WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. We are taking a look

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today at a story that operates as equal parts

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political thriller, historical comedy, and just

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a masterclass in pure unadulterated hustle. Yeah,

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I mean, it's one of those historical narratives

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that feels almost too cinematic to be real, you

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know, yet it shaped the very foundations of the

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country's largest city. Right. And our mission

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for you today is to extract a roadmap of how

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power is actually built, how it's lost, and how

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it is ultimately remembered in a major metropolis.

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Exactly. We are basing this deep dive on a single,

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incredibly dense source. It's a comprehensive

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Wikipedia article detailing the life of John

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Francis Hyland. The 97th mayor of New York City.

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Yep, the 97th and the 7th since the consolidation

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of the five boroughs. But we aren't just reading

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you a dusty biography today. We're looking at

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the mechanics of political machines. Oh, very

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dramatic. Right. And a man who went toe -to -toe

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with the intellectual elite of his day. Okay,

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let's unpack this. Before he was the mayor, before

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he was a judge, he was known simply as Red Mike.

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Red Mike, which paints a picture of a scrappy

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fighter, which is a pretty accurate baseline

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for understanding him. For sure. He was a man

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who started with absolutely nothing. took on

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what he called the interests, and left a legacy

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tangled in monumental infrastructure projects

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and, well, really cruel political punchlines.

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If you look at his origins in the Catskill Mountains

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around 1868, it's the classic immigrant grit

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story. But I really want to understand the scale

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of it. How does a kid from Hunter, New York,

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with barely any resources, even begin a trajectory

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towards City Hall? You really have to look at

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the sheer economic anxiety that defined his youth.

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His father was an Irish immigrant from County

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Cabin who came over at age seven. Right. And

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the father actually ended up fighting in the

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Civil War as a corporal in the 120th New York

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Infantry. Which was known as the Ulster Regiment,

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right? Exactly. The Ulster Regiment. And his

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mother, conversely, had these deep American roots.

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Her grandfather fought in the American Revolution

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alongside Lafayette. Wow. So there's this intense

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blend of immigrant hustle and patriotic legacy

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right from the start. Definitely. But despite

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that heritage. The family was dirt poor. I mean,

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they were strapped to a 60 -acre farm with a

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$1 ,500 mortgage. Which in the 1870s and 80s

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was a massive financial weight to carry. A crushing

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weight. They struggled just to pay the semiannual

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interest on it. As the oldest boy of five children,

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Hyland's life was consumed by farm labor using

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primitive hand tools. Just back -breaking stuff.

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Yeah, and education was treated as a distant

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luxury. The local school district was so impoverished

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that only one family could afford the required

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grammar or history book. Wait, one family in

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the whole district? One family. Hyland had to

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borrow this single book just to learn. He was

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only getting about four to five hours of schooling

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a day for just five months out of the year. Because

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the farm demanded the rest of his time. Right.

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And he was already doing side hustles as a teenager,

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wasn't he? The source mentions him working on

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a local railroad before he ever left the mountains.

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He was. Every spring, he'd go work for the Catskill

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Railroad. He was literally digging earth and

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tamping it beneath the tracks to stabilize them

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after the winter freezes. It's just raw manual

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labor. Exactly. And sending every penny back

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to help his parents pay that mortgage interest.

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But by the winter of 1887, when he's 19 years

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old, he realizes the math just isn't working

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out. The farm just wasn't making enough. No.

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So he figures he can make more money for the

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family if he heads downstate. So he leaves the

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Catskills and heads to Brooklyn. But I read he

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only had something like $3 to his name. How does

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a teenager with no money and a grade school education

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even get a foot in the door in 1880s New York?

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Well, he left the mountains with exactly $3 .50

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in his pocket. Incredible. He spends $2 on a

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train ticket, walks across the Brooklyn Bridge,

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and immediately starts looking for leverage.

