WEBVTT

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Welcome back. And let me tell you, what we have

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for you today is an incredible story. It really

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is. If you're joining us for the first time,

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or I mean, even if you're a longtime listener,

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you know the drill. We love taking something

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that looks entirely ordinary on the surface and

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finding hidden gold inside. Right. So today our

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mission is to take a seemingly dry historical

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document, literally just a Wikipedia page titled

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List of United States Senators from Washington.

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Sounds thrilling, I know. Right. It sounds completely

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dry. But we are going to extract the human drama,

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the bizarre political plot twists, and the massive

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historical milestones hidden right there within

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its table. There's so much packed into that one

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page. Exactly. You might think a simple roster

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of names, dates, and party affiliations is just

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trivia. But I promise you, by the end of this

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deep dive, you're going to see a sweeping epic

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of American history. OK, let's unpack this. What's

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fascinating here is that a simple timeline of

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senators is actually a mirror. Yeah, it is reflecting

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the entire evolution of American politics. When

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you look closely at these columns and rows, you

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aren't just seeing who held a job. You're seeing

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the whole system change. Precisely. You are watching

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a state go from the chaotic, really messy frontier

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days of new statehood all the way to the highly

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structured modern political landscape we recognize

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today. It's all there in the data, if you know

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how to read it. And to read it, I think we have

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to start at the very beginning to establish our

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baseline. The foundation. Right. Washington was

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officially admitted to the union on November

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11th, 1889, and they did not waste any time getting

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their representation sorted out. No, they really

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didn't. Mere days later, on November 20th, the

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state elected its first two U .S. senators, John

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B. Allen and Watson C. Squire. The founding pair.

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Now, the table lists Allen taking what is called

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a class one seat and Squire taking a class three

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seat. For anyone who might be a little rusty

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on their constitutional civics, how does that

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class system actually work? Well, the Constitution.

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mandates that the Senate is a continuing body.

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Meaning it never completely empties out. Exactly.

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The founders didn't want the entire Senate up

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for re -election all at once because that could

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lead to total whiplash in the federal government

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during a volatile election year. That makes sense.

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So all Senate seats are divided into three classes.

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Class 1, Class 2, and Class 3. And each class

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is up for election in a different two -year cycle.

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So when a new state When a new state like Washington

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joins the union, their two new senators are assigned

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to two different classes. This instantly integrates

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them into that staggered rotating system. Washington

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received class one and class three. That guaranteed

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that the state's elections would always be slightly

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out of sync with each other. Which sounds incredibly

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organized and functional on paper. On paper,

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yes. But then you look at the very first major

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anomaly in this timeline, which happens almost

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immediately. Oh, the 1890s. We are in the Wild

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West of the 1890s, and we hit what I'm calling

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the empty chair. That's a great name for it.

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In 1893, John B. Allen's Class I term ends. But

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the table shows that from March 4, 1893, until

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February 19, 1893, That seat is just listed as

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vacant. Completely empty. Two whole years. The

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state legislature just completely failed to elect

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a class one senator. You have to keep in mind

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the historical backdrop here. This is before

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the 17th Amendment was ratified. Remind us what

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that did again. Senators were not elected by

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popular vote yet. They were chosen directly by

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state legislatures in what were often chaotic

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backroom deals. Oh, right. The smoke -filled

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rooms. Exactly. In 1893, the Washington state

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legislature was so severely deadlocked, just

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fractured by regional and political disputes,

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that they simply couldn't agree on a candidate

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before the federal deadline hit. It's like being

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handed the keys to the company car by your manager

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because you finally got promoted, and then corporate

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immediately comes and tows it away because your

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managers couldn't agree on who pays for the gas.

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Ha! That is a very accurate analogy. The state's

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governor actually tried to step in and fix the

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mess. He appointed the incumbent, John Allen,

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to just keep the seat warm so the state wouldn't

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lose its vote. But it didn't work. No. The U

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.S. Senate completely rejected his credentials.

