WEBVTT

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Welcome to this custom -tailored deep dive crafted

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entirely for you. Today, we are exploring a pretty

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dense stack of notes derived exclusively from

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the Wikipedia article on Pierre -Joseph Proudhon.

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Right, the father of anarchism. Exactly. Our

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mission today is to unpack his life, his incredibly

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complex philosophy, and the glaring and honestly

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often uncomfortable contradictions of this 19th

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century French thinker. Yeah. There is a lot

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to cover. There is. Yeah. But before we jump

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into the material, I need to issue a strict impartiality

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statement. Oh, absolutely necessary for this

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one. Because the source material we are covering

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today touches on deeply polarizing political

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ideologies. We're talking everything from radical

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left -wing anarchism and communism all the way

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to far -right proto -fascism. It spans the whole

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spectrum. It really does. So it is essential

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to state clearly right now that we're not taking

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any sides here. We are impartially reporting

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the facts and the ideas contained in the text

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We're neither endorsing nor condemning any of

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the political viewpoints discussed just laying

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out the history just the facts Okay, let's unpack

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this. Where do we even begin with a figure who

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famously declared that property is theft, but

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then later in his life argued just as passionately

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that property is freedom. It's a huge pivot,

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right? To understand those massive theoretical

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leaps, I mean, we really have to start with his

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roots. Proudhon's worldview is completely inseparable

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from his unlikely, extremely humble origins.

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Because he wasn't exactly a wealthy aristocrat.

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No, not at all. He was born in 1809 in Besançon,

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France. And, you know, when you look at the landscape

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of 19th century political philosophers. You usually

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see guys with money. Right. Men from aristocratic

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backgrounds or at least the comfortable bourgeoisie.

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But Proudhon came from genuine rural poverty.

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The notes mention his father was a brewer. a

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brewer and a cooper, which is a barrel maker.

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So from a very young age, Proudhon was put to

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work in the family tavern. He was out doing basic

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agricultural labor just to help the family survive.

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That really changes the mental image. You picture

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this giant of political theory writing these

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dense treatises, but his early life was literally

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just a struggle for basic calories. Yeah, survival

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was the priority. I read in the notes that he

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didn't even get a formal education as a young

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child. How did he even learn to read? It was

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entirely thanks to his mother, Catherine. Oh,

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wow. Yeah, she took it upon herself to teach

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him. She had him spelling out words by the time

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he was three years old. But resources were incredibly

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scarce. Right, gifts were expensive. Exactly.

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Up until he was 10 years old, the only books

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he had ever been exposed to were The Gospels,

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Local Town Almanacs, and a popular romance book

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called The Foramen Brothers. That was his whole

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library. That was the entirety of his intellectual

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universe. Which makes what happens next even

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more striking. When his mother finally managed

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to get him into the City College in Besançon,

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I think it was through a bursary. from his father's

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former employer that knocked a bit off the tuition.

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Yeah, a small discount. Right, but he was relentlessly

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mocked by the other students. He couldn't even

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afford shoes. He was completely destitute compared

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to them. He didn't have the money for the required

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textbooks. Can you imagine the psychological

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toll of sitting in a classroom of wealthy kids

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while you're literally barefoot? The isolation

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he felt must have been profound. But rather than

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retreating, he adapted. Because he couldn't afford

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the texts, he would spend all his free time hiding

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away in the school library. Just reading whatever

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he could get his hands on. Exactly. Surrounded

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by a massive pile of books, just teaching himself

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everything he possibly could. That fierce, autodidactic

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drive never left him. But he didn't get to finish

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school, did he? No, his formal schooling was

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cut short due to family financial struggles.

