WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. We are thrilled you're

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here with us today. Our mission, well, we're

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taking something that sounds like it belongs

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in a geopolitical thriller, honestly, and we're

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going to demystify what it actually means for

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you. Yeah, for you, for the country, and really

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just for the way our government operates day

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to day. Exactly. So today we're exploring a dense,

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somewhat arcane, but incredibly consequential

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Wikipedia article on the nuclear option in the

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United States Senate. Our goal is to explain

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how this very dramatic sounding parliamentary

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procedure works. Right. We want to trace its

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history and show how. A pretty simple procedural

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loophole has just completely reshaped American

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politics. It really has. But before we dive in,

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we need to make something very clear right up

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front. A strict disclaimer for you listening,

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because this history involves, you know, intense

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battles between Democrats and Republicans. Highly

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politically charged events. Highly charged, yes.

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So we are keeping our own politics entirely out

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of it today. We take absolutely no sides. We

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do not endorse any of the political viewpoints

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mentioned. None at all. We are strictly here

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to impartially convey the factual history and

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the ideas exactly as they are contained within

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the provided source text. Just the data, the

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timeline, and the parliamentary chess moves.

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That's the most productive way to look at this,

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I think. We aren't here to say these maneuvers

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were right or wrong. It's just a fascinating

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look at the institutional psychology of the Senate.

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Yeah, how a changer that was originally designed

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around consensus has slowly... Sort of transformed

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into a majoritarian one. Right. And speaking

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of that transformation, let me drop a little

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teaser for you before we get into the actual

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weeds of the parliamentary procedure. You know

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it as the nuclear option. But originally, back

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in 2003, one senator actually wanted to call

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this maneuver. Wait for it. Hulk. Hulk. It's

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incredible. I mean, it really paints a vivid

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picture of what this procedure does to the existing

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Senate rules, right? It does. It's essentially

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a mechanism of brute force applied to a system

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of tradition. OK, let's unpack this. What exactly

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is the nuclear option? I mean, for an audience

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that already follows politics, we know that invoking

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cloture to end debate on a measure normally requires

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a three fifths. Super majority. Which is 60 votes

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in the modern Senate. 60 votes. Right. So the

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nuclear option is the procedural workaround that

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allows the majority party to bypass that 60 vote

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hurdle and just end debate with a simple majority

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of 51 votes or 50 plus. the vice president. Yeah,

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that's the core of it. But the mechanics of how

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they actually pull that off, that's where it

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gets complicated. It's entirely based on exploiting

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the appeals process. Like a loophole. Exactly

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like a loophole. It's a multi -step sequence

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of parliamentary gymnastics. So first, a senator

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raises what's called a point of order. And this

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point of order directly contradicts the written

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rule. Okay. They might stand up and say, I raise

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a point of order that the vote on cloture for

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this nomination is by majority vote. Which flies

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directly in the face of the standing rulebook

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sitting right there on the presiding officer's

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desk. Right there in front of them. So the presiding

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officer has no choice but to look at the rulebook,

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see the 60 vote requirement, and overrule the

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senator's point of order. Because they have to

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stick to the established rules and precedents.

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That is step two. But step three is the actual

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trigger. The senator who raised the point of

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order immediately appeals the ruling of the presiding

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officer. And under Senate procedure, an appeal

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regarding a non -debatable question, an ending

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debate, which is what cloture is, is inherently

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non -debatable. That appeal must be decided immediately

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without any further debate. I see. And here is

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the crucial part. Sustaining or overturning the

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chair's ruling on an appeal only requires a simple

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majority vote. So the majority party simply bands

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together and votes to overturn the presiding

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officer's ruling. Exactly. So it's basically

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like if you're playing a board game with your

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friends and the rule book clearly says you need

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67 points to change a rule. Right. But the group

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gets frustrated. So they simply take a majority

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vote to just ignore the rule book for the rest

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of the game. That is a perfect analogy. Because

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formally rewriting a Senate rule would require

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67 votes. The nuclear option sidesteps that entirely.

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They leave the actual text of the rule book untouched.

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Right. But they create a binding, simple majority

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precedent that essentially says from now on.

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We interpret this rule to mean something else

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entirely. It's wild. And doing that obviously

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escalates tensions dramatically in the chamber,

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which brings us back to the terminology we teased

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earlier. The Hulk option. Yes, Hulk. So Republican

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Senator Ted Stevens suggested using this maneuver

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in February 2003 to push through judicial nominees.

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And his code word for the plan was Hulk. Smashing

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the rules. Yeah. But then a few weeks later,

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in March 2003, Senator Trent Lott coined the

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term nuclear option. And that term stuck because

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it reflects the sheer gravity of the maneuver.