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They flat out refused to seat him. Because the

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U .S. Senate was sending a very clear, uncompromising

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message to Washington state and really to all

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the new Western states joining the union at that

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time. What was the message? They were establishing

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the supremacy of federal rules over state level

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dysfunction. The message was, we don't care about

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your internal political gridlock. You have to

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follow the constitutional process. Wow. So they

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just had to deal with it. Washington was penalized.

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They had to suffer with only half of their representation

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in the Senate for nearly two years until John

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L. Wilson was finally seated in 1895 to finish

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the term. That is wild. It perfectly illustrates

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how fragile the Democratic machinery can be when

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it's first being set up in a frontier state.

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Fragile and incredibly fluid. Which brings us

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out of the 1890s and into the 1910s. I was scanning

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down the rows of the timeline, looking at the

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party affiliations. And they start shifting.

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It's exactly what you'd expect at first. Republican,

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Republican, Democrat, Republican. And then I

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hit the curious case of Senator Miles Poindexter.

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Ah, yes. Poindexter. Looking strictly at the

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table, Poindexter was elected to the class one

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seat in 1911 as a Republican. But then during

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what is listed as the 63rd Congress, his party

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affiliation abruptly changes to progressive.

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Sudden pivot. Right. And then just as suddenly,

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he switches back to Republican for the 64th Congress

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and actually gets reelected in 1916. Before we

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dig into that, just to anchor us, what exact

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years are we talking about for the 63rd Congress?

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The 63rd Congress covers the period from roughly

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March 1913 to March 1915. OK, here's where it

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gets really interesting. We're talking about

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a sitting United States senator changing his

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official party label midstream while in office,

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serving under a totally different banner for

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a couple of years and then flipping back to his

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original party without losing his job. It's quite

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the maneuver. But I have to push back a little

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here. Is this an example? of genuine ideological

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shift or is this just pure cynical political

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opportunism? Was he actually changing his beliefs

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or just reading the room to keep his job? This

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race is an important question, doesn't it? Yeah.

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How does he get away with it? How does a politician

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survive that kind of whiplash without alienating

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their entire base? To understand Poindexter,

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you have to look at the massive ideological earthquakes

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of the early 20th century. The progressive era.

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Without taking any political sides, observe...

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Serving this single row in the timeline illustrates

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the sheer power of the progressive movement of

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that era. In 1912, former President Theodore

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Roosevelt famously fractured the Republican establishment.

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By forming the Progressive Party. The Bull Moose

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Party, yes. So Poindexter was essentially riding

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that Bull Moose wave. Precisely. And the Pacific

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Northwest at that time was a hotbed for populist

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and labor movements. There were deep tensions

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between massive industrial interests. Like the

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timber barons and railroads. Exactly. Timber

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and railroads clashing with the working class.

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Yeah. So when Poindexter switched to progressive,

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he wasn't necessarily abandoning his voters.

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He was following them. He was reflecting a very

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real. very deep fracture within the electorate

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itself. The fact that a sitting senator could

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officially change his party for a single Congress

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and then return to the Republican fold and still

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get reelected by his state. It's crazy to think

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about today. It shows a level of party fluidity

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that is almost unimaginable in today's highly

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polarized, rigidly structured political environment.

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They were voting for the person, not just the

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team color. Voters in Washington during the 1910s

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were clearly prioritizing individual platforms

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and regional issues over strict, unwavering party

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loyalty. It's like watching a real -time identity

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crisis play out in a spreadsheet. That's a great

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way to put it. But that era of ideological experimentation

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eventually gives way to something much darker

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as we move down into the 1930s and 1940s. The

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turnover gets intense here. I started noticing

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a really grim trend in the data. Let's look at

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Wesley Elgin. A very long serving senator. Yeah,

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a long serving Republican, first elected in 1909.

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He gets reelected time and time again, all the

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way through the 1920s. He wins reelection in

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1928. But the 1932 election changes everything.

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He loses his next reelection bid in 1932. And

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then, bizarrely, he dies in office in November

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1932, right after losing the election, but before

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his term actually ends. Yes, he died during what

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we call the lame duck period. Just so we're all

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on the same page. Today, a lame duck period is

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only a couple of months. You lose in November,

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you're out in January. That's true today. But

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back in the 1930s, how long did a defeated politician

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actually stay in office? That is a crucial distinction.