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Just hits the ground running. The very first

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day he arrives, he sees construction happening

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on an elevated railroad. Having never even seen

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an elevated structure before, he literally climbs

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up onto the tracks, tracks down the foreman,

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and leverages his brief manual labor experience

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on the Catskill Railroad to ask for a job. Just

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walking up and demanding a job, that takes some

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serious nerve. It does. And the foreman tells

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him to show up the next day to lay rails. But

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he doesn't stop at laying rails. Our source notes

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he actively campaigned for a promotion almost

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immediately. Oh, he was relentless. He went to

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the office of the manager of the Brooklyn Union

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Elevated Railroad every single day. Every single

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day. Every day. He badgered the management until

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they finally gave him an interview and promoted

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him to a fireman, which involved incredibly heavy

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labor for $1 .50 a day. Still pretty low wages.

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Yeah, but here is the crazy part. The timing

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of this is legendary. His first day reporting

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to the East New York station as a fireman was

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March 11, 1888. Oh, wow. That is the exact day

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of the Great Blizzard. The Blizzard of 88. That

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was one of the most severe snowstorms in American

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history. Starting a grueling outdoor physical

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labor job on that specific day is wild. And he

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pushed through it. After two years of being a

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stoker and an engine hustler, he passed a test

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and became a locomotive engineer, making $3 .50

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a day. Which was a big step up. It was, but it

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required brutal hours. We're talking 13 hour

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runs on weekdays, 12 hours on Saturdays and 11

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hours on Sundays. What's fascinating here is

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how he utilized that time. He wasn't just surviving

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that 13 hour a day grind. He was incredibly systematic

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about his financial goals. Very systematic. While

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working as a motorman, he regularly made the

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$75 semi -annual interest payments for his family's

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farm back upstate. Yeah. And he actually managed

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to pay off the entire principal before he ever

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left the railroad job. It's a huge accomplishment.

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He even went back to Hunter, married his childhood

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sweetheart, Marion O 'Hara, and moved her to

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Bushwick in Brooklyn. He later wrote that once

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he was making $100 a month, he had zero inclination

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to seek any other position. He thought he had

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made it. He had achieved his version of the American

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dream. But then a tragedy completely altered

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his trajectory. Right. His younger brother, who

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was studying law and upon whom the family had

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pinned all their hopes for upward mobility, passed

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away. That's devastating. It was. And that loss

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became the catalyst for Hyland to pursue a career

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in law himself, basically to pick up the mantle

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for his family. But remember, he barely had a

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grade school education. To pivot to law, he had

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to do massive amounts of catch up. He had to

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go to the Long Island Business College just to

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prepare for the regents exams. Right. For those

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of you listening who might not be familiar with

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the New York education system of that era, the

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regents exams were the standardized state tests

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required to prove high school level competency.

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You couldn't just walk into a law school without

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passing them. And he needed a lot of help to

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get there. He had a teacher who actually gave

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up his lunch hours to help highlight. and study

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for those exams. Which is such a great detail.

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It is. And as a quick aside, it became a great

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example of political loyalty later on. When Hyland

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eventually became mayor, he rewarded that exact

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teacher with a comfortable city job in the Department

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of Water Supply. Gotta reward your base. So once

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he passes the regents exams, he enrolls in New

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York Law School. And there is an incredible historical

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detail hidden in his time there. One of his professors

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for constitutional law was none other than Woodrow

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Wilson. It's almost hard to believe. The future

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mayor of New York being taught by the future

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president of the United States. It really highlights

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how concentrated the circles of influence were

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becoming, even for a guy who started out tamping

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dirt under railroad ties. But here's where it

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gets really interesting. Hyland graduates in

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October 1897 and clerks for a Long Island city

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attorney. He's ready to take the bar exam, but

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the earliest one available is all the way up

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in Syracuse. Yeah, nowhere near Brooklyn. Right

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before he's supposed to go, he gets into a near

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accident with a railroad supervisor. Hyland claims

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it was the supervisor's fault, but he gets fired

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from the railroad anyway. Typical. So he's out

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of a job, he needs to get to Syracuse, and he's

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tight on cash. What does he do? He brilliantly

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uses his membership pass from the Brotherhood

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of Locomotive Engineers to travel the rails for

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free up to Syracuse. He takes the exam and he

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passes. Passing the bar is only step one, though.

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He quickly realized that starting a law practice

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required upfront capital, something he no longer

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had without his railroad salary. So what's his

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move? Well, in a massive gamble, he mortgages

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the family farm back in the Catskills again.

