WEBVTT

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So, you know when you read the title of a piece

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of legislation, right? Something super dense

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and official sounding, like the Serious Organized

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Crime and Police Act 2005. Right, yeah. It sounds

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intense. Exactly. You instinctively picture this

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very specific type of world. Like, you're picturing

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international smuggling rings or high -stakes

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surveillance operations. Maybe some gritty action

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movie scenario where the authorities are... you

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know, taking down mob bosses. Oh, absolutely.

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I mean, it sounds like the kind of law that's

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designed exclusively for the absolute worst elements

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of the criminal underworld. The title alone projects

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this image of like heavily armed officers dealing

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with complex transnational threats. But the reality

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of what this law actually did is just drastically

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different. You do not picture a piece of legislation

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that ends up dictating exactly where a comedian

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is allowed to stand on a Tuesday afternoon. or

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what a prestigious art gallery can legally display

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on its floor. Yeah, or how the police deal with

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a single guy holding a megaphone. So welcome

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to today's deep dive. We are working through

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a really fascinating stack of sources today.

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We've got parliamentary debate transcripts, legal

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reviews of the 2005 SOCPA law, and contemporary

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news reports from the actual front lines of the

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protests. Which are wild to read, honestly. Totally.

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And our mission today is to unpack this very

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specific, highly controversial piece of UK legislation

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passed in April 2005, which is widely known as

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OCPA. And what's really fascinating here, I think,

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is the profound tension between sweeping legislative

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tiles and their really granular, sometimes totally

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unexpected impact on civil liberties and daily

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life. Yeah, the trickle down effect is crazy.

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Right. So we're going to examine the specific

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mechanics of this law, the high profile clashes

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it caused on the streets of London and just the

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broader implications for how public space and

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even private conversation is controlled by the

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state. OK, let's unpack this, because to understand

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how we get to the comedian and the art galleries,

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We really have to look at the broadest impact

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of this law first. We need to look at how it

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fundamentally changed the interaction between

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a police officer and an everyday citizen across

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the entirety of England and Wales. Right, the

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baseline shift. Exactly. And I like to think

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of this shift through this analogy, right? Prior

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to this act, police powers of arrest were tied

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to specific categories called arrestable Think

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of it like a key ring. OK, a key ring. Yeah.

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An officer needed a specific key, meaning a specific

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severity of a crime, to unlock the power to actually

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arrest you. Right, because the legal threshold

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used to be tied intrinsically to the nature of

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the crime itself, specifically something classified

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as an indictable offense. Right. So if the crime

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wasn't serious enough to warrant that specific

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key, the officer couldn't just arrest you on

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the spot. I mean, they had other ways to deal

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with minor infractions, like issuing a summons.

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immediate deprivation of liberty was reserved

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for much more severe actions. But then, so CPA

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comes along and essentially takes away that heavy

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complicated key ring and just hands constables

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a master key. A literal master key, yeah. Suddenly,

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the concept of an arrestable offense was thrown

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out entirely. An officer could now arrest someone

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for literally any offense, no matter how incredibly

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minor, provided they met something called the

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necessity test. Which is a huge pivot. We are

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moving the legal threshold away from the severity

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of the crime and placing it entirely onto the

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perceived necessity of the arrest in that specific

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moment. Hold on. Let me push back on that a second

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because it sounds incredibly subjective. Oh,

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it is. Like, how does an officer actually prove

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an arrest is necessary for something completely

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trivial? Say I drop a candy wrapper on the sidewalk,

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which, you know, would have been a non -arrestable

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offense in the past. Does that master key really

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turn for littering? Well, it does, if certain

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criteria are met. The legislation actually outlines

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several very specific triggers for the necessity

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test. A constable can arrest you for any offense

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if it's necessary to find out your real name

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or your address. Wait, really? Just for a name?

