WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. Today, we're unpacking

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a historical paradox, one that really challenges

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how we view South Asian sociology. Yeah, it's

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a fascinating one. Right, because if you trace

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the history of this one single group of people,

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you find them recorded as high caste royalty,

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like ruling these vast ancient kingdoms. Exactly,

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kings and rulers. But then, and this is the paradox,

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in certain regions today, you find that same

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community living as semi -nomadic forest herders.

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And they are actively fighting for just, you

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know, basic rights to the land they've lived

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on for centuries. So how does one community navigate

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both ends of that socioeconomic spectrum? Well,

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I mean, we often fall into this trap, right,

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of viewing history as a straight line. We assume

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a group just remains static as either the conqueror

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or the conquered. You're either the settler or

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you're the nomad. Right, right. But reality,

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especially in this specific legion, is just much

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more fluid than that. And to trace that fluidity,

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our mission today relies on a really comprehensive

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Wikipedia entry covering the Gujars. Sometimes

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pronounced Gujars, depending on where you are.

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Yeah, both are you. We're tracking this highly

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diverse agricultural and pastoral community across

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India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. And we really

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want to look at how they shape South Asian history

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and honestly how they interact with very rigid

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modern borders. Which is so relevant right now

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because for anyone listening who wants to understand

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the actual mechanics of human identity, religion,

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and borders in practice, I mean far beyond the

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neat little lines drawn on political maps, the

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story of the Gurjars serves as the ultimate masterclass.

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It really does. It reveals how societies actually

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build and rebuild themselves over millennia.

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Okay, let's unpack this, starting with the etymology.

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Yeah. Because the term Gurjar carries some serious

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historical weight. It definitely does. According

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to ancient Sanskrit texts, the root Gur translates

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to enemy and Ujar translates to destroyer. Yeah.

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Put them together and you get destroyer of the

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enemy. Which is quite a formidable title. Yeah,

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no kidding. What that title signifies today is

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incredibly dynamic. Depending on where you travel

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in South Asia, Gurjar doesn't mean just one thing.

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In some administrative contexts, it functions

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as a caste. Right. In others, it's officially

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recognized as a tribe. You also see it represent

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a biridari, which is a kinship group, or even

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a quam, which translates a bit more closely to

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a nation. And linguistically, they're just as

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diverse. Right. Exactly. They adapt to their

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surroundings. So they speak Hindi, Urdu, Pashto

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or Kashmiri while still maintaining their own

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distinct language, which is Gujari. And that

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adaptability, it extends deeply into their religious

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practices as well. Our sources cite a demographic

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breakdown from a few decades ago, and it really

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highlights just how varied this population is

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across different geographies. Could you walk

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us through those numbers? Yeah, the statistics

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from 1988 are actually quite striking. Roughly

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53 % of the total Gurjar population follows Islam.

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Wow. And then about 46 .8 % follow Hinduism.

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And there's a smaller fraction, around 0 .2%,

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that practice Sikhism. So you have this single

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overarching ethnic or tribal identity that successfully

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contains multiple major world religions. What's

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fascinating here is how that identity might have

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originally coalesced. Several historians propose

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that Gujarat started out as the name of a Janapada.

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A Janapada being a tribal kingdom or territory.

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This would be emerging around 570 CE in present

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-day Rajasthan and Gujarat. Over generations,

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that geographic territorial name gradually morphed

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into an ethnic identity. Which creates a massive

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puzzle for modern historians, I imagine. Oh,

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absolutely. When ancient texts mention a grujarajar

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or a grujar king, we have to stop and determine,

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wait, were they a king of an ethnic group called

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the grujars? Or simply a king who ruled over

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a territory bearing that name? It's a complex

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historical detective story. But the texts we

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do have paint them as a major regional force.

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There's this biography from 630 CE called the

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Harsha Charita. Yes. And it describes a certain

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king's father as being a constant... threat to

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the sleep of Gujarat. That's a great line. It

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implies a really serious entrenched rivalry.