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Oh man, after spending all those years paying

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it off. Exactly. This time he mortgages it for

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$500 to open an office on the corner of Gates

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Avenue and Broadway in Bushwick. And he forms

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a partnership with an attorney named Harry C.

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Underhill. Underhill did the office work and

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wrote legal treatises while Hyland became the

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trial lawyer. Iredi only made $24 his first month,

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taking on small civil cases and family law. Slow

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start. Yeah, but he was highly strategic about

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the cases he took. He wasn't trying to mingle

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with corporate titans. He knew his power base

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was the working class of Brooklyn. He took on

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cases that mattered to everyday commuters. His

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firm famously won a ruling that forced the Brooklyn

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Heights Railroad Company to offer free transfers

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at all junctions. That's huge. It might sound

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like a minor administrative victory today, but

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for a working class family in Brooklyn at the

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turn of the century, a second transit fare could

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literally break the weekly budget. Absolutely.

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Winning that case got him incredible local publicity

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and really solidified his reputation as a champion

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of the common writer. Alongside his legal work,

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he was relentlessly networking. He kept his union

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membership active, joined the Foresters of America,

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the Broadway Board of Trade, the Local Taxpayer

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Association, and began working his way up the

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local Democratic club. Just shaking every hand

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he could. And some of that networking was purely

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accidental. Our source highlights how Hyland

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met John H. McCooey, who would eventually become

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the immensely powerful Brooklyn Democratic Party

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boss. Right. They didn't meet at a fancy political

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gala. No, they met at the local post office.

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McCooey was a postal clerk at the time, and Hyland

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was just there sending money orders to his parents

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to pay the interest on that new farm mortgage.

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It's such a small world. McCooey showed him some

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kindness regarding the paperwork. Hyland remembered

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it, and they became lifelong friends. That is

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a vital lesson for anyone navigating their own

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career. Sometimes the most pivotal connections

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happen during the most mundane errands. You never

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know who the clerk across the counter is going

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to become in 20 years. It's so true. All of this

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local groundwork pays off when Highland emerges

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from obscurity during the wild citywide elections

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of 1903. This is where we get into the heavy

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machinery of Tammany Hall politics. Oh, yeah.

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The 1903 election was a chaotic internal power

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struggle. For those who might need a refresher,

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Tammany Hall was the formidable democratic political

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machine that basically controlled New York politics

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through a deeply entrenched system of patronage.

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Meaning they handed out city jobs and contracts

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to loyal supporters to maintain power. Exactly.

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In Manhattan, Charles Francis Murphy had just

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taken over as the head of the Tammany machine.

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Murphy was a guy who got rich leasing city docks

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to shipping companies, and his grand ambition

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was to extend Tammany's influence out of Manhattan

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and into all the outer boroughs. particularly

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Brooklyn. To do this, Murphy decided to run George

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B. McClellan Jr. for mayor, trying to dislodge

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the current fusionist mayor. Right. And just

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to clarify, a fusionist mayor was basically a

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coalition candidate. Republicans and independent

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Democrats teaming up specifically to keep the

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Tammany Hall political machine out of power.

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But the Brooklyn political leaders, headed by

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a boss named Hugh McLaughlin, absolutely hated

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Murphy's move. They felt McClellan would ruin

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the down ticket raises in Brooklyn and cost them

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local offices like the district attorney. You

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saw right through it. Yeah. Many suspected Murphy

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was doing this on purpose to cut off Brooklyn's

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independent patronage base. It all came to a

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head at the Democratic Convention on October

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1st, 1903 at Carnegie Hall. It sounded like an

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absolute madhouse. It was. Brooklyn Assistant

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District Attorney Martin W. Littleton stood up,

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looked directly at Murphy, and delivered a blistering

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speech screaming about Tammany treachery. There

00:12:29.529 --> 00:12:32.009
was wild applause, shouts of traitor, and massive

00:12:32.009 --> 00:12:34.549
behind -the -scenes scheming to run an anti -Tammany

00:12:34.549 --> 00:12:37.659
ticket. But Murphy just sat there, smiling through

00:12:37.659 --> 00:12:40.039
the abuse, knowing he had the delegate math.