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Yeah. So in your candy wrapper scenario, if the

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officer stops you and you refuse to give your

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name, or if the officer sinkly has reasonable

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grounds to doubt that the name you just gave

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them is real, the arrest becomes legally necessary

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to establish your identity. So the offense isn't

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the wrapper anymore. Right. The offense is essentially

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making the administrative process difficult.

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What else triggers this necessity? Well, an arrest

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is also deemed necessary to prevent you from

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causing physical injury to yourself or others,

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or suffering physical injury, or causing damage

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to property. It also covers committing an offense

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against public decency. Public decency, okay.

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Though the source text for that one specifically

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notes it applies if members of the public going

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about their normal business cannot reasonably

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avoid you. I see. It also includes protecting

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a child or vulnerable person, allowing for the

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prompt and effective investigation of the offense,

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or preventing a prosecution from being hindered

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because the suspect might just disappear. Wait,

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I remember seeing highway obstruction in our

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source text too. Does that mean if I'm just standing

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on the pavement having a loud debate with a friend

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and someone has to walk around us to get by?

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That master key turns and I can be thrown in

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the back of a squad car. Literally, yes. If the

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officer determines that arresting you is the

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only way to prevent an unlawful obstruction of

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the highway, then yes, the statute grants them

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that exact power. That is wild. It is. And I

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want you, listening right now, to really consider

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the massive shift in legal philosophy happening

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here. The state is no longer saying, we only

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arrest people for major crimes. Right. The state

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is saying, we can arrest you for absolutely anything.

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provided the officer on the scene deems it procedurally

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necessary to do so to resolve the situation.

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Wow. It placed such a huge amount of discretion

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squarely on the shoulders of the individual officer

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on the street that an entirely new code of practice

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had to be issued just to guide officers on how

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to use this power when it took effect on January

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1st, 2006. It fundamentally reshapes the balance

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of power on the sidewalk. But, you know, as broad

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and sweeping as that change was for the whole

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country, the law also had this bizarre dual personality.

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It paired this massive expansion of general power

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with hyper -specific laser -focused restrictions

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applied to one tiny iconic piece of geography.

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Parliament Square in London. Exactly. Parliament

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Square. sections 132 to 138 of the act. This

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is where the legislation transitions from like

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national philosophy to intense geographical micromanagement.

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And it becomes intensely personal too because

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you really cannot talk about this section of

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the law without talking about one specific man

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named Brian Haw. Right. Brian was a peace campaigner.

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And starting way back in June 2001, he essentially

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set up camp in Parliament Square directly outside

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the heart of the British government. He was protesting

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UK and US policy in Iraq. He had quite the setup,

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too. Oh, he had a sprawling display of placards.

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He had a loudspeaker. And he was out there day

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after day, year after year in all weather. He

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really became a permanent fixture of the landscape.

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But for the people working inside the Palace

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of Westminster, he also became a highly visible,

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highly audible point of contention. Which is

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exactly how we get the new geographic rule. So

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CPA created a designated area, basically a zone

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extending up to a one kilometer radius from any

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point in Parliament Square. A huge chunk of central

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London. Right. And the new rule stated that if

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you wanted to demonstrate in that zone, you now

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had to give written notice to the Metropolitan

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Police. You needed to apply for authorization

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six days in advance or 24 hours at the absolute

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minimum if six days just wasn't practicable.

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It is really worth pausing to look at the actual

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parliamentary debate surrounding this. because

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the arguments perfectly encapsulate the eternal

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tug of war over public protest. Absolutely. And

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just to be clear for you listening... We are

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pulling these arguments straight from the parliamentary

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records provided in our sources. We aren't taking

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a side on whether Parliament Square should be

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a secure quiet zone or a free speech free for

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all. But it's just crucial to understand the

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intense ideological divide this sparked among

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lawmakers. Yeah, it was super polarized. On one

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side, the government argued this was a matter

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of basic workplace sanity and national security.

