WEBVTT

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Welcome to today's deep dive. Hello, everyone.

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If you are joining us right now, it means you

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have a healthy appetite for discovery. Absolutely.

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Whether you are actively prepping for the upcoming

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2026 elections or you're just. insanely curious

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about the hidden mechanics of American politics,

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we have something really special for you today.

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We really do. We're looking at a source that

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on its surface, I mean, it might look like just

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another dry Wikipedia article. It's titled List

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of United States Senate Elections in Alaska.

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And honestly, if you just scroll through it,

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it presents as a massive wall of data. Just rows

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and rows. Right. Just decades of rows, names

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and election results. It can be a little intimidating

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to just look at. But our mission today is to

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look way beyond that spreadsheet. We want to

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extract the fascinating story of Alaska's political

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identity. Because the story is definitely in

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there. It really is. Because when you actually

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look at the trends inside these numbers, they

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hold some incredible surprises. You get to see

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how a brand new state. Forms its identity from

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scratch, how it rewards extreme loyalty. And

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how it occasionally throws a massive unprecedented

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curveball into the American political system.

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Exactly. OK, let's unpack this. So to really

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understand the story the data is telling us,

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we have to start with the foundational rules

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of the United States Senate. Right. The basics.

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Which the source actually outlines right at the

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top. The data is structured this way because

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the U .S. Constitution allots exactly. two Senate

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seats to every state. Completely regardless of

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population. Completely regardless. A huge state,

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a tiny state, they all get two. And these senators

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serve staggered six -year terms. That stagger

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is the crucial part of the puzzle, right? It

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is. Because they don't want the entire Senate

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turning over all at once. Precisely. The Senate

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is divided into three classes. The whole goal

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is to stagger the terms so that only one -third

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of the entire chamber is up for re -election

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during any given two -year cycle. Okay, got it.

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So when Alaska was officially admitted to the

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union in 1959, the state was assigned a class

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two seat and a class three seat. But the very

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first elections for those seats didn't happen

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in 59. Right. They actually took place the year

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prior in 1958 in anticipation of statehood. We

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also need to factor in the 17th Amendment. Yes.

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Crucial context. That was passed way back in

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1913, but it fundamentally dictates what we are

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looking at today. It does. That amendment is

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vital because it ensures that U .S. senators

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are elected directly by the voters of each state.

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Instead of the state legislature. Exactly. Originally,

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they were selected by state legislatures. So

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thanks to the 17th Amendment. The spreadsheet

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we are analyzing today represents the direct,

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unfiltered will of the Alaskan voters from 1958

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all the way to the present. It's pure voter data.

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It is. And just a quick note before we really

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jump into the timeline. Yeah. We aren't here

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to play political referee. Oh, definitely not.

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Our source material covers Democrats, Republicans,

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Independents, Libertarians, Green Party candidates,

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you name it. But our deep dive today is going

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to look strictly at the electoral mechanics.

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Just the numbers. Just the numbers, the voter

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behaviors, and the historical shifts. We aren't

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taking any sides or endorsing any platforms.

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We're just letting the data reveal Alaska's unique

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political DNA. I love that. impartiality is the

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name of the game here we are just following the

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data so set the scene for me we are at the genesis

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of alaskan politics it's 1958 right the state

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is on the verge of officially joining the union

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and they hold their first senate elections how

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do the voters react out of the gate it is a massive,

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undeniable sweep for the Democratic Party. A

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total sweep. And the margins aren't even close.

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On the class two side of the ticket, you have

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a candidate named Bob Bartlett running against

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Republican R .E. Robertson. OK. Bartlett doesn't

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just win. He absolutely steamrolls his opponent.

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He takes 83 .83 percent of the vote. Wait, over

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83 percent? Over 83 percent. That is a nearly

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five to one margin in a brand new state. That's

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not an election. That's a coronation. It really

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is. It's a staggering debut. And meanwhile, looking

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at the state's other Senate seat, the class three

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seat, Democrat Ernest Gruening wins his race

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against Mike Stepovich. Was it as much of a blowout?