00:12:41.019 --> 00:12:43.659
Tammany forced their slate through anyway. The

00:12:43.659 --> 00:12:46.220
Brooklyn opposition collapsed, and in the resulting

00:12:46.220 --> 00:12:49.159
turmoil, the old Brooklyn boss McLaughlin was

00:12:49.159 --> 00:12:52.240
ousted by his own subordinate. This is the crucial

00:12:52.240 --> 00:12:54.460
turning point for Highland. Instead of getting

00:12:54.460 --> 00:12:56.419
swept away in the collapse of the old Brooklyn

00:12:56.419 --> 00:12:59.240
guard, he aligned himself perfectly with the

00:12:59.240 --> 00:13:01.509
new power structure. He knew which way the wind

00:13:01.509 --> 00:13:03.830
was blowing. Because he had built such a solid

00:13:03.830 --> 00:13:06.450
reputation among the working class and had those

00:13:06.450 --> 00:13:08.970
connections with guys like McCooey, the new party

00:13:08.970 --> 00:13:13.149
bosses saw him as a useful asset. In 1906, they

00:13:13.149 --> 00:13:15.320
got him appointed as a city magistrate. Which

00:13:15.320 --> 00:13:18.120
bridges a massive gap in his story. He didn't

00:13:18.120 --> 00:13:20.299
just jump from a convention floor to the mayor's

00:13:20.299 --> 00:13:22.759
office. He spent the next decade working as a

00:13:22.759 --> 00:13:25.500
magistrate and later a county court judge, constantly

00:13:25.500 --> 00:13:27.759
ruling in ways that favored his working class

00:13:27.759 --> 00:13:30.580
base. He really used that time on the bench to

00:13:30.580 --> 00:13:33.039
endear himself to powerful allies, particularly

00:13:33.039 --> 00:13:35.340
the newspaper publisher William Randolph Hearst.

00:13:35.419 --> 00:13:38.399
Hearst loved Hyland's anti -monopoly rhetoric.

00:13:38.720 --> 00:13:42.700
He did. By 1917, Tammany Hall and Hearst needed

00:13:42.700 --> 00:13:46.000
a reliable, populist candidate for mayor to take

00:13:46.000 --> 00:13:49.120
back the city from reformers. Island was their

00:13:49.120 --> 00:13:52.100
guy. He defeated the incumbent and won the mayoralty,

00:13:52.240 --> 00:13:54.620
notably becoming the first Democratic candidate

00:13:54.620 --> 00:13:57.059
to capture a significant portion of the African

00:13:57.059 --> 00:13:59.919
-American vote. Once in office, he had a very

00:13:59.919 --> 00:14:03.159
singular obsession for this way. Having been

00:14:03.159 --> 00:14:05.360
a motorman himself, he understood that transit

00:14:05.360 --> 00:14:07.860
costs disproportionately impacted the working

00:14:07.860 --> 00:14:10.539
class. He was absolutely determined to keep it

00:14:10.539 --> 00:14:13.120
strictly at five cents. To bypass the corporate

00:14:13.120 --> 00:14:15.299
monopolies that ran the trains at the time, the

00:14:15.299 --> 00:14:18.559
IRT and the BMT Highland set in motion the building

00:14:18.559 --> 00:14:21.220
of the Independent Subway System, or the IND.

00:14:21.279 --> 00:14:23.730
Right. It was designed to be entirely city -owned

00:14:23.730 --> 00:14:26.409
and operated, competing directly with the private

00:14:26.409 --> 00:14:29.690
lines to force them to keep fares low. That system

00:14:29.690 --> 00:14:31.909
eventually became a massive chunk of the modern

00:14:31.909 --> 00:14:33.929
New York City subway we know today. His fight

00:14:33.929 --> 00:14:35.710
against the corporate monopolies wasn't quiet

00:14:35.710 --> 00:14:39.450
either. In 1922, while sitting as mayor, he delivered

00:14:39.450 --> 00:14:42.350
a highly publicized fiery speech attacking what

00:14:42.350 --> 00:14:44.490
he called the invisible government. Yeah, that

00:14:44.490 --> 00:14:47.500
speech is infamous. He described it as a giant

00:14:47.500 --> 00:14:50.639
octopus sprawling its slimy legs over the nation.