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Yeah. Our sources highlight Patrick Cormack,

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a member of parliament, stating on the record

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that Brian Haw's continuous noise. made the lives

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of staff and police intolerable. He painted this

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really bleak picture of protesters just baying

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away without an audience, just repeating themselves

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endlessly into megaphones while people were trying

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to govern the country. And the Home Office also

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brought up severe security concerns, which is

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a really powerful argument in a post -9 -11 world.

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Right, 2005. Exactly. They argued that the sheer

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volume of Haas' protest paraphernalia, like the

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signs, the tarps, the banners, it created a massive

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physical blind spot. where explosive devices

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could easily be hidden right outside the seat

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of government. But the pushback from the other

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side of the aisle was incredibly fierce. You

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had MPs like Jeremy Corbyn warning the government

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to think very carefully about stripping away

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civil rights that are deeply enshrined in British

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history just because someone is being annoying.

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And Glenda Jackson explicitly pushed back on

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the noise complaint, calling Haw's protest the

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voice of democracy. It highlights a deep ideological

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split. I mean, is the space outside a nation's

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parliament fundamentally a secure workplace that

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requires strict regulation? Or is it the ultimate

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public square where disruption and noise are

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the entire point of the location? And here's

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where I think this gets really interesting, though.

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You look at the timing of the law. You look at

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the target. Was this an anti -terrorism measure

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buried in an organized crime bill or just a noise

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complaint disguised as national security? That

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is the big question. Because Parliament wrote

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this sweeping one -kilometer rule that affected

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millions of Londoners. But everyone knew it was

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fundamentally a bespoke law aimed at one guy

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with a megaphone. Well, the legal system actually

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recognized that exact tension. When the law first

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came into effect, it completely backfired regarding

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its primary target. I love this part. The High

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Court of Justice initially ruled that because

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Brian Haas protests had started in June 2001,

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which was years before the act was passed, the

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new authorization rules couldn't apply to him

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retroactively. I have to admit, I love the irony

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of that. They pass a massive piece of legislation

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just to move one guy, and a judge looks at it

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and basically says, Actually, he was here first.

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Your new rule doesn't apply to pre -existing

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conditions. It's pretty amazing. But how does

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a court eventually overturn that? Because we

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know Ha didn't stay exempt forever. Right, he

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didn't. The government appealed the decision,

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and the Court of Appeal overturned the High Court

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in May 2006. OK, on what grounds? Their logic

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was really fascinating. They argued that the

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law wasn't punishing Hall retroactively for starting

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a protest in 2001. Rather, the law was regulating

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his ongoing behavior in the present. Ah, I see.

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So every day he remained in the square was a

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new instance of demonstrating. Therefore, he

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was actively demonstrating after the law took

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effect, bringing him firmly under the jurisdiction

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of the act and the requirement to seek authorization.

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OK, I mean, that makes legal sense, even if it

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feels like a total loophole to get their guy.

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But the broader damage was already done in terms

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of public perception because setting up a one

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kilometer radius where you have to ask the police

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for a permission slip to hold a sign. Yeah. Because

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the government chose to use bureaucratic paperwork

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like this six day authorization rule to stifle

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protest, they practically invited a bureaucratic

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rebellion. Oh, totally. It triggered an immediate,

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highly publicized wave of backlash that tested

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the absolute limits of the legislation. The deviance

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was instantaneous. August 1st, 2005, which is

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the exact day the Act comes into force, the Stop

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the War Coalition organizes a protest, 200 people

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show up right inside the exclusion zone. And

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no permission slip. Right. They didn't officially

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ask for permission, though it later came out

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that he'd been trying to negotiate with the police.

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Five people were arrested. And one of the people

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in that unauthorized crowd was Lauren Booth,

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who happened to be Tony Blair's sister -in -law.