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So in 1827, he had to take an apprenticeship

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at a local printing press. And from the notes,

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it sounds like that printing press effectively

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became his real university. What's fascinating

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here is how the specific nature of his day job

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directly shaped his worldview. He worked for

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a press in Besançon that primarily published

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ecclesiastical or religious works. So he was

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printing church materials. Day in and day out

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Proudhon was tasked with proofreading Christian

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literature. He even taught himself Latin and

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Hebrew just to be better at setting the type

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and correcting the manuscripts for these theological

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books. So he's spending thousands of hours analyzing

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these deeply religious texts line by line. Did

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that make it more devout? Actually, quite the

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opposite. Really? Yeah. The intense, critical

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scrutiny required for his job caused him to deeply

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question his long -held religious beliefs. The

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more he analyzed the theology, the more he began

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to dismantle it in his own mind. Wow. It eventually

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led him to reject Christianity altogether. The

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ultimate backfire. You hire a guy to print religious

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texts, and the text turns him into a radical

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free thinker. It really is ironic. But it wasn't

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just theology he was exposed to at the press,

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right? He also met some major intellectual figures

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who came through the doors. He did. In 1829,

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the utopian socialist Charles Fourier came to

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the press as a customer. He was looking to publish

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his work, Le Nouveau Monde Industriel et Société.

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So Proudhon actually worked on his book. Proudhon

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supervised the printing. And that gave him the

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chance to talk extensively with Fourier about

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social and philosophical issues. Those conversations

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left a massive lifelong impression on him regarding

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the organization of labor and society. There

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was also another name in the notes that stood

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out. Gustave Fallot. Who was he and why was he

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so crucial to Proudhon's trajectory? Fallot was

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a wealthy scholar who lived in the area. He was

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so impressed by Proudhon's intricate corrections

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on a Latin manuscript at the press that he sought

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the young printer out. They became friends. They

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formed a very close friendship. They spent their

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evenings discussing Enlightenment thinkers like

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Rousseau, Voltaire, and Diderot. Fellow recognized

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Proudhon's genius and essentially funded his

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move to Paris so he could formally study philosophy.

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I read he actually walked all the way from Bisons

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-en -Saint to Paris. He did. But it doesn't sound

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like it was a very glamorous Parisian experience.

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Far from it. Proudhon felt totally out of place

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among the wealthy, polished metropolitan scholars

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in the Latin Quarter. And then tragedy struck.

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Oh, the cholera outbreak. Right. A cholera outbreak

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hit Paris, Fallot got severely sick, and the

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funding completely dried up. Proudhon was forced

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to return to the printing trade just to survive.

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So he's back where he started. Physically, maybe.

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But the intellectual fire had been lit. A few

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years later, he applied for the Suhrard Pension,

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a prestigious bursary from the Academy of Besançon.

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And he won it, right? From what I understand,

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the judges were completely blown away that a

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poor, self -taught artisan had managed to educate

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himself so thoroughly. They were astounded by

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his intellect. That bursary finally gave him

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the freedom to dedicate himself fully to scholarly

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pursuits without the constant threat of starvation.

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He could finally just write. Yes, and he immediately

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started making ways. In 1839, he submitted an

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essay to the Academy ostensibly about the utility

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of celebrating Sunday. Sounds innocent enough.

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But he used it as a Trojan horse. Hidden within

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this seemingly innocent essay about a day of

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rest were his burgeoning revolutionary ideas

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on authority, morality, and the distribution

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of wealth. How did the Academy react to that?

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It disturbed the elite academic judges so much

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that they only gave him a bronze medal. Which

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Proudhon probably loved. Oh, in his typical defiant

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fashion, he actually wore it as a badge of honor.

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Here's where it gets really interesting. In 1840,

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Proudhon publishes his explosive first major

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work, What Is Property? And this is the book

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that really puts him on the map globally. It

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definitely did. He comes out swinging with these

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incredibly provocative declarations, property

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is theft, property is impossible, and property

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is homicide. Now, if you're hearing that for

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the first time, it sounds like he wants the state

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to strip everyone of everything they own. But

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I'm guessing that's not what he meant. Not at

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all. Proudhon's use of language was deliberately

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incendiary, designed to force people to pay attention.