00:14:51.019 --> 00:14:54.159
He specifically called out the Rockefeller Standard

00:14:54.159 --> 00:14:56.899
Oil interests and a small group of international

00:14:56.899 --> 00:14:59.639
bankers claiming they control the majority of

00:14:59.639 --> 00:15:02.539
newspapers, dictated who got nominated for public

00:15:02.539 --> 00:15:05.259
office and virtually ran the U .S. government

00:15:05.259 --> 00:15:07.879
for their own selfish purposes. And it's really

00:15:07.879 --> 00:15:09.639
important to note for you listening that our

00:15:09.639 --> 00:15:12.960
goal here isn't to endorse these 1920s conspiracy

00:15:12.960 --> 00:15:15.350
theories. Absolutely not. We are. absolutely

00:15:15.350 --> 00:15:17.850
not taking sides on his populist rhetoric or

00:15:17.850 --> 00:15:19.850
saying he was right about this giant octopus.

00:15:20.149 --> 00:15:21.750
Right. We are just looking at the historical

00:15:21.750 --> 00:15:25.009
reality of how politicians of this era utilize

00:15:25.009 --> 00:15:27.950
this kind of language to rally their base against

00:15:27.950 --> 00:15:30.809
perceived elite control. Exactly. We are impartially

00:15:30.809 --> 00:15:32.929
looking at the mechanics of his messaging. And

00:15:32.929 --> 00:15:34.929
if we connect this to the bigger picture, the

00:15:34.929 --> 00:15:37.070
mechanics of that messaging were rooted in very

00:15:37.070 --> 00:15:39.950
deep -seated post -Gilded Age anxieties. The

00:15:39.950 --> 00:15:42.570
wealth gap was staggering. The country had just

00:15:42.570 --> 00:15:44.950
watched massive industrial concentration create

00:15:44.950 --> 00:15:48.389
unprecedented wealth for a few, while heavily

00:15:48.389 --> 00:15:52.049
impoverishing the working poor. Hyland, a man

00:15:52.049 --> 00:15:54.590
who literally shoveled coal in a blizzard to

00:15:54.590 --> 00:15:57.529
pay off a farm mortgage, was channeling the very

00:15:57.529 --> 00:16:00.870
real anger of his constituents. But that constant

00:16:00.870 --> 00:16:03.730
battling against the elites had a dark side for

00:16:03.730 --> 00:16:06.460
his legacy. Despite his massive political power,

00:16:06.740 --> 00:16:09.240
he was never respected by the intellectual or

00:16:09.240 --> 00:16:12.059
political upper crust. They didn't consider him

00:16:12.059 --> 00:16:14.600
highly intelligent or articulate. He was viewed

00:16:14.600 --> 00:16:17.279
as a bit of a populist brute. His political opponents

00:16:17.279 --> 00:16:20.139
actively worked to craft a narrative that he

00:16:20.139 --> 00:16:22.820
was a buffoon. Because he wasn't a polished orator,

00:16:22.940 --> 00:16:25.539
he was an easy target for the media and the political

00:16:25.539 --> 00:16:28.500
operatives of the time, who delighted in mocking

00:16:28.500 --> 00:16:31.240
him. Which brings us to one of the most painfully

00:16:31.240 --> 00:16:33.779
funny anecdotes in the source material. According

00:16:33.779 --> 00:16:36.000
to the legendary urban planner Robert Moses,

00:16:36.360 --> 00:16:38.700
Hyland went through almost an entire mayoral

00:16:38.700 --> 00:16:41.620
campaign using just one single stump speech,

00:16:41.840 --> 00:16:44.419
his call, to keep the five -cent subway fare.

00:16:44.559 --> 00:16:47.019
Just hammering that one point. Right. And he

00:16:47.019 --> 00:16:48.940
eventually asked Moses to help him write a new

00:16:48.940 --> 00:16:51.779
speech. Moses obliges and writes him a fresh

00:16:51.779 --> 00:16:54.399
one. The first time Hyland tries to deliver it,

00:16:54.480 --> 00:16:56.799
he reaches the dramatic climax. He's supposed

00:16:56.799 --> 00:16:59.580
to invoke the Revolutionary War, a subject close

00:16:59.580 --> 00:17:01.559
to his heart, given his grandfather's service.