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Which perfectly illustrates how quickly a law

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designed for serious organized crime captured

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a wide net of everyday citizens. And the convictions

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started rolling in shortly after. In December

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2005, Maya Evans became the first person convicted

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under the act. And her crime was like astonishingly

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quiet. Yeah, she stood near the Sanitav War Memorial

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in October and simply read aloud the names of

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British soldiers killed in the Iraq War. No megaphone,

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no riot. no property damage, just reading names

00:12:44.019 --> 00:12:46.580
without written police authorization in the designated

00:12:46.580 --> 00:12:48.840
zone. Which is exactly the kind of heavy -handed

00:12:48.840 --> 00:12:51.299
enforcement that inspires someone to weaponize

00:12:51.299 --> 00:12:54.580
the rules. Enter Mark Thomas. Yes. He's a comedian

00:12:54.580 --> 00:12:56.720
and political activist. He looks at this law.

00:12:56.970 --> 00:12:59.090
looks at the requirement to get police authorization

00:12:59.090 --> 00:13:01.549
for any protest in the zone, and decides to engage

00:13:01.549 --> 00:13:03.629
in the most spectacular, malicious compliance

00:13:03.629 --> 00:13:05.850
imaginable. He looked at the legislation and

00:13:05.850 --> 00:13:07.909
realized, you know, the law didn't actually cap

00:13:07.909 --> 00:13:10.009
the number of permits a citizen could ask for,

00:13:10.029 --> 00:13:12.169
so he just used the bureaucracy against itself.

00:13:12.409 --> 00:13:16.250
In 2006, he applies for and receives authorization

00:13:16.250 --> 00:13:20.370
for multiple individual protests. On a single

00:13:20.370 --> 00:13:24.070
day, he organizes 21 separate protests within

00:13:24.070 --> 00:13:26.590
the designated area. Incredible. He filled out

00:13:26.590 --> 00:13:29.110
all the forms, stayed completely within the confines

00:13:29.110 --> 00:13:31.350
of the law and buried the Metropolitan Police

00:13:31.350 --> 00:13:33.750
in their own paperwork. He actually got into

00:13:33.750 --> 00:13:36.429
the Guinness Book of Records for the most protests

00:13:36.429 --> 00:13:39.070
in a single day. Guinness officially recognized

00:13:39.070 --> 00:13:41.409
20 of them because his first and last protests

00:13:41.409 --> 00:13:43.649
were in the exact same physical spot. And the

00:13:43.649 --> 00:13:45.950
rebellion wasn't just limited to street activists

00:13:45.950 --> 00:13:48.690
and comedians pushing back. The cultural sector

00:13:48.690 --> 00:13:51.470
got involved too, creating one of the most fascinating

00:13:51.470 --> 00:13:53.870
artistic statements of the decade. Oh, the art

00:13:53.870 --> 00:13:57.250
gallery thing, yes. In January 2007, Tate Britain,

00:13:57.350 --> 00:13:59.710
which is one of the most prestigious art galleries

00:13:59.710 --> 00:14:02.509
in the country, opened an installation by the

00:14:02.509 --> 00:14:05.129
artist Mark Wallinger. It was called State Britain.

00:14:05.470 --> 00:14:07.460
And this wasn't just... Like a painting on a

00:14:07.460 --> 00:14:10.179
wall, Wallinger meticulously recreated Brian

00:14:10.179 --> 00:14:13.240
Haw's entire confiscated protest display. Down

00:14:13.240 --> 00:14:15.960
to the last detail. Every single placard, every

00:14:15.960 --> 00:14:17.960
torn flag, every weather -beaten teddy bear,

00:14:18.559 --> 00:14:21.720
an anti -war slogan. He rebuilt it inside the

00:14:21.720 --> 00:14:24.360
pristine walls of the gallery. But the true genius

00:14:24.360 --> 00:14:27.019
of the exhibit wasn't just the meticulous recreation,