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I mean, if you are considered the primary threat

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to an entire kingdom's security, you are dealing

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with a heavily fortified established power. They

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were undeniably a recognized formidable presence

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in northwestern India during that era. But their

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exact origins remain a subject of intense historical

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debate. Early theories speculated that they migrated

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into the region from Central Asia. But modern

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consensus leans away from that. Yeah, it does.

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The much more compelling historical mystery is

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their relationship to the Rajputs, which is India's

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famed traditional warrior class. Right, because

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if you look at the traditional mainstream historical

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narrative today, the Gujar is frequently stereotyped

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simply as a rural herder. Right. There's even

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a persistent cultural myth attempting to explain

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away their past royal connections. The myth suggests

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that any Rajput lineage a Gujar claims is merely

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the result of a Rajput man marrying a Brahmin

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woman, placing them as this sort of fallen warrior

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class. But historian Tanya Jakotyal's analysis

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fundamentally challenges that top -down narrative.

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When you look at the actual historical processes

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of state formation in that region, the evidence

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points in the exact opposite direction. Okay,

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how so? The Rajput warrior class did not exist

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as a separate preordained elite that subsequently

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spawned these pastoral groups. Instead, the Rajput

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identity actually emerged from mobile pastoral

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and tribal communities like the Gujars and the

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Jets. That is wild. So how does a nomadic herding

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community transform into a sedentary aristocratic

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warrior class? What are the actual mechanics

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of that shift? It comes down to resource control

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and the realities of medieval agrarians. economies.

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These mobile groups were not just aimlessly wandering

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the landscape. Right. They had purpose. Exactly.

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Because of their mobility, they actively controlled

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vital trade routes. They managed vast economically

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crucial herds of livestock, and they occasionally

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engaged in strategic armed raids against settled

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agriculturalists. So they were building power.

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As they accumulated wealth and military leverage

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through these activities, certain powerful factions

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within the Gurjar community began to permanently

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settle down. They acquired agriculture. cultural

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land, fortified their new territories, and formed

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strategic marital alliances with other locally

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dominant families. And over several generations,

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these specific settled lineages actively distanced

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themselves from their nomadic pastoral roots.

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They adopted a newly formalized Rajput identity

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to legitimize their status as a sedentary landed

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elite. So the nomads essentially built the aristocracy

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from the ground up. Precisely. That completely

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shifts how we understand early state formation

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in India. But if the nomads built the aristocracy,

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then the transition into the medieval period

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must have been incredibly disruptive to that

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balance of power. As the region became more turbulent,

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how did the ruling empires perceive the Gurjars?

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They were often viewed as a significant administrative

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headache. I can imagine. If you read the writings

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of Babur, the founder of the Mughal Empire, from

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around 1525, he explicitly details his frustrations.

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He describes jats and gujars pouring down from

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the hills in vast numbers during times of revolt,

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carrying off oxen and buffaloes. Wow. He even

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characterized them as being guilty of the severest

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oppression. Which speaks to their enduring mobility,

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right? Right. And their refusal to easily submit

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to centralized authority. Now this era... is

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also marked by profound religious shifts. We

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mentioned their religious diversity earlier,

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and this medieval period is where much of that

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originates. The sources document waves of forced

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conversions to Islam over several centuries.

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Could you outline how that unfolded? It was a

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protracted process spanning hundreds of years.

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It starts around 1026 with Mahmud of Ghazni's

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military campaigns in Gujarat. Later on, Tamerlane's

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sacking of Delhi involved the forced conversion

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of Gurjars in areas like Awad and Meerut. Fast

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forward to the 1700s and the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb

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was aggressively converting Gurjars in Himachal

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Pradesh. And the fallout from those conversions

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was severe. Our sources indicate that in many

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cases, newly converted Gurjars were subsequently

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driven off their ancestral lands by groups like

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the Pathans and Balochis. Right. They were pushed

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from being landowners or established herders

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directly into vagrancy, essentially overnight.

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And that sudden forced displacement deeply influenced

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how they interacted with authority moving forward

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straight through into the British colonial period

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in the 18th and 19th centuries. You see a dual

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survival strategy emerge. What do you mean by

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a dual strategy? Well, some Gurjars managed to

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maintain local power as chieftains. They ruled

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over smaller states in places like Saharanpur

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and Dholpur, integrating themselves into the

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colonial tax hierarchy. OK, so playing the system.