00:17:01.740 --> 00:17:04.220
Right. The line on the page is, I call for the

00:17:04.220 --> 00:17:08.480
spirit of 1776. But Hyland completely misses

00:17:08.480 --> 00:17:11.259
the historical context. He looks at the paper

00:17:11.259 --> 00:17:13.299
and reads out the numbers individually, yelling

00:17:13.299 --> 00:17:15.660
to the crowd, I call for the spirit. Spirit of

00:17:15.660 --> 00:17:20.930
1776. Ouch. It's a devastating gaffe. And it's

00:17:20.930 --> 00:17:23.589
exactly the kind of story that the elites circulated

00:17:23.589 --> 00:17:26.109
to undermine his credibility. But it wasn't just

00:17:26.109 --> 00:17:28.650
bad speeches that led to his downfall. By the

00:17:28.650 --> 00:17:31.150
end of his second term, an investigative committee

00:17:31.150 --> 00:17:34.029
appointed by Governor Al Smith severely criticized

00:17:34.029 --> 00:17:36.089
his handling of the subway system. Wait, hold

00:17:36.089 --> 00:17:38.049
on. If he was this champion of the working class

00:17:38.049 --> 00:17:40.150
commuter, why was the governor's committee criticizing

00:17:40.150 --> 00:17:42.910
his transit management? Was he actually mismanaging

00:17:42.910 --> 00:17:45.329
it or was this just political sabotage from Al

00:17:45.329 --> 00:17:48.470
Smith's camp? Well, it's a mix of both. His stubbornness

00:17:48.470 --> 00:17:50.549
on the five cent fare meant the private transit

00:17:50.549 --> 00:17:53.430
companies were starving for capital because they

00:17:53.430 --> 00:17:55.690
couldn't raise fares to meet inflation. They

00:17:55.690 --> 00:17:57.630
couldn't afford to maintain the lines or build

00:17:57.630 --> 00:17:59.769
new ones fast enough to keep up with population

00:17:59.769 --> 00:18:02.710
growth. So the system was falling apart. The

00:18:02.710 --> 00:18:06.750
result was massive, dangerous overcrowding. Governor

00:18:06.750 --> 00:18:09.259
Al Smith. who was also a Tammany Democrat but

00:18:09.259 --> 00:18:12.299
aligned with a different faction, used this gridlock

00:18:12.299 --> 00:18:14.880
as leverage to argue Hyland was ineffective.

00:18:15.279 --> 00:18:17.440
So Tammany Hall, the very machine that helped

00:18:17.440 --> 00:18:20.859
install him, turns on him. In 1925, they ran

00:18:20.859 --> 00:18:23.839
the slick, highly charismatic state senator Jimmy

00:18:23.839 --> 00:18:26.140
Walker against Hyland for the Democratic nomination.

00:18:26.500 --> 00:18:29.220
And Hyland loses. But Red Mike still had one

00:18:29.220 --> 00:18:31.900
last strategic hustle left in him. He realizes

00:18:31.900 --> 00:18:34.220
he's out, but he strategically resigns from office

00:18:34.220 --> 00:18:38.069
on December 30, 1925, exactly one day before

00:18:38.069 --> 00:18:40.109
his term is officially supposed to end. Such

00:18:40.109 --> 00:18:42.630
a classic move. Why? To assure his eligibility

00:18:42.630 --> 00:18:47.509
for a $4 ,205 annual city pension. It was a purely

00:18:47.509 --> 00:18:50.950
pragmatic, survivalist move from a guy who never

00:18:50.950 --> 00:18:53.710
forgot what it felt like to have $3 .50 to his

00:18:53.710 --> 00:18:56.470
name. Even in defeat, he secured his financial

00:18:56.470 --> 00:18:59.190
future through a loophole. But Jimmy Walker couldn't

