:18:43.359
documenting the intricate social, political,

00:18:43.599 --> 00:18:46.259
and cultural shifts of Africa continuously since

00:18:46.259 --> 00:18:49.740
1975 only warrants a few bare bones sentences

00:18:49.740 --> 00:18:52.700
on the world's largest encyclopedia. What other

00:18:52.700 --> 00:18:55.200
massive, rich reservoirs of human knowledge are

00:18:55.200 --> 00:18:57.480
sitting out there right now, locked behind pay

00:18:57.480 --> 00:19:00.319
walls or buried in algorithms, quietly waiting

00:19:00.319 --> 00:19:02.160
for someone like you to discover them and bring

00:19:02.160 --> 00:19:02.900
them into the light?