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It's a slightly tighter race, but Groening still

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wins comfortably with 52 .61 % of the vote. Still

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a solid majority. What's fascinating here is

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the incumbency advantage that begins immediately

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in this newly minted state. Oh, right. They get

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in and they stay in. You have this initial election

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and then the voters simply lock in. They found

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their guys and they stuck with them. Exactly.

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Bartlett, after that massive 1958 win, goes on

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to win again in 1960. Keeping momentum. Yeah,

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and then he runs again in 1966, and his margin

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shoots back up to an overwhelming 75 .54%. Wow.

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Over 75 % for his third run. Over on the class

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three side, Ernest Groening holds onto his seat

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in 1962. So the early narrative is total stability.

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Very stable. Blue state, massive margins, incumbent

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safety. But just as you think the political concrete

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has dried, we hit the 1968 election. Right. This

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is the first major plot twist in the source material.

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This is where the mechanics of Alaskan elections

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start to look very different from the rest of

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the country. Walk us through it. In 1968, the

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class three seat is up for grabs. The winner

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is a Democrat named Mike Gravel, who takes 45

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.13 percent of the vote. OK, 45 percent. The

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runner up is a Republican, Elmer Rasmussen, who

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gets a respectable chunk. But the real story

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is in the others column. Right. The incumbent,

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Ernest Gruening, who had held the seat since

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1958. didn't actually win his party's nomination.

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He was entirely off the main ticket. So what

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does he do? He runs as a write -in candidate

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in the general election. Which is incredibly

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hard to do. And anyone who follows politics knows

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that Senate write -in campaigns are usually just

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protest theater. They almost never work out.

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But Gruning captures an impressive 17 .44 % of

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the electorate. That is a massive chunk for a

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write -in. Over 17 % of people bypass the printed

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names to write them in. To pull nearly a fifth

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of the total voting electorate strictly through

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a write -in campaign in the late 1960s is a massive

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logistical flex. It takes so much effort just

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to educate voters on how to do that. Exactly.

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It hints at an independent streak in the Alaskan

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voter. They are showing early on that they care

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just as much, if not more, about the specific

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individual as they do about the party label.

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That independent streak is going to become a

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recurring theme. It definitely will. But first...

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The data shows a seismic shift in the state's

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overall preference. We transition into what I'm

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calling the era of titans. The titans, yes. The

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Alaskan Senate delegation turns from blue to

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deep red, bringing up two defining names that

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dominate this spreadsheet for decades. We're

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talking about Ted Stevens in the class two seat

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and Frank Murkowski in the class three seat.

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The mainstays. The sheer longevity of these two

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individuals is historically remarkable. Let's

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look at the Ted Stevens juggernaut first. You

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have the numbers there. Walk us through this

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streak. Stevens first takes the class two seat

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in a 1970 special election, winning with 59 .61

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percent of the vote. OK, almost 60 percent. And

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from there, it is an unbroken winning streak

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for decades. He rolls through the elections in

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1972, 1978, 1984, 1990, 1996, and 2002. Just

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nonstop. That is seven consecutive election victories.

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And he wasn't just scraping by either. Yo. Not

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at all. He is consistently pulling in overwhelming

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majorities. By 2002, he hits his absolute peak

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margin, securing an unbelievable 78 .17 % of

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the vote. Over 78%. It is total dominance in

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the electorate. Here's where it gets really interesting.

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While Stevens is locking down these massive statewide

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majorities, where are the protest votes going?

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That's a great question to ask of the data. Because

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the source data shows a sudden rise in strong

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third party showings during this exact same period.

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That's a crucial detail. In 1996, while Stevens

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was cruising to victory, a Green Party candidate

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named Jed Whitaker managed to grab 12 .52 % of

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the vote. 12 .5 % for the Green Party in a race

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where a Republican incumbent was utterly dominant.