00:14:27.220 --> 00:14:30.340
it was the geography. The Tate issued a press

00:14:30.340 --> 00:14:32.899
release noting that the one kilometer exclusion

00:14:32.899 --> 00:14:35.200
zone from Parliament Square didn't magically

00:14:35.200 --> 00:14:38.159
stop at the gallery doors. Right. It reportedly

00:14:38.159 --> 00:14:40.820
ran straight through the building, literally

00:14:40.820 --> 00:14:43.620
bisecting the Duveen Hall where the exhibit was

00:14:43.620 --> 00:14:46.279
actually located. So Wallinger paints a literal

00:14:46.279 --> 00:14:49.059
black line across the floor of the gallery. On

00:14:49.059 --> 00:14:51.389
one side of the line, the recreated protest art

00:14:51.389 --> 00:14:53.570
is perfectly legal. On the other side of the

00:14:53.570 --> 00:14:56.149
line, it is technically an unauthorized demonstration

00:14:56.149 --> 00:14:58.590
inside the exclusion zone. And the media had

00:14:58.590 --> 00:15:01.210
an absolute field day with this. There was intense

00:15:01.210 --> 00:15:03.649
speculation that the police might actually march

00:15:03.649 --> 00:15:05.970
into Tate Britain and seize the half of the art

00:15:05.970 --> 00:15:08.190
installation that sat on the wrong side of the

00:15:08.190 --> 00:15:11.210
painted line. It highlighted the utter absurdity

00:15:11.210 --> 00:15:14.289
of drawing an arbitrary geographical circle on

00:15:14.289 --> 00:15:16.870
a map to regulate free expression. I have to

00:15:16.870 --> 00:15:18.950
give the punchline to this whole art world drama,

00:15:19.049 --> 00:15:21.769
though. because a rival art group called the

00:15:21.769 --> 00:15:24.350
Stuckists, specifically a guy named Charles Thompson,

00:15:24.870 --> 00:15:27.169
wrote a letter to The Guardian pointing out a

00:15:27.169 --> 00:15:30.350
tiny geographical flaw in Wallinger's masterpiece.

00:15:30.629 --> 00:15:32.870
Oh, this is great. The exclusion zone actually

00:15:32.870 --> 00:15:36.029
ended at Thorny Street, which was 300 yards before

00:15:36.029 --> 00:15:39.210
the Tate Gallery. So the dramatic black line

00:15:39.210 --> 00:15:42.529
dissecting the room was completely factually

00:15:42.529 --> 00:15:45.330
inaccurate. Factually inaccurate, but artistically

00:15:45.330 --> 00:15:48.659
potent. It proved the point regardless. The entire

00:15:48.659 --> 00:15:51.679
restriction was so messy, so difficult to enforce

00:15:51.679 --> 00:15:54.679
logically, and so widely mocked that eventually

00:15:54.679 --> 00:15:57.259
Gordon Brown promised a review. Right. Those

00:15:57.259 --> 00:16:00.320
specific sections of the Act, 132 to 138, were

00:16:00.320 --> 00:16:02.139
officially repealed by the Police Reform and

00:16:02.139 --> 00:16:04.860
Social Responsibility Act in 2011. They replaced

00:16:04.860 --> 00:16:06.799
it with a different scheme, but that infamous

00:16:06.799 --> 00:16:10.000
one kilometer permission zone was gone. It really

00:16:10.000 --> 00:16:12.539
serves as a textbook example of how a law designed

00:16:12.539 --> 00:16:15.240
to impose order can inadvertently generate years

00:16:15.240 --> 00:16:17.919
of highly creative, highly visible disorder.

00:16:18.259 --> 00:16:20.980
Now, we spent a lot of time on the loud, highly

00:16:20.980 --> 00:16:23.860
visible protests in Parliament Square. But before

00:16:23.860 --> 00:16:26.779
we wrap up, we really need to shift gears and

00:16:26.779 --> 00:16:29.440
look at a much quieter change hidden inside this

00:16:29.440 --> 00:16:32.480
act. A one -line amendment that is deeply consequential,