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Before the 20th Amendment was fully implemented

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to move inaugurations to January, a congressional

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term didn't end until March 4th of the following

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year. Wow. So an incumbent who lost in early

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November had to sit there for four solid months,

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entirely stripped of their political mandate,

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just waiting for the clock to run out. That sounds

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agonizing. It was certainly an awkward period

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for governance. And the chaos of this era doesn't

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stop with Jones. Just a few years later, in the

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state's other seat, you have Democrat Louis B.

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Schwellenbach. Another fascinating career arc.

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He's elected in 1934, reelected in 1938. But

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then he abruptly resigns in December 1940. And

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the timeline tells us exactly why. He resigned

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to become a judge on the United States Court

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of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. A lifetime

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appointment. When you synthesize these events,

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a sudden death during a drawn -out lame duck

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session and a sudden midterm resignation for

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a lifetime judicial appointment, you get a master

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class in the mechanics of congressional succession.

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Because someone has to fill the seat. When these

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sudden vacancies occur, the system relies on

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a fail -safe mechanism. The state governor steps

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in to appoint someone to fill the void. And it

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leads to this frantic game of political musical

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chairs. Oh, absolutely. When Jones died, a man

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named Elijah S. Grammer was appointed by the

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governor to finish the term. He served from late

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November 1932 to early March 1933. Just a few

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months. That is a Senate career of just over

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three months. You barely figure out where the

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bathrooms are in the Capitol building by then.

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Let alone pass any meaningful legislation. Exactly.

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And when Schwellenbach left for the federal bench,

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Monrad Walgren was appointed in December 1940

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to bridge the gap. Which creates a very unique

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type of public servant, a placeholder. Just keeping

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the lights on. These appointees often know they're

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only there to keep things running until the next

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election, or in some cases, just for a few weeks

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until the newly elected senator can be sworn

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in. It must be strange knowing your expiration

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date from day one. It highlights a massive tension

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in American governance. The Senate is designed

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to operate at a slow, deliberate, insulated pace.

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Right. But it constantly collides with the sudden,

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unpredictable nature of human life, mortality

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and shifting career ambitions. That friction

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is so palpable in the 1930s Rose. But just as

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you get used to the constant turnover, the resignations,

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the short term placeholders, you hit the 1940s

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and the data takes a massive, undeniable turn.

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A complete paradigm shift. I'm looking at the

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table and the chaos just vanishes. It is replaced

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by an era of monumental, almost unbelievable

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stability. The era of the Titans. First, we have

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Democrat Warren Magnuson. He served an astounding

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36 years. From December 1944 all the way to January

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1981, he remains the state's longest serving

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senator. A towering figure in Washington history.

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And right alongside him in the other seat, you

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have Henry M. Jackson. Another Democrat who served

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for 30 years from January 1953 until his death

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in office in September 1983. Unprecedented continuity.

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But I'm looking at Warren Magnuson's start date

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in 1944 and the math isn't mathing here. Oh,

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the December start. Yeah. He won the 1944 election,

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but normally freshman senators wouldn't start

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their term until January of the following year.

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How did he officially start his term a month

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before he was supposed to? That is one of the

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most brilliant tactical moves in the history

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of the Senate. Really? The incumbent at the time,

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Homer Bone, resigned in November 1944 to take

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a judicial appointment. Another judge appointment.