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It's a huge anomaly for a third party. And it

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happens again. In 2002, when Stevens hit that

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absolute peak of 78 percent, another Green Party

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candidate, Jim Sykes, took 7 .24 percent. It

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is a fascinating duality. Yeah. You have massive

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incumbent support, but also these highly visible

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third party protest votes. Right. And we see

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a very similar pattern of stability with the

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class three seat during this era. Frank Murkowski

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establishes a remarkably steady hand. Following

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right in Stevens' footsteps. He first wins the

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seat in 1980. And then he just keeps winning

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through 1986, 1992 and 1998. Unbroken. Unbroken

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streak. Yeah. And just like Stevens, his margins

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actually grow over time. Murkowski's vote share

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peaks in 1998 at an overwhelming 74 .49 percent.

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Nearly 75 percent. So for a solid stretch of

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history, you have these two men, Stevens and

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Murkowski, effectively locking down the state's

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Senate representation. They were institutions.

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It is the definition of a safe game. It is. When

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we synthesize this era, the numbers reflect a

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period of immense voter loyalty. Long -term incumbency

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creates a powerful feedback loop. Well, voters

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get used to a specific name representing them

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on the national stage. The familiar names become

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synonymous with the state's interests. That familiarity

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breeds deep trust, and that trust translates

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into these towering percentage points at the

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ballot box. It becomes a habit to vote for them.

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Exactly. A deeply ingrained voter habit. But

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as any political historian will tell you, no

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era lasts forever. No, they certainly do not.

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And that brings us to the craziest part of this

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data, the sudden end of the certainty. After

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decades of predictable blowout victories, the

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spreadsheet suddenly shifts into an era of razor

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-thin margins and historic anomalies. The ground

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completely shifts under their feet. It starts

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with the 2008 election for the class two seat.

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The Ted Stevens era comes to an end in an absolute

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nail -biter. After nearly 40 years in office.

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Exactly. After decades, Stevens is defeated by

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Democrat Mark Begich. But look at the margin.

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It is incredibly tight. Begich gets 47 .77 %

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of the vote. Stevens gets 46 .52%. A difference

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of roughly one percentage point. Barely a margin

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at all. To see a decades long titan unseated

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by such a tiny fraction of the electorate is

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stunning. It perfectly illustrates how quickly

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voter sentiment can tip. You go from nearly 80

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percent to losing the seat entirely. Just a wild

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swing. But if 2008 was a tight race, the 2010

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election for the class three seat defies modern

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political logic entirely. It really does. This

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is the absolute masterpiece of the data set.

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Lisa Murkowski had first won the seat in 2004.

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Right. But in 2010, she doesn't secure the Republican

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nomination. Which usually means your campaign

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is over. Exactly. So she attempts a write -in

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campaign for the general election. Now, keep

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in mind what we discussed about Ernest Gruening's

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write -in campaign back in 1968. Right. The 17

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percent. Gruening pulled an impression. of 17

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.44%, but he still lost the race handily. Lisa

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Murkowski's 2010 campaign is a different beast

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entirely. The numbers here are just wild. As

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a write -in candidate, Murkowski secures 36 .08

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% of the vote. 36%, for a name not even on the

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ballot. She beats the official Republican candidate,

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Joe Miller, who gets 35 .27%, and the Democratic

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candidate, Scott McAdams, who gets 23 .32%. Unbelievable.

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She wins the United States Senate seat by a fraction

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of a percentage point over the official nominee,

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and her name was not printed on the ballot. If

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we connect this to the bigger picture, we really

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have to pause and appreciate the... statistical

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unlikelihood of this event. It's basically unheard

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of. To mobilize that many voters across a state

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as massive and geographically complex as Alaska

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and get them to correctly write your name on

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a blank line. It is a staggering anomaly in modern

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American political history. It's a huge mechanical

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challenge. Huge. It perfectly echoes that independent

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spirit we saw glimpses of back in 1968. But this

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time it was fully realized. It proves definitively

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that Alaskan voters are deeply willing to buck

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traditional party lines to support a specific

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individual. They looked at the traditional two

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party ballot structure, rejected it and essentially

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forced their preferred candidate into office

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through sheer willpower. That's exactly what

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the data shows. It really sets the stage for

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the modern era of Alaskan politics, where independent

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voices carry massive weight. The stability of

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the Stevens and early Murkowski era is definitely