00:16:32.779 --> 00:16:35.200
but got almost no headlines compared to Brian

00:16:35.200 --> 00:16:38.190
Hall. Yeah, tucked away in the depths of SoCPA

00:16:38.190 --> 00:16:40.909
is an amendment to an older piece of legislation,

00:16:41.309 --> 00:16:44.629
the Protection from Harassment Act 1997. So what

00:16:44.629 --> 00:16:46.610
does this actually mean for you listening? We

00:16:46.610 --> 00:16:49.250
aren't talking about organized crime rings harassing

00:16:49.250 --> 00:16:51.370
witnesses here, are we? We are talking about

00:16:51.370 --> 00:16:54.070
everyday interactions. We are. So under the old

00:16:54.070 --> 00:16:57.009
1997 rules to be guilty of pursuing a course

00:16:57.009 --> 00:16:59.549
of conduct that amounted to harassment, the law

00:16:59.549 --> 00:17:02.350
required you to approach one specific person

00:17:02.350 --> 00:17:04.710
at least twice. OK, that makes sense. There had

00:17:04.710 --> 00:17:07.079
to be a demonstrable pattern of behavior directed

00:17:07.079 --> 00:17:10.099
at an individual. But SoCPA tweaked that language.

00:17:10.160 --> 00:17:11.920
It changed it so that approaching two different

00:17:11.920 --> 00:17:14.480
people just once could legally be deemed a course

00:17:14.480 --> 00:17:16.640
of conduct amounting to harassment. Wait, let

00:17:16.640 --> 00:17:18.579
me make sure I understand the practical implication

00:17:18.579 --> 00:17:21.000
of that. Yeah. Because that is a microscopic

00:17:21.000 --> 00:17:24.500
linguistic shift with a massive real -world impact.

00:17:24.759 --> 00:17:27.240
It really is. If I am standing outside a grocery

00:17:27.240 --> 00:17:30.400
store handing out flyers for a lost dog or canvassing

00:17:30.400 --> 00:17:33.099
for a local charity and I hand a flyer to one

00:17:33.099 --> 00:17:35.799
person who ignores me, and then I hand a flyer

00:17:35.799 --> 00:17:39.299
to a totally different stranger. Is that now

00:17:39.299 --> 00:17:42.200
a pattern of harassment? Potentially, yes. If

00:17:42.200 --> 00:17:44.759
those two individuals felt alarmed or distressed

00:17:44.759 --> 00:17:47.420
by your approach, the legal threshold for a course

00:17:47.420 --> 00:17:50.660
of conduct has been met. This raises a vital

00:17:50.660 --> 00:17:53.079
question about the chilling effect of legislation.

00:17:54.319 --> 00:17:56.680
Commentators, like the journalist George Mambio,

00:17:56.980 --> 00:17:59.180
were quick to point out the extreme danger here.

00:17:59.920 --> 00:18:02.460
Monbiot argued that this amended harassment act

00:18:02.460 --> 00:18:05.240
effectively allows the police to ban any campaign

00:18:05.240 --> 00:18:08.160
they please. Because campaigning, by definition,

00:18:08.539 --> 00:18:10.940
requires talking to mockable strangers. Exactly.

00:18:11.140 --> 00:18:12.920
If you were standing on a street corner handing

00:18:12.920 --> 00:18:15.460
out leaflets and you speak to two different strangers

00:18:15.460 --> 00:18:18.240
one time each, you could theoretically cross

00:18:18.240 --> 00:18:20.720
the legal threshold into harassment if a police

00:18:20.720 --> 00:18:23.059
officer decides your cause is a nuisance. It

00:18:23.059 --> 00:18:24.779
circles right back to the subjective enforcement

00:18:24.779 --> 00:18:26.539
we talked about at the beginning with the master

00:18:26.539 --> 00:18:29.369
key. It lowers the bar for police intervention

00:18:29.369 --> 00:18:32.809
from something requiring a severe targeted and

00:18:32.809 --> 00:18:35.210
repeated offense against a victim to something

00:18:35.210 --> 00:18:37.829
that just requires an officer to decide your

00:18:37.829 --> 00:18:40.210
general presence on the street is bothering people.