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It's good marketing. Exactly. To understand his

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famous phrase, property is theft, you have to

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understand that he drew a very strict definitive

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line in the sand between private property and

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possession. Okay. Private property versus possession.

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Yes. When he attacked property, he was specifically

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attacking unearned income and the extraction

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of wealth from the labor of others. Okay. Let

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me try to map this onto a real world analogy

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to make sure I'm following. Say I own the laptop

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I use every single day to research and write

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this deep dive. Is he coming from my laptop?

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He would vigorously defend your right to that

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laptop. That is what he called possession. You

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have a fundamental right to the tools of your

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trade, the home you live in, and the fruits of

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your own direct labor. Because I'm actually using

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it. Right. Possession, to Proudhon, is legitimate

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because it is coextensive with occupancy and

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actual work. But what happens if, say, I use

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my savings to buy an entire apartment building

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on the other side of town? I don't live there.

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I hire someone else to maintain it. And I simply

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collect rent from the people who actually live

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and work there every month just because my name

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is on the legal deed. That is precisely what

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Proudhon classified as property. And that is

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what he called theft. Because I'm not doing the

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work. He argued that the landlord or the capitalist

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derives wealth through rent, interest on loans

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or capitalist profit without performing any actual

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labor themselves. They get it simply by holding

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a legal title backed by the force of the state.

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Just skimming off the top. He viewed this kind

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of property as mathematically impossible to sustain

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without exploitation because it demands something

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for nothing. Because it creates a dynamic where

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the person doing the work is always losing a

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cut to someone who isn't. Furthermore, it allows

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a minority of property owners to exert profound

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power over the non -owners, subordinating them

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and turning them into obedient wage workers who

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are forever indebted to those holding the titles.

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It's a system of dominion. Which naturally brings

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us to his critique of the stake. And this is

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a massive historical milestone. Proudhon was

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the very first person to proudly call himself

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an anarchist. Yes, he was. Before him, wasn't

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that word just an insult thrown around to mean

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a rioter or someone who wanted total chaos? During

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the French Revolution, anarchist was indeed a

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derogatory term for someone who wanted to burn

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society to the ground. Proudhon reclaimed the

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word and gave it a rigorous philosophical definition.

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So he changed the meaning entirely. His definition

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of anarchy was absolutely not chaos, and it was

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certainly not violence. In what is property,

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he defined anarchy simply as the absence of a

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master, of a sovereign. So it's about self -governance.

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He wrote that just as humanity seeks justice

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inequality, society seeks order in anarchy. He

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envisioned a highly organized society, but one

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organized without centralized authority. No politicians.

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Without a government watching, directing, taxing

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and coercing people under the pretext of public

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utility. Which brings us to his relationship

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with the other giant of 19th century political

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thought, Karl Marx. I think a lot of people would

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be shocked to learn that they actually started

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out as friends. They corresponded frequently

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and they heavily influenced each other in those

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early days. Marx actually read what is property

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and was highly impressed. Marx liked it. He praised

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it in his own early work, The Holy Family. He

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called Proudhon's book a scientific manifesto

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of the French proletariat. When Marx was living

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in exile in Paris, they would meet up and debate

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economics and a Gaelian philosophy late into

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the night. So what happened? How do you go from

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late night philosophical debates to one of the

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most famous intellectual feuds in history. The

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fundamental differences in their visions for

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the future inevitably caused a massive rupture.

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Proudhon was fundamentally anti -authoritarian.

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He rejected centralized state control and he

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rejected revolutionary violence, believing society

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could be transformed through economic reform.

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And Marx wanted a revolution. Marx, conversely,

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believed in the necessity of political revolution

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and the seizure of state power by the working

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class. And this disagreement played out in the

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most incredibly petty way possible in the publishing

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world. In 1846, Proudhon published a massive,

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dense work titled The System of Economic Contradictions

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or The Philosophy of Poverty. How did Marx respond?