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The metaphor implies that if the majority party

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unilaterally imposes a change to the rules through

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this loophole, it is the ultimate escalation.

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Because the fear was that it would provoke massive

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scorched earth retaliation from the minority

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party, essentially blowing up all normal collegial

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relations in the Senate. Exactly. Though, it

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is worth noting that proponents of the maneuver

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often prefer a totally different term. They call

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it the constitutional option. The constitutional

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option. OK, why? This usually comes up regarding

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the confirmation of the president's executive

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and judicial nominees. The argument there is

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that the U .S. Constitution requires these nominations

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to receive the advice and consent of the Senate.

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Right. So proponents argue the Constitution implies

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the Senate should act by a simple majority vote

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for these duties, unless a supermajority is explicitly

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demanded by the text, like it is for ratifying

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treaties. For example, I see. So they view the

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supermajority requirement for nominees as an

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unconstitutional bottleneck. Exactly. Which naturally

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leads us to ask, why does the Senate even need

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60 votes in the first place? What is the origin

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story of this bottleneck? Well, the 60 vote rule

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is definitely not in the Constitution. In the

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early days, the Senate rules had no procedure

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to end debate at all. None. None. And that open

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ended structure. gave birth to the filibuster,

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the practice of blocking a bill by just talking

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endlessly. It wasn't until 1917 that the Senate

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finally introduced a procedure to invoke cloture,

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and they set the threshold at a two -thirds majority.

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Then decades later, in 1975, they lowered it

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to three -fifths, which gives us the modern 60

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-vote threshold. But the way the filibuster was

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actually utilized changed dramatically around

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that same time, right? Because senators weren't

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standing at our desks reading the phone book

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for 24 hours straight anymore. What's fascinating

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here is the introduction of the two -track system

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in the 1970s. Before this, a filibuster brought

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all Senate business to a grinding halt. Nothing

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else could happen. Just total gridlock. Right.

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So the two -track system allowed the Senate to

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continue working on other legislation while one

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specific item was being filibustered in the background.

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Oh, wow. So it basically made the filibuster

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painless for the person doing it? Because senators

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no longer had to physically hold the floor and

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exhaust themselves, the mere threat of a filibuster

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was enough to stall a bill. Exactly. And because

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it became painless, it became the default. That

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makes total sense. That psychological shift is

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why almost any major measure in the modern Senate

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effectively requires 60 votes to advance. It

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went from being a rare emergency break to just

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the standard operating speed limit. And because

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formally changing that speed limit requires 67

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votes, the 60 vote threshold was locked in. That

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tension. Having a 60 vote reality in a fiercely

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partisan chamber is what fueled the arms race

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we see in the sources. The gradual dismantling

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of the supermajority requirements piece by piece.

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Yes. So let's trace that escalation timeline.

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The arms race. The groundwork was actually laid

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with a couple of early, somewhat minor precedents

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in the 1990s. Right. In 1995, Republican Senator

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Kay Bailey Hutchison used the appeal process

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to bypass a rule prohibiting legislative material

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and appropriations bills. This was specifically

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regarded. endangered species. And the Senate

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voted to overturn the chair. Though it's important

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to note they formally overturned that precedent

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in 1999 and restored the rule. True. And then

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in 1996, Republican Majority Leader Trent Lutt

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did something similar regarding provisions about

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FedEx in a conference report. And that precedent

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was also reversed later. So they were testing

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the procedural fences. Testing the fences. But...

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The modern era of the nuclear option really starts

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heating up in 2005. Yes. In 2005, Republican

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Majority Leader Bill Frist threatened to use

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the nuclear option to end Democratic filibusters

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of President George W. Bush's judicial nominees.

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OK. Democrats countered by threatening to obstruct

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all routine Senate business, to shut it down.

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And a massive confrontation was only avoided

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by the Gang of 14. Right, the Gang of 14. That

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was a coalition of seven Democratic and seven

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Republican senators. Right. They banded together,

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agreeing to oppose the nuclear option, and in

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exchange, agreeing not to filibuster judicial

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nominees, except in extraordinary circumstances.

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So they pulled the Senate back from the brink.

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For a while. For a while. But that truce was

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temporary. Here's where it gets really interesting.

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Fast forward to November 21st, 2013. The button

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actually gets pushed. It does. Democratic Majority

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Leader Harry Reid invoked the nuclear option

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to reduce the cloture threshold to a simple majority

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for lower court and executive nominations. He

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raised the point of order. The chair overruled

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him. He appealed. And the Senate voted 48 to

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52 to overturn the chair's ruling. The precedent

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was set. The Supreme Court was left explicitly

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exempt from this new precedent, but the 60 -vote

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threshold for the lower courts and the executive

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branch was gone. So let's look at the data and

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the context our sources provide for that 2013

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decision, keeping our strictly neutral lens here.