00:12:49.899 --> 00:12:51.820
in the rearview mirror by this point. Without

00:12:51.820 --> 00:12:54.639
a doubt. Mark Begich, who barely unseated Stevens

00:12:54.639 --> 00:12:57.700
in 2008, finds his time in the class two seat

00:12:57.700 --> 00:13:01.000
is very short -lived. A single term. Right. Just

00:13:01.000 --> 00:13:04.220
one term later, in 2014, Republican Dan Sullivan

00:13:04.220 --> 00:13:07.279
flips the seat back to red. Sullivan wins with

00:13:07.279 --> 00:13:12.820
47 .96 % to Begich. which is 45 .83%. Again,

00:13:12.960 --> 00:13:15.559
we are looking at incredibly tight margins. Just

00:13:15.559 --> 00:13:17.379
a couple of percentage points. But look at what

00:13:17.379 --> 00:13:19.580
happens when Sullivan defends that seat in the

00:13:19.580 --> 00:13:21.639
2020 election. He doesn't face a traditional

00:13:21.639 --> 00:13:23.840
Democratic challenger. No, he doesn't. He faces

00:13:23.840 --> 00:13:26.539
an independent candidate named Al Gross. And

00:13:26.539 --> 00:13:30.259
Gross secures a highly notable 41 .19 % of the

00:13:30.259 --> 00:13:33.100
vote. 41 % for an independent. A massive chunk

00:13:33.100 --> 00:13:35.860
of Alaskans chose someone explicitly outside

00:13:35.860 --> 00:13:38.440
the traditional two -party system. And we see

00:13:38.440 --> 00:13:41.639
that exact same multi -party chaos brewing in

00:13:41.639 --> 00:13:44.059
the class three seat. Look at Lisa Murkowski's

00:13:44.059 --> 00:13:46.799
continuing saga in her 2016 re -election campaign.

00:13:47.059 --> 00:13:49.860
Okay, let's look at 2016. She wins the seat with

00:13:49.860 --> 00:13:54.120
44 .36 % of the vote. But the field she was up

00:13:54.120 --> 00:13:56.019
against is fascinating. It really is a crowded

00:13:56.019 --> 00:13:58.679
field. The runner -up wasn't a Democrat. It was

00:13:58.679 --> 00:14:01.529
Joe Miller. the same guy from 2010, but this

00:14:01.529 --> 00:14:03.710
time running as a libertarian. A libertarian

00:14:03.710 --> 00:14:07.590
runner -up. And he pulls in 29 .16 % of the vote,

00:14:07.690 --> 00:14:11.250
nearly 30%. Incredible. Then you have an independent

00:14:11.250 --> 00:14:15.669
candidate, Margaret Stock, taking 13 .23%. And

00:14:15.669 --> 00:14:18.049
the Democrats. The official Democrat, Ray Metcalf,

00:14:18.250 --> 00:14:22.450
came in fourth with just 11 .62%. So the traditional

00:14:22.450 --> 00:14:24.549
Democratic and Republican binary is completely

00:14:24.549 --> 00:14:27.610
fractured in that race. You have four totally

00:14:27.610 --> 00:14:29.990
distinct blocks of voters putting double digit

00:14:29.990 --> 00:14:32.350
percentages. Which perfectly explains the massive

00:14:32.350 --> 00:14:35.230
system change noted in the 2022 election data.

00:14:35.490 --> 00:14:38.230
Ah, yes. This is the latest twist in the source

00:14:38.230 --> 00:14:41.210
material. Yes. There is a specific crucial note

00:14:41.210 --> 00:14:44.029
attached to the 2022 class three election data.

00:14:44.190 --> 00:14:46.450
What's it say? It states that the election was

00:14:46.450 --> 00:14:48.769
held using instant runoff voting and results

00:14:48.769 --> 00:14:51.179
from the maximum round are shown. So we aren't

00:14:51.179 --> 00:14:53.080
just looking at a new candidate. We are looking

00:14:53.080 --> 00:14:55.200
at a fundamentally different way of counting

00:14:55.200 --> 00:14:57.860
votes. Break down the mechanics of that for us.