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Marx decided to publicly and viciously dismantle

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Proudhon's entire economic framework. He responded

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with a book -length critique provocatively titled,

00:12:30.750 --> 00:12:33.450
The Poverty of Philosophy. You have to admit

00:12:33.450 --> 00:12:35.950
that is an unbelievable intellectual burn for

00:12:35.950 --> 00:12:38.590
the 1840s. You write The Philosophy of Poverty,

00:12:38.649 --> 00:12:41.090
so I write The Poverty of Philosophy just to

00:12:41.090 --> 00:12:44.210
tell the world how bankrupt your ideas are. It's

00:12:44.210 --> 00:12:47.389
so petty. It is, but... If we connect this to

00:12:47.389 --> 00:12:49.789
the bigger picture, this was far more than just

00:12:49.789 --> 00:12:52.309
a personal spat or a battle of clever book titles.

00:12:52.470 --> 00:12:55.429
It had real consequences. This specific theoretical

00:12:55.429 --> 00:12:58.210
dispute literally caused the historic split between

00:12:58.210 --> 00:13:00.809
the anarchist and Marxist wings of the International

00:13:00.809 --> 00:13:03.289
Working Men's Association. The first international.

00:13:03.470 --> 00:13:06.370
Yes. Marx eventually used his influence to have

00:13:06.370 --> 00:13:08.889
Proudhon's leading follower, Mikhail Bakunin,

00:13:09.309 --> 00:13:11.210
expelled from the organization. That's a massive

00:13:11.210 --> 00:13:13.570
turning point in history. It shaped the entire

00:13:13.570 --> 00:13:15.789
global labor movement for the next century. It

00:13:15.789 --> 00:13:18.330
codified the division between the authoritarian

00:13:18.330 --> 00:13:21.509
state -oriented socialism of the Marxists and

00:13:21.509 --> 00:13:23.889
the anti -authoritarian libertarian socialism

00:13:23.889 --> 00:13:27.009
of the anarchists, a rift that continues to define

00:13:27.009 --> 00:13:29.690
leftist politics to this day. So what does this

00:13:29.690 --> 00:13:32.889
all mean? If Proudhon hated capitalism because

00:13:32.889 --> 00:13:35.370
of the exploitation of private property, but

00:13:35.370 --> 00:13:38.970
he also completely rejected Marx's state -controlled

00:13:38.970 --> 00:13:41.450
communism because he saw it as just another form

00:13:41.450 --> 00:13:43.850
of suffocating authoritarianism, what was his

00:13:43.850 --> 00:13:46.490
actual fix? How did you think society should

00:13:46.490 --> 00:13:49.360
function? Proudhon's practical solution was an

00:13:49.360 --> 00:13:52.399
economic and political system he termed mutualism.

00:13:53.500 --> 00:13:55.320
Instead of the state running the economy from

00:13:55.320 --> 00:13:57.919
the top down, or capitalist bosses dictating

00:13:57.919 --> 00:14:01.000
terms to wage laborers, he envisioned a society

00:14:01.000 --> 00:14:03.399
organized from the bottom up by a federation

00:14:03.399 --> 00:14:06.220
of free communes. Wait, when you say commune,

00:14:06.259 --> 00:14:08.679
are we talking about like a 1960s hippie farm

00:14:08.679 --> 00:14:10.679
where everyone shares everything? What does that

00:14:10.679 --> 00:14:13.879
actually mean in an industrial context? In Proudhon's

00:14:13.879 --> 00:14:16.120
context, a commune was a self -governing local

00:14:16.120 --> 00:14:19.100
community. Under mutualism, industrial workplaces

00:14:19.100 --> 00:14:21.700
like factories, mines, railways will be handed

00:14:21.700 --> 00:14:24.159
over to democratically organized workers associations.

00:14:24.440 --> 00:14:26.379
So the workers run the factory? The workers who

00:14:26.379 --> 00:14:29.000
actually operated the machinery would run the

00:14:29.000 --> 00:14:31.019
enterprises themselves on a day -to -day basis.