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Why did they do it? Well, the Democrats cited

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a massive backlog as their primary motivation.

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At the time of the vote, 59 executive branch

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nominees and 17 judicial nominees were waiting

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for confirmation. That is a lot. It is. And they

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were particularly frustrated that Republicans

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had filibustered three nominations to the United

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States Court of Appeals for this or to Columbia

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Circuit. The D .C. Circuit. OK, so what was the

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Republican counter argument regarding those D

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.C. Circuit seats? Impartially, the Republican

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argument was that the D .C. Circuit Court was

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underworked. They argued the number of judges

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in that specific circuit should actually be downsized

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to save costs, making the nominations unnecessary.

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Got it. And if we look at the broader data provided

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in the text, prior to this 2013 vote, there had

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been 168 cloture motions filed on nominations

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in entire Senate history. Wow. Nearly half of

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them, 82, were during the Obama administration

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compared to 38 during the preceding eight years

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under George W. Bush. Though our sources also

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make a point to note that cloture motions are

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sometimes filed preemptively by the majority

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just to speed up the calendar, not strictly because

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of a hostile filibuster. That's a crucial distinction.

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The confirmation success rates present a highly

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nuanced picture, too. Up to that point, Obama

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had won confirmation for 71 percent of his federal

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appeals court nominations compared to Bush's

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67 percent. For district courts, Obama had 83

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percent confirmed, while Bush had 95 percent

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in his first term. And Republicans pointed out

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that while filibusters were used on 20 of Obama's

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district court picks, they had ultimately allowed

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19 of those 20 to be confirmed before the nuclear

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option was invoked. So both sides clearly had

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their data. Both sides had their arguments. But

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the result was the same. The rules were fundamentally

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altered. Yes. And the nature of Senate precedent

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means that when you break a rule to gain an advantage,

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you leave that broken rule behind for your political

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opponents to use when the balance of power shifts.

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Which is exactly what happened. Right. Which

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brings us to the inevitable 2017 retaliation.

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On April 6th, 2017, Republicans were now in the

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majority. Senate Democrats were filibustering

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the nomination of Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme

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Court. So Republican Majority Leader Mitch McConnell

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invoked to the nuclear option using the exact

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same procedural maneuver Harry Reid used four

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years prior. The vote was 48 to 52 to overturn

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the chair. The Supreme Court exception created

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in 2013 was eliminated and Neil Gorsuch was confirmed

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by a simple majority. And the arms race just

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continued to escalate from there. In 2019, the

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Republican majority Senate used the maneuver

00:12:36.769 --> 00:12:39.789
to drastically reduce the time allowed for postclosure

00:12:39.789 --> 00:12:42.590
debate. Right. For lower level nominations, they

00:12:42.590 --> 00:12:45.990
slashed the debate time from 30 hours down to

00:12:45.990 --> 00:12:48.750
just two hours, arguing the minority party was

00:12:48.750 --> 00:12:51.429
using that debate time simply to stall President

00:12:51.429 --> 00:12:54.309
Trump's nominees. And our sources bring us right

00:12:54.309 --> 00:12:57.330
up to 2025, detailing further tweaks under a

00:12:57.330 --> 00:13:00.279
Republican majority led by John Thune. Senate

00:13:00.279 --> 00:13:02.320
Democrats accused the Republicans of exercising

00:13:02.320 --> 00:13:05.200
the nuclear option three separate times for procedural

00:13:05.200 --> 00:13:07.220
maneuvers. What kind of maneuvers? Things like

00:13:07.220 --> 00:13:09.179
allowing consideration of joint resolutions under

00:13:09.179 --> 00:13:11.440
the Congressional Review Act, changing the budget

00:13:11.440 --> 00:13:13.620
baseline scoring for a piece of legislation called

00:13:13.620 --> 00:13:16.019
the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and allowing

00:13:16.019 --> 00:13:18.000
the majority leader to group multiple nominations

00:13:18.000 --> 00:13:20.840
together in an en bloc consideration. Though

00:13:20.840 --> 00:13:23.080
the Republicans disputed that the nuclear label

00:13:23.080 --> 00:13:25.340
even applied to those specific parliamentary

00:13:25.340 --> 00:13:29.100
maneuvers, they argued they were procedural adjustments

00:13:29.100 --> 00:13:32.100
rather than foundational rule breaks. Right.