00:18:59.190 --> 00:19:02.470
resist one final ultimate burn. After becoming

00:19:02.470 --> 00:19:05.029
mayor, Walker actually appoints his defeated

00:19:05.029 --> 00:19:08.529
rival, Hyland, to be a judge on the Queen's Children's

00:19:08.529 --> 00:19:11.710
Court. When a journalist asked Walker why on

00:19:11.710 --> 00:19:14.109
earth he would appoint his political rival to

00:19:14.109 --> 00:19:16.829
a judgeship, Walker quipped, the children now

00:19:16.829 --> 00:19:19.710
can be tried by their peer. It's a brilliant

00:19:19.710 --> 00:19:23.210
cutting insult that highlights the absolute ruthlessness

00:19:23.210 --> 00:19:25.769
of New York City politics. So what does this

00:19:25.769 --> 00:19:28.750
all mean? We have a man who was endlessly mocked

00:19:28.750 --> 00:19:31.049
by the political and media elites. They called

00:19:31.049 --> 00:19:33.349
him a child. They laughed at his speeches. They

00:19:33.349 --> 00:19:36.809
ousted him from power. And yet the same man initiated

00:19:36.809 --> 00:19:39.190
massive infrastructure projects like the independent

00:19:39.190 --> 00:19:42.009
subway system. He fiercely championed the working

00:19:42.009 --> 00:19:44.230
poor against monopolies. He even had a mass.

00:19:44.400 --> 00:19:46.940
14 -mile boulevard and Staten Island Highland

00:19:46.940 --> 00:19:49.359
Boulevard named after him, despite his opponents

00:19:49.359 --> 00:19:51.940
protesting it all the way. It really illustrates

00:19:51.940 --> 00:19:54.279
the deep contradictions of a political legacy.

00:19:54.799 --> 00:19:58.099
He wasn't polished, but he was effective at navigating

00:19:58.099 --> 00:20:01.039
the brutal mechanics of the city. He understood

00:20:01.039 --> 00:20:03.700
the needs of the people who rode the trains because

00:20:03.700 --> 00:20:05.920
he used to drive them. It really is an incredible

00:20:05.920 --> 00:20:09.099
journey. From a kid reading a borrowed book on

00:20:09.099 --> 00:20:11.539
a mortgaged farm, shivering in the great blizzard

00:20:11.539 --> 00:20:14.640
of 1888 laying tracks, to sitting in the mayor's

00:20:14.640 --> 00:20:18.079
office at City Hall. He navigated the sharp elbows

00:20:18.079 --> 00:20:20.599
of Tammany Hall, fought the corporate trusts,

00:20:20.839 --> 00:20:23.680
and left a permanent physical mark on New York's

00:20:23.680 --> 00:20:26.019
transit map. This raises an important question,

00:20:26.140 --> 00:20:28.099
something for you to really mull over as we wrap

00:20:28.099 --> 00:20:31.180
up today. Hyland spent his entire life fighting

00:20:31.180 --> 00:20:33.759
the interests and the intellectual elites, fighting

00:20:33.759 --> 00:20:36.700
fiercely for the working class. Yet, history

00:20:36.700 --> 00:20:39.160
often remembers him through the jokes crafted

00:20:39.160 --> 00:20:41.519
by those very elites like Jimmy Walker and Robert

00:20:41.519 --> 00:20:44.220
Moses. Right. It makes you wonder, when we look

00:20:44.220 --> 00:20:46.480
back at history, are we seeing the truth of what

00:20:46.480 --> 00:20:48.880
a leader actually built, or are we just remembering

00:20:48.880 --> 00:20:51.140
the punchlines written by the people who defeated

00:20:51.140 --> 00:20:53.700
them? That is a phenomenal thought to end on

00:20:53.700 --> 00:20:55.980
and a perfect lens through which to view the

00:20:55.980 --> 00:20:57.880
stories we are told about historical figures.

00:20:58.279 --> 00:21:00.799
Thank you so much for joining us on this deep

00:21:00.799 --> 00:21:03.640
dive into the life of John Francis Hyland. We

00:21:03.640 --> 00:21:05.519
hope you take that question with you and that

00:21:05.519 --> 00:21:07.700
you keep exploring and questioning the history

00:21:07.700 --> 00:21:09.740
around you. We'll see you next time.