00:14:31.340 --> 00:14:33.820
They would make the decisions collectively and

00:14:33.820 --> 00:14:36.039
share the property of the company undivided.

00:14:36.139 --> 00:14:38.620
So they keep the profits? Directly keeping the

00:14:38.620 --> 00:14:41.279
value of what they produced rather than passing

00:14:41.279 --> 00:14:44.019
the profits up to an owner or the state? And

00:14:44.019 --> 00:14:45.940
he didn't just write about this in the abstract.

00:14:46.399 --> 00:14:48.779
He actually tried to build the financial infrastructure

00:14:48.779 --> 00:14:51.519
for it. During the brief window of the Second

00:14:51.519 --> 00:14:54.759
French Republic, right after the 1848 Revolution,

00:14:55.379 --> 00:14:57.159
he tried to create something called the People's

00:14:57.159 --> 00:15:00.929
Bank. The goal of the People's Bank was to liberate

00:15:00.929 --> 00:15:03.389
the working class from the grip of capitalist

00:15:03.389 --> 00:15:06.929
financiers. It was meant to be funded by an income

00:15:06.929 --> 00:15:09.529
tax on capitalists and wealthy shareholders.

00:15:09.769 --> 00:15:11.769
And what would the bank do? The bank would then

00:15:11.769 --> 00:15:15.009
provide interest -free loans to workers and peasants,

00:15:15.370 --> 00:15:18.049
allowing them to buy their own tools, land, or

00:15:18.049 --> 00:15:20.409
start their own worker associations without falling

00:15:20.409 --> 00:15:22.990
into debt traps. It sounds incredibly similar

00:15:22.990 --> 00:15:25.690
to the foundational idea of a modern credit union.

00:15:25.820 --> 00:15:29.059
It's a direct ancestor of that concept. While

00:15:29.059 --> 00:15:31.720
the People's Bank attempt was ultimately abortive

00:15:31.720 --> 00:15:34.899
due to political crackdowns, it perfectly illustrates

00:15:34.899 --> 00:15:38.399
his core philosophical methodology, dialectics.

00:15:38.600 --> 00:15:41.159
Dialectics is one of those dense academic words

00:15:41.159 --> 00:15:43.360
that gets thrown around a lot. How is Proudhon

00:15:43.360 --> 00:15:45.899
using it? Simply put, dialectics is the process

00:15:45.899 --> 00:15:48.539
of looking at two opposing ideas or extremes

00:15:48.539 --> 00:15:51.519
and finding a synthesis that resolves the conflict

00:15:51.519 --> 00:15:54.090
between them. Finding the middle ground. Proudhon

00:15:54.090 --> 00:15:56.889
was constantly looking for that synthesis. He

00:15:56.889 --> 00:15:59.970
viewed mutualism with its free association, industrial

00:15:59.970 --> 00:16:03.009
democracy, and possession based economy as the

00:16:03.009 --> 00:16:05.549
perfect dialectical synthesis between capitalism

00:16:05.549 --> 00:16:08.629
and communism. Exactly. It balanced the independence

00:16:08.629 --> 00:16:11.029
and personal freedom found in private property

00:16:11.029 --> 00:16:13.649
with the equality and non exploitation sought

00:16:13.649 --> 00:16:16.169
by communism. He wanted to harmonize society

00:16:16.169 --> 00:16:18.460
without coercing it. We've talked a lot about

00:16:18.460 --> 00:16:21.200
his obsession with liberation, equality for the

00:16:21.200 --> 00:16:24.240
worker, and harmonizing society. But if we are

00:16:24.240 --> 00:16:26.159
looking at the entirety of his source material,

00:16:26.580 --> 00:16:28.919
there is a massive uncomfortable blind spot in

00:16:28.919 --> 00:16:31.259
his definition of equality that we have to address.