00:13:32.240 --> 00:13:35.080
But the debate itself shows how hyper -vigilant

00:13:35.080 --> 00:13:38.340
the institution has become regarding any majority

00:13:38.340 --> 00:13:41.200
-driven rule changes. It highlights a continuous

00:13:41.200 --> 00:13:44.000
erosion of minority power in the chamber. The

00:13:44.000 --> 00:13:47.179
boundaries of what requires consensus are constantly

00:13:47.179 --> 00:13:50.830
shrinking. Yes. So what does this all mean? We've

00:13:50.830 --> 00:13:53.429
seen the 60 vote threshold evaporate for executive

00:13:53.429 --> 00:13:56.250
branch nominees. We've seen it vanish for lower

00:13:56.250 --> 00:13:58.610
federal courts. We've seen it disappear for the

00:13:58.610 --> 00:14:01.529
Supreme Court. There is only one final frontier

00:14:01.529 --> 00:14:04.269
left. The legislative filibuster. The legislative

00:14:04.269 --> 00:14:07.509
filibuster. The rule governing actual laws. That

00:14:07.509 --> 00:14:09.470
is the looming threat over the Senate today.

00:14:09.789 --> 00:14:12.509
The legislative filibuster is the last major

00:14:12.509 --> 00:14:14.950
supermajority requirement standing. And looking

00:14:14.950 --> 00:14:17.490
neutrally at the recent history, both sides have

00:14:17.490 --> 00:14:19.769
faced intense internal pressure to push that

00:14:19.769 --> 00:14:22.110
final button. Oh, absolutely. During his presidency,

00:14:22.389 --> 00:14:24.929
Donald Trump repeatedly demanded that the Senate

00:14:24.929 --> 00:14:27.809
abolish the legislative filibuster so he could

00:14:27.809 --> 00:14:30.710
secure funding for his border wall. But the Republicans

00:14:30.710 --> 00:14:33.529
held the line on that one. Then Majority Leader

00:14:33.529 --> 00:14:36.110
Mitch McConnell refused to do it. And in April

00:14:36.110 --> 00:14:40.289
2017, a bipartisan coalition of 61 senators signed

00:14:40.289 --> 00:14:42.269
a letter explicitly stating their opposition

00:14:42.269 --> 00:14:44.870
to abolishing the legislative filibuster. And

00:14:44.870 --> 00:14:47.269
the Democrats faced similar internal pressure.

00:14:47.659 --> 00:14:51.340
In January 2022, Democratic Majority Leader Chuck

00:14:51.340 --> 00:14:54.159
Schumer attempted to use the nuclear option to

00:14:54.159 --> 00:14:56.620
create a carve out in the legislative filibuster

00:14:56.620 --> 00:14:59.720
to pass election reform and voting rights bills.

00:14:59.860 --> 00:15:02.159
Right. He raised a point of order to allow a

00:15:02.159 --> 00:15:04.659
talking filibuster on the legislation with a

00:15:04.659 --> 00:15:06.820
simple majority vote. But that attempt failed.

00:15:07.450 --> 00:15:10.110
Two Democratic senators, Joe Manchin and Kyrsten

00:15:10.110 --> 00:15:12.710
Sinema, voted with all the Republicans to sustain

00:15:12.710 --> 00:15:14.970
the ruling of the chair upholding the 60 vote

00:15:14.970 --> 00:15:17.690
rule. And yet the conversation continues to surface.

00:15:17.809 --> 00:15:20.970
In 2024, Kamala Harris proposed ending the filibuster

00:15:20.970 --> 00:15:23.370
specifically to pass abortion rights legislation.

00:15:24.110 --> 00:15:27.210
Whenever there is a massive, deeply held policy

00:15:27.210 --> 00:15:30.149
priority blocked by the minority, the temptation

00:15:30.149 --> 00:15:33.330
to use the procedural loophole flares back up.

00:15:33.450 --> 00:15:35.750
It's always right there. If we connect this to

00:15:35.750 --> 00:15:37.889
the bigger picture, this is why you listening

00:15:37.889 --> 00:15:40.309
right now should care deeply about this. It is

00:15:40.309 --> 00:15:42.750
incredibly easy to tune out parliamentary procedure.

00:15:43.009 --> 00:15:44.610
I mean, it sounds like inside baseball nonsense.

00:15:44.889 --> 00:15:48.779
It does. But this specific arcane loophole is

00:15:48.779 --> 00:15:51.720
the single bottleneck deciding how and if major

00:15:51.720 --> 00:15:54.320
laws get passed in the United States. It determines

00:15:54.320 --> 00:15:56.299
the fate of health care, voting rights, environmental

00:15:56.299 --> 00:15:59.399
regulations and taxes. The history of the nuclear

00:15:59.399 --> 00:16:02.220
option exposes a raw truth about our government.