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Exactly. But others took a much more confrontational

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approach. And that confrontational approach brings

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us to a highly memorable event in Delhi during

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British rule. The British administration had

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confiscated land belonging to local Gurjar villagers

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to construct this massive, opulent colonial mansion

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known as the Metcalf House. Right. The Gurjars

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didn't just accept the displacement or file a

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legal grievance. They organized, marched on the

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estate and literally sacked the mansion. They

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tore it apart because it stood on their stolen

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land. If we connect this to the bigger picture,

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it demonstrates exactly how the Gurjars survived

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centuries of relentless empire building. They

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were relentlessly pragmatic. They adapted to

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the immediate pressures of their environment.

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If survival meant establishing themselves as

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tax collecting chieftains within a colonial city.

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system, they utilized that path. And if survival

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required tearing down the physical symbols of

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a state that had displaced them. They executed

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that strategy as well. Which transitions us perfectly

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to how these ancient nomadic traditions clash

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with the modern bureaucratic state. I want to

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look at a specific group called the Vangujars,

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or forest Gujars, who live in the Shivalik hills

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of Uttarakhand. They're a really unique group.

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They are. They represent a fascinating cultural

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synthesis. They practice Islam, yet their social

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structure relies on kinship clans that function

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very similarly to Hindu Gotras, which are these

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exogamous lineages tracing back to a common ancestor.

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Their daily life is also a rare surviving example

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of true pastoral transhumance. Transhumance being

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the seasonal migration. Exactly. It's the practice

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of moving livestock from one grazing ground to

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another in a highly regulated seasonal cycle.

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For the Van Gogh jars, this means establishing

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temporary settlements at the foothills of the

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Himalayas during the harsh winter months. Got

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it. Then, as the snow melts and the weather warms

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up, entire families pack up their households.

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They undertake a grueling, multi -week migration

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up into the high alpine pastures for the summer,

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where the grazing is fresh. The logistics of

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that migration are incredible to think about.

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They travel with these herds of semi -wild water

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buffalo. And their primary livelihood comes from

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selling the milk of these buffalo to local populations

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along their route. But their relationship with

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the herd goes far beyond simple economics. They

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treat these animals with immense reverence, to

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the point where they absolutely refuse to eat

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them or sell them for slaughter. The buffalo

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are deeply integrated into their cultural identity.

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But that historical lifestyle is currently colliding

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with modern conservation policies, specifically

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surrounding India's 2006 Forest Rights Act. State

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forest authorities are tasked with creating and

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maintaining reserved national parks. Right. Their

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standard policy framework dictates that human

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and livestock populations must be kept entirely

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out of these protected ecological zones to preserve

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flora and fauna. Which creates a massive jurisdictional

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and cultural conflict. The Van Gujars argue that

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Their nomadic grazing routes through these exact

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forests date back a thousand years. Under the

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provisions of that very same 2006 act, they claim

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legal rights as traditional forest dwellers.

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It's a fundamental standoff between contemporary

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environmental zoning laws and indigenous historical

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land stewardship. We see a parallel tension regarding

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state recognition with the Baccarat walls in

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the Jammu and Kashmir region. The Baccarat walls

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being another predominantly Muslim nomadic Gujar

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group. Yes. And they constitute a significant

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portion of the scheduled tribe population there.

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However, community leaders consistently argue

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that their numbers are severely undercounted

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in official government censuses. And the mechanics

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of that undercounting are frustratingly simple.

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The government conducts its census during specific

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times of the year. Because the Bacarwals practice

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transhumance, half of their population is actively

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migrating high up in the inaccessible Himalayan

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passes when the enumerators actually arrive.