00:16:32.460 --> 00:16:35.500
Again, maintaining our strict impartiality, we

00:16:35.500 --> 00:16:37.340
are simply reporting the facts of his written

00:16:37.340 --> 00:16:41.059
work. But these aspects of his thought are undeniably

00:16:41.059 --> 00:16:43.620
jarring. They are deeply jarring and they represent

00:16:43.620 --> 00:16:46.840
a profound contradiction in his legacy. First,

00:16:46.879 --> 00:16:50.120
there is his extreme anti -feminism. While Proudhon

00:16:50.120 --> 00:16:51.940
championed the liberation of the male worker,

00:16:52.179 --> 00:16:54.940
he held rigidly patriarchal views regarding women.

00:16:55.019 --> 00:16:57.759
Very traditional. He argued that a woman's true

00:16:57.759 --> 00:17:00.460
nature left her only two valid roles in society

00:17:00.460 --> 00:17:03.379
to be a courtesan or a housekeeper. He actually

00:17:03.379 --> 00:17:05.900
wrote an entire tract on this, right? La Pornocratie.

00:17:06.039 --> 00:17:08.859
Yes, published posthumously. It is considered

00:17:08.859 --> 00:17:11.420
one of the most intensely anti -feminist texts

00:17:11.420 --> 00:17:14.440
of its era. He argued that men, by virtue of

00:17:14.440 --> 00:17:16.839
what he perceived as superior physical and intellectual

00:17:16.839 --> 00:17:19.220
strength, were the natural masters of women.

00:17:21.150 --> 00:17:23.410
He went as far as defending the use of violence

00:17:23.410 --> 00:17:26.430
by husbands to subordinate their wives, viewing

00:17:26.430 --> 00:17:29.390
the patriarchal family unit as the only acceptable

00:17:29.390 --> 00:17:32.710
foundation for society. It's staggering hypocrisy.

00:17:33.069 --> 00:17:35.049
You can't spend your life screaming about the

00:17:35.049 --> 00:17:38.109
tyranny of masters and then literally advocate

00:17:38.109 --> 00:17:40.690
for half the population to be kept under the

00:17:40.690 --> 00:17:42.650
violently enforced mastery of the other half.

00:17:43.210 --> 00:17:45.049
And his own peers called him out on this, didn't

00:17:45.049 --> 00:17:47.569
they? The historical record shows heavy pushback

00:17:47.569 --> 00:17:50.109
from within his own circles. The libertarian

00:17:50.109 --> 00:17:53.589
communist Joseph de Jacques publicly and fiercely

00:17:53.589 --> 00:17:55.890
attacked Proudhon for this. What did de Jacques

00:17:55.890 --> 00:17:58.250
say? De Jacques wrote him a letter essentially

00:17:58.250 --> 00:18:00.950
saying that his views on women completely contradicted

00:18:00.950 --> 00:18:04.029
his anarchist principles of equality. De Jacques

00:18:04.029 --> 00:18:06.390
demanded that Proudhon either extend his vision

00:18:06.390 --> 00:18:09.509
of liberation to women or stop calling himself

00:18:09.509 --> 00:18:11.910
an anarchist altogether. And the contradictions

00:18:11.910 --> 00:18:14.539
don't stop there. This raises an important question

00:18:14.539 --> 00:18:17.220
about how we contextualize historical figures

00:18:17.220 --> 00:18:20.140
when we look at their private lives. In Proudhon's

00:18:20.140 --> 00:18:23.680
private unpublished carnets or notebooks, scholars

00:18:23.680 --> 00:18:26.339
found virulent anti -Semitism. Yeah, the notes

00:18:26.339 --> 00:18:29.480
mention this. In 1847, he privately wrote about

00:18:29.480 --> 00:18:32.640
his intense hatred for the Jewish people, outlining