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Right. Now, Magnuson had already won the election

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for the upcoming full term. But instead of leaving

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the seat vacant until January, the governor appointed

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Magnuson to finish the final few weeks of Homer

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Bone's term on December 14th, 1944. It's like

00:12:41.460 --> 00:12:44.159
a political cheat code. It absolutely was. He

00:12:44.159 --> 00:12:46.700
essentially got a multi -week head start on his

00:12:46.700 --> 00:12:49.279
official start date over all the other freshman

00:12:49.279 --> 00:12:52.120
senators elected in that exact same year. And

00:12:52.120 --> 00:12:55.600
that tiny adjustment in his start date gave him

00:12:55.600 --> 00:12:58.059
a permanent seniority advantage over his entire

00:12:58.059 --> 00:13:00.779
freshman class. Because seniority is everything

00:13:00.779 --> 00:13:03.240
in the Senate. In the Senate. Seniority dictates

00:13:03.240 --> 00:13:05.399
committee assignments, chairmanships, and ultimately

00:13:05.399 --> 00:13:08.419
raw power. So what does this all mean? If we

00:13:08.419 --> 00:13:10.980
connect this massive, decades -long tenure to

00:13:10.980 --> 00:13:13.559
the bigger picture, it is no coincidence that

00:13:13.559 --> 00:13:15.679
Washington state suddenly locked in its senators.

00:13:15.919 --> 00:13:17.879
Because of the era. You are looking at the dawn

00:13:17.879 --> 00:13:20.139
of the post -World War II era. The United States

00:13:20.139 --> 00:13:22.379
was stepping into its role as a global superpower,

00:13:22.679 --> 00:13:24.960
and the federal government was expanding rapidly

00:13:24.960 --> 00:13:28.240
in infrastructure, defense and social programs.

00:13:28.440 --> 00:13:30.440
And Washington state wanted a piece of that pie.

00:13:30.700 --> 00:13:33.039
Voters in Washington and really across the country

00:13:33.039 --> 00:13:35.960
realized that seniority in the Senate equaled

00:13:35.960 --> 00:13:37.980
immense federal funding for their home states.

00:13:38.799 --> 00:13:41.419
Keeping the same two men in office for decades

00:13:41.419 --> 00:13:44.179
wasn't just a political choice. It was an economic

00:13:44.179 --> 00:13:46.700
strategy. The stability of Magnuson and Jackson

00:13:46.700 --> 00:13:49.240
brought enormous federal investments to the Pacific

00:13:49.240 --> 00:13:52.360
Northwest, from massive Columbia River dams to

00:13:52.360 --> 00:13:55.960
defense contracts for Boeing. The data from this

00:13:55.960 --> 00:13:58.440
era reflects the stabilizing of American political

00:13:58.440 --> 00:14:00.980
institutions during the Cold War. But eventually,

00:14:01.200 --> 00:14:04.190
even the longest streaks come to an end. Magnuson

00:14:04.190 --> 00:14:06.809
finally loses his seat in the 1980 election to

00:14:06.809 --> 00:14:09.389
a Republican named Slade Gorton. A major upset.

00:14:09.669 --> 00:14:11.830
Which brings us to a chapter of the timeline

00:14:11.830 --> 00:14:14.409
I'm calling the comeback kid. Let's track the

00:14:14.409 --> 00:14:16.970
rollercoaster career of Slade Gorton. He's elected

00:14:16.970 --> 00:14:19.830
to the class three seat in 1980. He serves one

00:14:19.830 --> 00:14:22.450
term and then he loses his reelection bid in

00:14:22.450 --> 00:14:25.289
1986 to Democrat Brock Adams. Which is usually

00:14:25.289 --> 00:14:27.620
the final chapter. Normally, looking at political

00:14:27.620 --> 00:14:29.399
history, that's the end of the story. You lose

00:14:29.399 --> 00:14:31.159
as an incumbent, you write your memoirs, you

00:14:31.159 --> 00:14:33.899
go into consulting, and you fade away. The historical

00:14:33.899 --> 00:14:37.080
precedent is very clear on that. Incumbents who

00:14:37.080 --> 00:14:39.620
are ousted by voters rarely make a successful

00:14:39.620 --> 00:14:41.899
return to the exact same political arena. But

00:14:41.899 --> 00:14:44.639
Gordon doesn't fade away. No, he doesn't. Instead

00:14:44.639 --> 00:14:47.559
of giving up, he waits two years, and in 1988,

00:14:47.820 --> 00:14:50.419
he runs for Washington's other Senate seat, the

00:14:50.419 --> 00:14:54.019
class one seat, and he wins. It's an incredible

00:14:54.019 --> 00:14:56.139
pivot. He comes back and serves two more full

00:14:56.139 --> 00:15:00.059
terms from 1989 until 2001 before finally losing

00:15:00.059 --> 00:15:03.179
a very close race to Maria Cantwell. The resilience