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The state's sedentary methodology completely

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fails to capture a mobile reality. Here's where

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it gets really interesting. Because these challenges

00:13:01.029 --> 00:13:04.029
aren't isolated to one country. Modern borders

00:13:04.029 --> 00:13:07.169
have essentially drawn arbitrary lines through

00:13:07.169 --> 00:13:10.129
vast interconnected kin networks. Let's trace

00:13:10.129 --> 00:13:12.830
this north into Afghanistan. Home to an estimated

00:13:12.830 --> 00:13:16.110
1 .5 million Gurjars. Primarily in the northeastern

00:13:16.110 --> 00:13:19.129
provinces, right? Our sources highlight a sobering

00:13:19.129 --> 00:13:21.870
event during the COVID -19 pandemic. What exactly

00:13:21.870 --> 00:13:24.919
unfolded there? It really underscores the extreme

00:13:24.919 --> 00:13:27.779
marginalization these communities face in remote

00:13:27.779 --> 00:13:30.600
areas. In regions like Badakhshan, Gurjar populations

00:13:30.600 --> 00:13:33.360
operate with almost zero access to modern medical

00:13:33.360 --> 00:13:35.720
clinics or state health facilities. So when the

00:13:35.720 --> 00:13:37.700
pandemic struck, they were completely isolated.

00:13:38.000 --> 00:13:40.100
Totally on their own. Out of sheer desperation,

00:13:40.460 --> 00:13:43.019
they began treating the virus using the meat

00:13:43.019 --> 00:13:45.779
of an animal called the Andak. What makes this

00:13:45.779 --> 00:13:48.340
critical is that their own Gurjar tribal council

00:13:48.340 --> 00:13:51.399
had explicitly ruled that the meat of the Andak

00:13:51.399 --> 00:13:54.070
was haram. or forbidden, according to Islamic

00:13:54.070 --> 00:13:57.110
dietary law. But the lack of state infrastructure

00:13:57.110 --> 00:14:00.610
pushed them to a point where survival overrode

00:14:00.610 --> 00:14:03.370
strict religious edicts. It is a start indicator

00:14:03.370 --> 00:14:05.750
of state absence. Now, if we look across the

00:14:05.750 --> 00:14:07.990
border into Pakistan, where Gujjars account for

00:14:07.990 --> 00:14:10.610
an estimated 20 % of the total population, the

00:14:10.610 --> 00:14:13.429
dynamic changes. Anthropologists studying the

00:14:13.429 --> 00:14:15.690
region have identified a phenomenon they term...

00:14:16.039 --> 00:14:19.200
Gujarism. Gujarism. Yes. This is a highly organized

00:14:19.200 --> 00:14:22.360
form of kin network activism. The community leverages

00:14:22.360 --> 00:14:24.980
their biridari, their shared ancestral and kinship

00:14:24.980 --> 00:14:27.340
ties, to mobilize politically, economically,

00:14:27.659 --> 00:14:30.379
and sometimes militarily. And the stakes of that

00:14:30.379 --> 00:14:33.000
mobilization can be incredibly high. Take the

00:14:33.000 --> 00:14:35.870
Swat Valley in 2008. There was a local Gujar

00:14:35.870 --> 00:14:38.809
community leader named Pir Samila. In response

00:14:38.809 --> 00:14:41.070
to the Pakistani Taliban advancing into their

00:14:41.070 --> 00:14:43.570
territory, he utilized these kinship networks

00:14:43.570 --> 00:14:46.029
to raise a private tribal army of roughly 10

00:14:46.029 --> 00:14:48.549
,000 men. 10 ,000 men, yeah. He successfully

00:14:48.549 --> 00:14:51.490
organized these tribesmen to defend 20 different

00:14:51.490 --> 00:14:54.210
villages from militant takeover. It was a massive

00:14:54.210 --> 00:14:57.029
decentralized resistance effort. Tragically,

00:14:57.070 --> 00:14:59.210
his tribal forces were eventually outgunned and

00:14:59.210 --> 00:15:02.029
defeated by the Taliban. Samila was executed.