00:18:32.640 --> 00:18:35.359
disturbing fantasies of expelling them to Asia

00:18:35.359 --> 00:18:38.299
or exterminating them. Yeah, the notes emphasize

00:18:38.299 --> 00:18:40.940
a distinction made by modern scholars like Robert

00:18:40.940 --> 00:18:43.880
Graham and Ian McKay. They point out that while

00:18:43.880 --> 00:18:46.480
Proudhon personally held these bigotries, this

00:18:46.480 --> 00:18:49.180
anti -Semitism formed no part of his actual public

00:18:49.180 --> 00:18:52.059
revolutionary program or his published economic

00:18:52.059 --> 00:18:54.299
theories. Right. It was isolated to his private

00:18:54.299 --> 00:18:57.559
writings. In his public work, he explicitly argued

00:18:57.559 --> 00:18:59.660
that citizenship should be an acquired right

00:18:59.660 --> 00:19:02.980
everywhere, regardless of race or color. But

00:19:02.980 --> 00:19:05.480
the private notebooks remain an undeniable dark

00:19:05.480 --> 00:19:08.359
stain. And looking at the notes, that dark side

00:19:08.359 --> 00:19:10.960
gets even more complicated decades after his

00:19:10.960 --> 00:19:13.230
death. I see a reference to something called

00:19:13.230 --> 00:19:15.650
the Circle Proudhon in 1911 and a connection

00:19:15.650 --> 00:19:18.549
to proto -fascism. In 1911, a right -wing French

00:19:18.549 --> 00:19:21.150
group formed the Circle Proudhon. What they did

00:19:21.150 --> 00:19:23.549
was selectively appropriate parts of his philosophy.

00:19:23.950 --> 00:19:26.130
They took his mutualist economics and his deep

00:19:26.130 --> 00:19:28.470
traditionalism regarding the family, but they

00:19:28.470 --> 00:19:30.309
completely stripped away his anarchism. Just

00:19:30.309 --> 00:19:32.799
took the parts they liked. Instead, they mixed

00:19:32.799 --> 00:19:36.299
his ideas with extreme, integralist nationalism,

00:19:36.960 --> 00:19:39.259
which is a far -right ideology focused on an

00:19:39.259 --> 00:19:42.140
authoritarian, culturally uniform nation -state.

00:19:42.900 --> 00:19:45.140
So they essentially hijacked his name for a movement

00:19:45.140 --> 00:19:48.019
he would have hated. Later historians, notably

00:19:48.019 --> 00:19:50.799
Ziyev Sternhell, have argued that Proudhon's

00:19:50.799 --> 00:19:53.700
intense anti -republicanism and disdain for parliamentary

00:19:53.700 --> 00:19:56.619
democracy made him a harbinger of fascist ideas.

00:19:57.240 --> 00:19:59.319
However, the overwhelming majority of modern

00:19:59.319 --> 00:20:01.640
Proudhon scholars, including K. Stephen Vincent,

00:20:02.259 --> 00:20:04.460
strongly reject the idea that Proudhon himself

00:20:04.460 --> 00:20:07.240
was a fascist. Because fascism requires a massive

00:20:07.240 --> 00:20:10.369
authoritarian state apparatus. Precisely. A core

00:20:10.369 --> 00:20:13.089
tenant of fascism is a centralized, dictatorial,

00:20:13.269 --> 00:20:15.650
and highly militaristic state. Proudhon spent

00:20:15.650 --> 00:20:18.009
his entire life fiercely advocating for the exact

00:20:18.009 --> 00:20:20.450
opposite. Radical decentralization. Federalism,

00:20:20.809 --> 00:20:22.630
the total abolition of the centralized state,

00:20:22.970 --> 00:20:25.950
and the end of militarism. To call the man who

00:20:25.950 --> 00:20:28.589
coined the term anarchist a proto -fascist requires

00:20:28.589 --> 00:20:30.990
ignoring the vast majority of his actual political

00:20:30.990 --> 00:20:33.809
philosophy. It really is a testament to how complex

00:20:33.809 --> 00:20:36.329
his writing was that groups from the radical

00:20:36.329 --> 00:20:39.069
left to the far right have tried to claim pieces

00:20:39.069 --> 00:20:42.150
of his legacy over the centuries. As we begin

00:20:42.150 --> 00:20:44.829
to wrap up this deep dive Proudhon stands out

00:20:44.829 --> 00:20:47.309
as a man of profound contradictions. He really

00:20:47.309 --> 00:20:49.390
does. He was a poverty stricken self -taught

00:20:49.390 --> 00:20:51.869
printer who became a giant of global philosophy.