00:15:03.179 --> 00:15:05.080
required for that kind of political resurrection

00:15:05.080 --> 00:15:08.039
is remarkable. When we analyze electoral history,

00:15:08.200 --> 00:15:11.139
we see how incredibly difficult it is to lose

00:15:11.139 --> 00:15:13.259
an incumbent seat. Because voters have already

00:15:13.259 --> 00:15:16.700
fired you once. Exactly. A loss usually carries

00:15:16.700 --> 00:15:19.820
a heavy stigma of voter rejection. To successfully

00:15:19.820 --> 00:15:21.919
pivot and conquer the state's other seat just

00:15:21.919 --> 00:15:24.779
two years later requires a politician to completely

00:15:24.779 --> 00:15:27.139
retool their coalition. They have to change the

00:15:27.139 --> 00:15:28.919
narrative. They have to convince the electorate

00:15:28.919 --> 00:15:31.000
that their previous defeat was a situational

00:15:31.000 --> 00:15:33.840
fluke, perhaps tied to a specific national mood

00:15:33.840 --> 00:15:36.879
or a temporary economic downturn, rather than

00:15:36.879 --> 00:15:39.100
a fundamental rejection of their policies. Which

00:15:39.100 --> 00:15:44.269
he clearly managed to do. rebrand and secure

00:15:44.269 --> 00:15:47.889
the other class seat is a very rare electoral

00:15:47.889 --> 00:15:51.070
feat that speaks to the shifting political tides

00:15:51.070 --> 00:15:54.470
of Washington in the late 80s and 90s. It's the

00:15:54.470 --> 00:15:56.929
ultimate dust yourself off and try again story.

00:15:57.210 --> 00:15:59.490
And the person who eventually defeats Gordon

00:15:59.490 --> 00:16:02.730
in 2001, Maria Cantwell, perfectly transitions

00:16:02.730 --> 00:16:06.169
us into the modern era and really the final major

00:16:06.169 --> 00:16:08.070
takeaway from our timeline. The contemporary

00:16:08.070 --> 00:16:10.509
delegation. Bringing us right up to the present

00:16:10.509 --> 00:16:13.070
day, Washington's current Senate delegation consists

00:16:13.070 --> 00:16:16.090
of two Democrats, Patty Murray, who has been

00:16:16.090 --> 00:16:19.570
serving since 1993, and Marie Cantwell, serving

00:16:19.570 --> 00:16:22.669
since 2001. A very stable pairing. Now, Washington

00:16:22.669 --> 00:16:25.009
is one of only four states in the entire U .S.

00:16:25.029 --> 00:16:27.110
to currently have two female U .S. senators.

00:16:27.409 --> 00:16:29.889
The other three, for those keeping score at home,

00:16:30.009 --> 00:16:32.470
are Minnesota, Nevada and New Hampshire. It is

00:16:32.470 --> 00:16:34.870
a profound milestone when you look at the entirety

00:16:34.870 --> 00:16:36.409
of the timeline we've just discussed. Because

00:16:36.409 --> 00:16:39.070
the whole list before them. For over a century,

00:16:39.230 --> 00:16:43.289
from 1889 well into the 1990s, that list of senators

00:16:43.289 --> 00:16:46.509
was exclusively male. The back -to -back elections

00:16:46.509 --> 00:16:49.250
of Murray and Cantwell and their subsequent decades

00:16:49.250 --> 00:16:52.309
of reelections demonstrate a massive shift in

00:16:52.309 --> 00:16:54.669
the electorate's values, representation priorities,

00:16:55.070 --> 00:16:57.250
and the breaking down of historical barriers

00:16:57.250 --> 00:16:59.669
in the Pacific Northwest. And to paint the full

00:16:59.669 --> 00:17:02.049
modern picture, we can't just look at the Senate.