00:15:02.809 --> 00:15:05.110
And to broadcast a warning against any further

00:15:05.110 --> 00:15:07.730
tribal resistance, the militants publicly hung

00:15:07.730 --> 00:15:10.789
his body. It is a harrowing example of a community

00:15:10.789 --> 00:15:13.629
relying on its own historical networks for defense

00:15:13.629 --> 00:15:17.429
when state security apparatuses fail. Now, the

00:15:17.429 --> 00:15:19.710
form that resistance takes shifts dramatically

00:15:19.710 --> 00:15:22.909
depending on the local political framework. Returning

00:15:22.909 --> 00:15:25.210
to India, specifically the state of Rajasthan,

00:15:25.350 --> 00:15:28.149
we see this mobilization directed squarely at

00:15:28.149 --> 00:15:32.190
the state itself. In 2006 and 2007, the Gujar

00:15:32.190 --> 00:15:34.889
community initiated massive, frequently violent

00:15:34.889 --> 00:15:37.909
protests. Their core demand was a shift in their

00:15:37.909 --> 00:15:40.169
affirmative action classification from other

00:15:40.169 --> 00:15:43.590
backward class or OBC to scheduled tribe or ST

00:15:43.590 --> 00:15:46.230
status. And to understand the intensity of those

00:15:46.230 --> 00:15:48.409
protests, we really need to look at the socioeconomic

00:15:48.409 --> 00:15:50.370
mechanics of those classifications in India.

00:15:50.490 --> 00:15:53.169
We are analyzing this purely as a matter of historical

00:15:53.169 --> 00:15:55.590
fact and socioeconomic struggle. Right, taking

00:15:55.590 --> 00:15:58.159
no political sides here. Exactly. In India's

00:15:58.159 --> 00:16:01.600
affirmative action system, both OBC and ST statuses

00:16:01.600 --> 00:16:04.019
offer reservations in government jobs and educational

00:16:04.019 --> 00:16:07.799
institutions. However, the OBC category is vast

00:16:07.799 --> 00:16:10.720
and incredibly competitive. It encompasses a

00:16:10.720 --> 00:16:14.200
massive percentage of the population. Scheduled

00:16:14.200 --> 00:16:16.820
tribe status, on the other hand, provides a more

00:16:16.820 --> 00:16:19.799
protected quota specifically tailored to marginalized

00:16:19.799 --> 00:16:22.659
indigenous or tribal groups. For a community

00:16:22.659 --> 00:16:25.100
like the Gurjars in Rajasthan who were feeling

00:16:25.100 --> 00:16:28.179
acute economic pressure, Facing severe agricultural

00:16:28.179 --> 00:16:31.539
stagnation and struggling to secure modern livelihoods,

00:16:31.539 --> 00:16:34.340
competing in the massive OBC pool was proving

00:16:34.340 --> 00:16:37.159
untenable. So securing ST status wasn't just

00:16:37.159 --> 00:16:40.080
about prestige. No, it was viewed as a vital

00:16:40.080 --> 00:16:43.159
economic lifeline to guarantee government employment

00:16:43.159 --> 00:16:45.320
for their youth. And the catalyst for these specific

00:16:45.320 --> 00:16:48.539
protests was a perceived betrayal of that lifeline.

00:16:48.879 --> 00:16:51.779
During the 2003 assembly elections, the ruling

00:16:51.779 --> 00:16:54.379
political party had explicitly promised to grant

00:16:54.379 --> 00:16:56.419
the community scheduled tribe status. Right.

00:16:56.500 --> 00:16:58.980
When that promise did not materialize after the

00:16:58.980 --> 00:17:01.759
election, the resulting frustration boiled over

00:17:01.759 --> 00:17:04.740
into the streets. Again, we are reporting on

00:17:04.740 --> 00:17:07.339
this purely as a matter of historical and socioeconomic

00:17:07.339 --> 00:17:10.380
record, but it highlights how fiercely administrative

00:17:10.380 --> 00:17:13.769
labels dictate economic survival. Those underlying

00:17:13.769 --> 00:17:16.369
economic and environmental pressures in Rajasthan

00:17:16.369 --> 00:17:19.069
also triggered some severe demographic adaptations.