00:14:58.039 --> 00:15:00.600
Sure. In a traditional American election, you

00:15:00.600 --> 00:15:02.759
pick one candidate and whoever gets the most

00:15:02.759 --> 00:15:06.220
votes wins the seat, even if they only get 34

00:15:06.220 --> 00:15:08.480
percent in a crowded field. Right. Plurality

00:15:08.480 --> 00:15:11.879
wins. But instant runoff voting, which is often

00:15:11.879 --> 00:15:14.639
called ranked choice voting, allows voters to

00:15:14.639 --> 00:15:17.159
rank their choices from favorite to least favorite.

00:15:17.500 --> 00:15:20.980
Rank them one, two, three, four. Exactly. If

00:15:20.980 --> 00:15:23.539
no candidate gets a clear majority, meaning over

00:15:23.539 --> 00:15:26.220
50 % in the first count, the candidate with the

00:15:26.220 --> 00:15:28.559
fewest votes is eliminated. And their votes don't

00:15:28.559 --> 00:15:30.720
just disappear. No, they don't. Those voters'

00:15:30.779 --> 00:15:32.639
second choices are then distributed to the remaining

00:15:32.639 --> 00:15:35.259
candidates. This process happens in consecutive

00:15:35.259 --> 00:15:38.279
rounds until someone crosses that 50 % threshold.

00:15:38.580 --> 00:15:41.539
So looking at the data for 2022, Lisa Murkowski

00:15:41.539 --> 00:15:44.139
defeats fellow Republican Kelly Chewbacca. Yes.

00:15:44.590 --> 00:15:47.389
The final tally in that maximum round shows Murkowski

00:15:47.389 --> 00:15:52.809
at 53 .7 in 0 % to Chewbacca's 46 .30%. Right.

00:15:52.929 --> 00:15:56.330
That maximum round refers to the final tally

00:15:56.330 --> 00:15:59.250
after all the lower ranked candidates, the Democrats,

00:15:59.529 --> 00:16:02.370
the independents, have been eliminated and their

00:16:02.370 --> 00:16:05.710
voters' subsequent preferences have been reallocated.

00:16:05.809 --> 00:16:08.909
It totally changes the math. This system completely

00:16:08.909 --> 00:16:11.830
alters campaign strategy. You don't just want

00:16:11.830 --> 00:16:14.509
to be a voter's first choice. You desperately

00:16:14.509 --> 00:16:16.730
want to be their second choice if you can't be

00:16:16.730 --> 00:16:18.529
their first. You have to appeal to everyone.

00:16:18.809 --> 00:16:21.549
Exactly. It heavily discourages extreme negative

00:16:21.549 --> 00:16:24.809
campaigning. Because you can't afford to alienate

00:16:24.809 --> 00:16:27.389
the base of the person you are running against.

00:16:27.629 --> 00:16:29.629
You might really need their votes in round two

00:16:29.629 --> 00:16:31.870
or three. Think about how differently you might

00:16:31.870 --> 00:16:34.190
vote in your own local elections if you knew

00:16:34.190 --> 00:16:36.529
your second choice mattered. just as much as

00:16:36.529 --> 00:16:39.350
your first. It completely frees you up. And empowers

00:16:39.350 --> 00:16:41.570
the voter to support an independent or a third

00:16:41.570 --> 00:16:43.850
party candidate without that traditional fear

00:16:43.850 --> 00:16:46.649
of throwing their vote away. If your independent

00:16:46.649 --> 00:16:49.570
candidate comes in last, your vote simply transfers

00:16:49.570 --> 00:16:52.409
to your preferred major party candidate. It is

00:16:52.409 --> 00:16:54.590
a totally different way of interacting with a

00:16:54.590 --> 00:16:57.230
ballot. It is a paradigm shift. And it brings

00:16:57.230 --> 00:16:59.710
our timeline right up to the present day. According