00:18:40.380 --> 00:18:42.559
It creates a framework where the law is written

00:18:42.559 --> 00:18:45.299
so broadly that everyone engaged in public discourse

00:18:45.299 --> 00:18:47.380
is technically breaking it. And when everyone

00:18:47.380 --> 00:18:49.519
is technically breaking the law, enforcement

00:18:49.519 --> 00:18:52.500
becomes entirely discretionary. The police get

00:18:52.500 --> 00:18:55.680
to choose who is a protester and who is a harasser.

00:18:55.819 --> 00:18:58.119
Wow. So let's bring this all together. We started

00:18:58.119 --> 00:19:00.500
today looking at a piece of legislation with

00:19:00.500 --> 00:19:03.299
a very intimidating title, the Serious Organized

00:19:03.299 --> 00:19:06.950
Crime and Police Act 2005. And what have we actually

00:19:06.950 --> 00:19:09.430
found inside those pages? We found a bill that

00:19:09.430 --> 00:19:11.789
abolished traditional arrestable offenses and

00:19:11.789 --> 00:19:14.170
handed out subjective master keys based on a

00:19:14.170 --> 00:19:16.650
necessity test. We found a law that temporarily

00:19:16.650 --> 00:19:19.130
turned the historic heart of British democracy

00:19:19.130 --> 00:19:22.410
into a strictly permitted free speech zone, resulting

00:19:22.410 --> 00:19:25.029
in the criminalization of a woman simply reading

00:19:25.029 --> 00:19:27.309
the names of the dead at a national monument.

00:19:27.670 --> 00:19:30.049
And we found a law that accidentally put a comedian

00:19:30.049 --> 00:19:32.809
in the Guinness Book of Records, created a geographical

00:19:32.809 --> 00:19:35.279
crisis in a modern art gallery over a fake black

00:19:35.279 --> 00:19:38.000
line and redefine the very concept of what it

00:19:38.000 --> 00:19:40.720
means to harass a stranger on the street. Here's

00:19:40.720 --> 00:19:42.640
a final thought to leave you with, just expanding

00:19:42.640 --> 00:19:45.720
on this idea of legislative creep. If physical

00:19:45.720 --> 00:19:48.140
geographical boundaries and paper authorization

00:19:48.140 --> 00:19:50.759
forms caused this much chaos and overreach in

00:19:50.759 --> 00:19:54.640
2005, think about how this exact same legal philosophy

00:19:54.640 --> 00:19:56.819
applies to our digital public squares today.

00:19:56.839 --> 00:19:59.359
Oh, that's a good point. If a tech platform or

00:19:59.359 --> 00:20:01.900
a government builds a sweeping automated algorithm

00:20:01.900 --> 00:20:05.039
designed to ban serious organized cybercrime,

00:20:05.460 --> 00:20:07.779
how long before that same digital necessity test

00:20:07.779 --> 00:20:10.680
is quietly used to silence a digital protester

00:20:10.680 --> 00:20:14.259
or flag a controversial post as harassment? The

00:20:14.259 --> 00:20:17.140
tools of control evolve, but the underlying tension

00:20:17.140 --> 00:20:19.519
never goes away. That is a brilliant point and

00:20:19.519 --> 00:20:21.880
a slightly terrifying question to ponder the

00:20:21.880 --> 00:20:24.240
next time you scroll through your feed. Thank

00:20:24.240 --> 00:20:26.000
you so much for joining us on this deep dive

00:20:26.000 --> 00:20:28.240
into the hidden layers of the law. It really

00:20:28.240 --> 00:20:30.039
goes to show you whether you're looking at a

00:20:30.039 --> 00:20:32.920
broken arm on an x -ray or a newly printed rule

00:20:32.920 --> 00:20:36.160
book, things are rarely as precise as they seem.

00:20:36.759 --> 00:20:39.140
Always look past the title. We'll catch you next

00:20:39.140 --> 00:20:39.299
time.