00:20:52.549 --> 00:20:55.289
He coined anarchism but ended up serving in the

00:20:55.289 --> 00:20:58.369
French parliament. His ideas influenced major

00:20:58.369 --> 00:21:00.869
historical uprisings like the Paris Commune and

00:21:00.859 --> 00:21:03.799
Spanish cantonalism, both of which were attempts

00:21:03.799 --> 00:21:07.480
to create those highly decentralized local self

00:21:07.480 --> 00:21:09.920
-governments he dreamed of. And perhaps his most

00:21:09.920 --> 00:21:12.440
fascinating contradiction is his final mature

00:21:12.440 --> 00:21:14.940
evolution on the concepts of the state and property.

00:21:15.660 --> 00:21:18.599
Later in his life, particularly in his posthumously

00:21:18.599 --> 00:21:21.099
published theory of property, Pridon looked at

00:21:21.099 --> 00:21:23.519
the trajectory of modern nations and realized

00:21:23.519 --> 00:21:25.740
that the centralized state might never truly

00:21:25.740 --> 00:21:28.019
disappear. So he had to adapt his dialectic.

00:21:28.259 --> 00:21:30.319
Exactly. He completely changed his tune. The

00:21:30.319 --> 00:21:32.319
man who started his career shouting to the heavens

00:21:32.319 --> 00:21:35.539
that property is theft ended his life arguing

00:21:35.539 --> 00:21:38.410
that property is freedom. There's a massive shift.

00:21:38.609 --> 00:21:41.210
He concluded that the widespread equally divided

00:21:41.210 --> 00:21:43.329
possession of property by everyday people was

00:21:43.329 --> 00:21:45.970
actually the only power strong enough and grounded

00:21:45.970 --> 00:21:48.670
enough to act as a counterweight to the ever

00:21:48.670 --> 00:21:51.710
encroaching coercive power of the state. Which

00:21:51.710 --> 00:21:54.730
brings us directly to you, the listener. We spent

00:21:54.730 --> 00:21:56.890
this time exploring the 19th century battles

00:21:56.890 --> 00:22:00.170
over land, tools and factories. But if Proudhon's

00:22:00.170 --> 00:22:03.720
final realization was right. that personal uncompromising

00:22:03.720 --> 00:22:06.619
ownership is the only true defense against centralized

00:22:06.619 --> 00:22:09.680
power. What does that mean for us today, in an

00:22:09.680 --> 00:22:11.619
era where we increasingly don't actually own

00:22:11.619 --> 00:22:14.160
anything? That's a great question. Think about

00:22:14.160 --> 00:22:16.680
your digital life. From the software you subscribe

00:22:16.680 --> 00:22:19.059
to month to month, to the streaming libraries

00:22:19.059 --> 00:22:21.799
you access but don't possess, to the very data

00:22:21.799 --> 00:22:23.859
you generate that is stored on servers you will

00:22:23.859 --> 00:22:26.420
never see. We are living on digital property

00:22:26.420 --> 00:22:28.880
owned by massive centralized tech monopolies.

00:22:29.019 --> 00:22:31.380
In the 21st century, have we simply become digital

00:22:31.380 --> 00:22:33.759
peasants paying rent to a new kind of landlord?

00:22:34.299 --> 00:22:36.359
And if so, what would Proudhon tell us to do

00:22:36.359 --> 00:22:36.759
about it?