00:17:19.529 --> 00:17:22.230
Our sources note that in the early 2000s within

00:17:22.230 --> 00:17:24.470
the Deng region of Rajasthan, the Gurujar community

00:17:24.470 --> 00:17:27.549
experienced drastically falling sex ratios. The

00:17:27.549 --> 00:17:30.130
scarcity of available brides became so acute

00:17:30.130 --> 00:17:33.349
that it led to documented instances of polyandry

00:17:33.349 --> 00:17:35.450
within the community. Yes. Where multiple men

00:17:35.450 --> 00:17:38.029
would marry a single woman. It's a stark illustration

00:17:38.029 --> 00:17:40.470
of how environmental scarcity and socioeconomic

00:17:40.470 --> 00:17:43.509
marginalization can fundamentally alter the core

00:17:43.509 --> 00:17:45.769
social fabric of a community. It really is. So

00:17:45.769 --> 00:17:47.730
what does this all mean? When you pull the threads

00:17:47.730 --> 00:17:50.230
of this deep dive together, the Gujjars stand

00:17:50.230 --> 00:17:53.549
as a testament to radical human resilience. We

00:17:53.549 --> 00:17:55.549
are looking at a people deeply embedded in the

00:17:55.549 --> 00:17:58.009
geography of the subcontinent, literally giving

00:17:58.009 --> 00:18:00.450
their names to major cities like Gujranwala and

00:18:00.450 --> 00:18:03.559
Gushrat in Pakistan. Yet they are simultaneously

00:18:03.559 --> 00:18:06.019
fighting for the basic right to graze cattle

00:18:06.019 --> 00:18:08.319
in the Himalayan foothills. They are navigating

00:18:08.319 --> 00:18:12.059
entirely distinct, wildly complex political and

00:18:12.059 --> 00:18:14.940
legal systems across three separate nations,

00:18:15.140 --> 00:18:18.140
all while maintaining a coherent thread of shared

00:18:18.140 --> 00:18:20.880
identity. This raises an important question regarding

00:18:20.880 --> 00:18:23.160
the nature of the modern state. Our contemporary

00:18:23.160 --> 00:18:25.740
governments are built on the premise of a sedentary

00:18:25.740 --> 00:18:28.700
population. They rely on neat categories, hard

00:18:28.700 --> 00:18:31.519
borders and fixed addresses. How can a system

00:18:31.519 --> 00:18:33.779
designed around staying still adequately govern

00:18:33.779 --> 00:18:36.220
or protect a people whose entire history, whose

00:18:36.220 --> 00:18:39.099
fundamental survival strategy is built on mobility,

00:18:39.480 --> 00:18:41.880
fluid identities and cross -border kin networks?

00:18:42.420 --> 00:18:44.819
The bureaucratic state constantly tries to put

00:18:44.819 --> 00:18:47.279
them in a box, but their history proves they

00:18:47.279 --> 00:18:50.609
have never stayed in one. It is a profound friction

00:18:50.609 --> 00:18:53.549
between a mobile past and a walled present. I

00:18:53.549 --> 00:18:55.390
want to leave you with one final thought to mull

00:18:55.390 --> 00:18:58.529
over. We've examined how they adapted to empires,

00:18:58.650 --> 00:19:01.109
forced displacements, and modern conservation

00:19:01.109 --> 00:19:04.490
laws. But looking ahead, climate change is actively

00:19:04.490 --> 00:19:06.789
altering the geography of the Himalayas and the

00:19:06.789 --> 00:19:09.430
Thar Desert. Water sources are drying up and

00:19:09.430 --> 00:19:11.819
seasonal weather patterns are shifting. How will

00:19:11.819 --> 00:19:13.779
a traditionally nomadic and pastoral community

00:19:13.779 --> 00:19:17.119
adapt to a physically changing Earth? How will

00:19:17.119 --> 00:19:19.460
they alter ancient migration routes to survive

00:19:19.460 --> 00:19:21.980
the next century? Will climate change do what

00:19:21.980 --> 00:19:24.339
empires and borders couldn't and finally force

00:19:24.339 --> 00:19:26.819
the Gurjars to stop moving? It's something to

00:19:26.819 --> 00:19:29.059
think about. Thank you for joining us on this

00:19:29.059 --> 00:19:29.599
deep dive.