00:16:59.710 --> 00:17:01.750
to the source, the next scheduled election for

00:17:01.750 --> 00:17:03.629
the class two seat is coming up very soon in

00:17:03.629 --> 00:17:05.450
2026. Right around the corner. And the class

00:17:05.450 --> 00:17:08.910
three seat will be up again in 2028. So what

00:17:08.910 --> 00:17:11.609
does this all mean? It's quite a journey. We

00:17:11.609 --> 00:17:14.130
started with a seemingly dry Wikipedia spreadsheet,

00:17:14.430 --> 00:17:17.329
but we've uncovered a genuinely wild ride of

00:17:17.329 --> 00:17:20.309
political evolution. When you synthesize 60 plus

00:17:20.309 --> 00:17:23.390
years of this data, you see that Alaska's Senate

00:17:23.390 --> 00:17:26.839
election history. is a true paradox a paradox

00:17:26.839 --> 00:17:30.980
yes on one hand it is a state defined by immense

00:17:30.980 --> 00:17:34.920
unbreakable loyalty we saw decades -long incumbents

00:17:34.920 --> 00:17:37.900
who won by sweeping overwhelming majorities year

00:17:37.900 --> 00:17:40.519
after year the titans right they established

00:17:40.519 --> 00:17:43.279
a level of stability most states never see But

00:17:43.279 --> 00:17:45.359
the flip side of that coin is pure electoral

00:17:45.359 --> 00:17:48.740
chaos. Precisely. It is also a state that regularly

00:17:48.740 --> 00:17:51.420
empowers massive third -party votes. It is a

00:17:51.420 --> 00:17:53.500
state that executed one of the only successful

00:17:53.500 --> 00:17:55.720
write -in campaigns in modern Senate history.

00:17:55.900 --> 00:17:58.619
That 2010 run is still mind -blowing. And it's

00:17:58.619 --> 00:18:00.839
a state that frequently elevates independent

00:18:00.839 --> 00:18:03.140
challengers over traditional party nominees.

00:18:03.539 --> 00:18:06.680
And ultimately... It's a state that just recently

00:18:06.680 --> 00:18:09.519
rewrote its fundamental voting mechanics to an

00:18:09.519 --> 00:18:12.480
instant runoff system just to better capture

00:18:12.480 --> 00:18:14.920
the complex nuance of its voters' preferences.

00:18:15.299 --> 00:18:18.319
It's a political ecosystem that simply refuses

00:18:18.319 --> 00:18:21.140
to be put into a neat little box. This raises

00:18:21.140 --> 00:18:23.160
an important question for you to consider. Yeah.

00:18:23.380 --> 00:18:27.579
As we look ahead to 2026 and as instant runoff

00:18:27.579 --> 00:18:29.480
voting becomes more embedded in their culture,

00:18:29.640 --> 00:18:32.890
consider this. Does a system that allows for

00:18:32.890 --> 00:18:35.650
historic write -ins and consistently strong independent

00:18:35.650 --> 00:18:38.750
showings suggest that the rigid two -party system

00:18:38.750 --> 00:18:41.289
is fundamentally incompatible with the modern

00:18:41.289 --> 00:18:43.630
voters' mindset? Oh, that's a fascinating angle.

00:18:43.849 --> 00:18:46.450
And if a state like Alaska can consistently rewrite

00:18:46.450 --> 00:18:49.230
the rulebook on how candidates win, how long

00:18:49.230 --> 00:18:51.049
will it be before the rest of the country's voting

00:18:51.049 --> 00:18:53.750
mechanisms follow suit? That is an amazing thought

00:18:53.750 --> 00:18:56.269
to end on. It really makes you wonder what the

00:18:56.269 --> 00:18:57.650
spreadsheets of the future are going to look

00:18:57.650 --> 00:18:59.990
like and whether the rest of us will be ranking

00:18:59.990 --> 00:19:02.259
our choices. the years to come we all have to

00:19:02.259 --> 00:19:04.460
wait and see thank you so much for joining us

00:19:04.460 --> 00:19:07.200
on this deep dive keep questioning the data keep

00:19:07.200 --> 00:19:09.740
looking for the human stories hidden inside the

00:19:09.740 --> 00:19:12.440
numbers and keep exploring the world around you

00:19:12.440 --> 00:19:14.000
we'll catch you on the next one