00:16:02.460 --> 00:16:04.960
The rules are really only as strong as the majority's

00:16:04.960 --> 00:16:07.340
willingness to abide by them. It is a profound

00:16:07.340 --> 00:16:10.100
realization about the fragility of institutional

00:16:10.100 --> 00:16:13.480
norms. To summarize the journey we've taken through

00:16:13.480 --> 00:16:15.889
these sources, we started with a Senate. that

00:16:15.889 --> 00:16:18.690
originally had no mechanism to end debate. They

00:16:18.690 --> 00:16:21.129
eventually created a supermajority rule, which

00:16:21.129 --> 00:16:23.370
morphed into the painless, silent filibuster

00:16:23.370 --> 00:16:25.690
of the two -track system. That gridlock frustrated

00:16:25.690 --> 00:16:28.549
both parties so deeply that they began using

00:16:28.549 --> 00:16:30.970
an obscure appeal process, almost called the

00:16:30.970 --> 00:16:34.029
hulk option, to dismantle the supermajority requirements

00:16:34.029 --> 00:16:37.450
piece by piece, first for the lower courts, then

00:16:37.450 --> 00:16:40.669
the Supreme Court. And now the legislative filibuster

00:16:40.669 --> 00:16:44.149
stands as the final barrier to a purely majoritarian

00:16:44.149 --> 00:16:46.610
Senate. It's been a relentless escalation over

00:16:46.610 --> 00:16:48.990
the decades. It really has. And as we wrap up,

00:16:49.029 --> 00:16:50.590
I want to leave you with one final fascinating

00:16:50.590 --> 00:16:52.850
historical twist from our source material that

00:16:52.850 --> 00:16:54.610
we haven't even touched on yet. Oh, lay it on

00:16:54.610 --> 00:16:56.950
us. The concept of the nuclear option, this idea

00:16:56.950 --> 00:16:59.610
of a political maneuver so extreme it alters

00:16:59.610 --> 00:17:02.529
the very fabric of an institution, is so resonant

00:17:02.529 --> 00:17:04.390
that it has actually been applied retrospectively

00:17:04.390 --> 00:17:08.569
to history. Really? How so? In a 2005 legal ruling,

00:17:08.789 --> 00:17:11.890
the UK House of Lords used the term nuclear option.

00:17:12.250 --> 00:17:14.490
to describe an event that happened in Great Britain

00:17:14.490 --> 00:17:18.390
back in 1832. 1832. Yes. The British government

00:17:18.390 --> 00:17:20.369
at the time was trying to pass the Reform Act,

00:17:20.529 --> 00:17:23.329
but the House of Lords was blocking it. So the

00:17:23.329 --> 00:17:25.450
government threatened to simply create hundreds

00:17:25.450 --> 00:17:28.509
of new peers, essentially packing House of Lords

00:17:28.509 --> 00:17:30.789
with their political allies to force the vote

00:17:30.789 --> 00:17:32.390
through. And they called it the nuclear option

00:17:32.390 --> 00:17:34.690
for an event that happened in 1832. They did.

00:17:34.829 --> 00:17:37.529
Over a century before actual nuclear weapons

00:17:37.529 --> 00:17:40.339
were even theorized. This raises an incredible

00:17:40.339 --> 00:17:42.539
question for you to ponder long after this deep

00:17:42.539 --> 00:17:45.480
dive ends. Isn't it fascinating that the political

00:17:45.480 --> 00:17:47.759
impulse to find a devastating, rule -breaking

00:17:47.759 --> 00:17:50.859
loophole to crush gridlock isn't just a modern

00:17:50.859 --> 00:17:53.559
American phenomenon? No kidding. It is an instinct

00:17:53.559 --> 00:17:57.160
regarding power that is so universal it transcends

00:17:57.160 --> 00:17:59.740
continents and predates the atomic age by more

00:17:59.740 --> 00:18:02.450
than 100 years. That is a phenomenal piece of

00:18:02.450 --> 00:18:04.849
perspective. The urge to fundamentally alter

00:18:04.849 --> 00:18:07.190
the system when you can't advance your goals

00:18:07.190 --> 00:18:09.549
within it seems to be just a permanent fixture

00:18:09.549 --> 00:18:12.329
of human politics. Thank you so much for joining

00:18:12.329 --> 00:18:13.990
us for this deep dive. Keep questioning, keep

00:18:13.990 --> 00:18:16.490
learning, and keep exploring the history of the

00:18:16.490 --> 00:18:18.529
rules that govern us. We'll see you next time.