00:17:02.169 --> 00:17:04.509
The state's current House delegation tells a

00:17:04.509 --> 00:17:06.970
really vital story about the political geography

00:17:06.970 --> 00:17:09.349
of Washington today. It's much more varied than

00:17:09.349 --> 00:17:11.150
the Senate seats might suggest. When you look

00:17:11.150 --> 00:17:13.130
at the House members, you see a sharp contrast.

00:17:14.799 --> 00:17:17.420
like Susan Delben, Rick Larson, Pramila Jayapal.

00:17:17.480 --> 00:17:19.579
And Adam Smith, Marilyn Strickland. Right. And

00:17:19.579 --> 00:17:22.279
Marie Glusenkamp -Perez, Kim Schrier, representing

00:17:22.279 --> 00:17:25.359
these booming, highly populated areas, serving

00:17:25.359 --> 00:17:27.980
alongside Republicans like Dan Newhouse, Michael

00:17:27.980 --> 00:17:30.259
Baumgartner. Don't forget Emily Randall on the

00:17:30.259 --> 00:17:32.220
Democratic side as well, shaking up the map.

00:17:32.339 --> 00:17:34.839
Right. So you have this mix where Republicans

00:17:34.839 --> 00:17:37.900
like Newhouse represent the massive, crucial

00:17:37.900 --> 00:17:40.240
agricultural center in the central and eastern

00:17:40.240 --> 00:17:42.960
parts of the state. Contrasting those specific

00:17:42.960 --> 00:17:46.400
districts provides essential context. While the

00:17:46.400 --> 00:17:49.359
Senate seats in the modern era have skewed heavily

00:17:49.359 --> 00:17:52.200
Democratic, which is a stark contrast to the

00:17:52.200 --> 00:17:54.759
state's solid Republican beginnings back in 1889.

00:17:55.079 --> 00:17:56.660
The map looks totally different depending on

00:17:56.660 --> 00:17:58.920
how close you zoom in. The House delegation shows

00:17:58.920 --> 00:18:01.599
that both major political perspectives remain

00:18:01.599 --> 00:18:04.549
deeply entrenched in Washington today. It reminds

00:18:04.549 --> 00:18:07.069
us that while statewide races might trend one

00:18:07.069 --> 00:18:10.509
way based on heavy population centers, the regional

00:18:10.509 --> 00:18:13.930
district by district landscape of a state is

00:18:13.930 --> 00:18:16.150
often much more complex. It's not a monolith.

00:18:16.369 --> 00:18:18.950
The urban rural divide shapes the daily lives

00:18:18.950 --> 00:18:21.210
and the local economies of millions of people.

00:18:21.309 --> 00:18:23.750
And that is reflected vividly in the House. It

00:18:23.750 --> 00:18:25.589
really is a patchwork quilt of representation.

00:18:25.829 --> 00:18:27.910
So I want to speak directly to you, the listener.

00:18:28.069 --> 00:18:30.349
Why does any of this matter to you? Why read

00:18:30.349 --> 00:18:32.890
the list at all? Why spend time unpacking a Wikipedia?

00:18:33.130 --> 00:18:35.230
a list of United States senators from Washington?

00:18:35.450 --> 00:18:38.069
Because scanning a list of dates, parties, and

00:18:38.069 --> 00:18:40.789
names isn't just about memorizing facts for a

00:18:40.789 --> 00:18:43.970
trivia night. No, it's a narrative. It is a literal

00:18:43.970 --> 00:18:46.809
time -lapse photograph of a society's changing

00:18:46.809 --> 00:18:50.150
values. It's the evolution of its rules from

00:18:50.150 --> 00:18:53.650
the messy, deadlock -prone frontier of the 1890s

00:18:53.650 --> 00:18:57.650
to the strategic procedural mastery of the 1940s.

00:18:57.690 --> 00:19:00.440
It's the story of institutions growing up. It

00:19:00.440 --> 00:19:02.720
is proof of the endurance of our democratic system.

00:19:03.099 --> 00:19:06.960
Bumps, bruises, empty chairs and all. Knowledge

00:19:06.960 --> 00:19:09.319
is most valuable when we can step back and see

00:19:09.319 --> 00:19:11.799
the patterns. When you connect the dots, you

00:19:11.799 --> 00:19:14.819
see how in 1893 rejected credential by the federal

00:19:14.819 --> 00:19:17.740
government forced a young state to mature and

00:19:17.740 --> 00:19:19.980
conform to a national standard. It forced them

00:19:19.980 --> 00:19:22.680
to get in line. You see how a 1913 party flip

00:19:22.680 --> 00:19:25.259
reflected a nation deeply questioning its political

00:19:25.259 --> 00:19:27.920
identities amidst major labor and industrial

00:19:27.920 --> 00:19:30.779
shifts. Those chaotic early moments paved the

00:19:30.779 --> 00:19:32.980
way for the stable, history -making delegations

00:19:32.980 --> 00:19:35.339
of today. The stability we almost take for granted

00:19:35.339 --> 00:19:37.769
now. History isn't just a list of things that

00:19:37.769 --> 00:19:39.829
happened in the past. It's the foundation of

00:19:39.829 --> 00:19:41.710
the very political realities we're living in

00:19:41.710 --> 00:19:43.710
right now. Before we let you go, I want to leave

00:19:43.710 --> 00:19:46.289
you with one final provocative thought to mull

00:19:46.289 --> 00:19:48.930
over on your own. It builds right on the very

00:19:48.930 --> 00:19:51.670
first thing we discussed today. Those electoral

00:19:51.670 --> 00:19:55.069
classes. The staggered system. Remember, every

00:19:55.069 --> 00:19:58.240
single senator on this list. belong strictly

00:19:58.240 --> 00:20:01.319
to either a Class 1 or a Class 3 electoral cycle.

00:20:01.779 --> 00:20:04.500
Their elections fall on very specific, rotating

00:20:04.500 --> 00:20:07.500
years. This is a system designed at the very

00:20:07.500 --> 00:20:09.680
dawn of the republic so the Senate would never

00:20:09.680 --> 00:20:12.400
turn over all at once. A safeguard against sudden

00:20:12.400 --> 00:20:14.720
radical shifts. But I want you to consider the

00:20:14.720 --> 00:20:17.440
arbitrary nature of those assigned classes. How

00:20:17.440 --> 00:20:20.079
much does the mere timing of an electoral cycle

00:20:20.079 --> 00:20:22.619
dictate a state's entire historical trajectory?

00:20:23.000 --> 00:20:25.519
It's a fascinating variable. Say a Class 1 seat

00:20:25.519 --> 00:20:27.640
happens to be up for re -election. in a politically

00:20:27.640 --> 00:20:30.240
volatile year, a year with an unexpected economic

00:20:30.240 --> 00:20:33.279
crash or a major global conflict. While the class

00:20:33.279 --> 00:20:35.940
three seat is up in a quiet, prosperous year,

00:20:36.140 --> 00:20:38.440
the outcomes could be entirely different. The

00:20:38.440 --> 00:20:41.140
exact same voters might make wildly different

00:20:41.140 --> 00:20:43.619
choices based simply on the mood of the nation

00:20:43.619 --> 00:20:46.779
in that specific 12 month window. How much of

00:20:46.779 --> 00:20:49.140
the fate of the people on this list and the massive

00:20:49.140 --> 00:20:51.880
generational laws they went on to pass was determined

00:20:51.880 --> 00:20:54.519
by pure merit and how much of it was determined

00:20:54.519 --> 00:20:57.400
by the sheer arbitrary luck of the calendar.

00:20:57.680 --> 00:20:59.559
Climbing is everything in politics. It really

00:20:59.559 --> 00:21:01.079
is. It's something to think about the next time

00:21:01.079 --> 00:21:03.430
you head to the ballot box. Thank you so much

00:21:03.430 --> 00:21:05.430
for joining us on this deep dive. We'll be back

00:21:05.430 --> 00:21:08.049
next time with another stack of sources and another

00:21:08.049 --> 00:21:11.210
hidden story. Until then keep digging.
