WEBVTT

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Welcome to today's Depth Dive. If you have ever

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watched the evening news and felt completely

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lost when reporters start throwing around terms

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like, you know, cloture votes or recess appointments.

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Oh, or the filibuster. Right, the filibuster.

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If that sounds like a foreign language to you,

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you are in exactly the right place. Today, we

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have a really fascinating stack of source material.

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We are looking at a comprehensive breakdown drawn

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directly from the Wikipedia article on the United

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States Senate. It's a goldmine of information,

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honestly. It really is. And our mission today

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is to decode the rules, the history, and the

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intricacies of the upper house of Congress so

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you can truly understand the engine of American

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legislation. Yeah, because it affects everything.

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Exactly. So whether you are prepping for a civics

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debate, trying to make sense of the daily political

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headlines, or you just appreciate understanding

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the hidden mechanics of power, this deep dive

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is going to cut through the political noise.

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We are going to explain how the Senate actually

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functions. And it functions in some pretty surprising

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ways. It really does. Okay, let's unpack this.

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Where does the Senate even come from? Well, the

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very name of the institution gives us a massive

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clue about its original design. The word Senate

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comes from the Latin word senatus. Senatus? Right,

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which is derived from senax. And senax literally

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translates to old man. An old man? Yeah, or council

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of elders. The founders of the United States

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were looking directly at the ancient Roman Senate

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as their architectural blueprint here. They deliberately

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wanted an institution that would act as a steady...

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experienced in perhaps slightly older counterweight

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to the more populist, fast moving House of Representatives.

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The fascinating part about the creation of this

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this Council of Elders is that the United States

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almost fell apart before it even started because

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of it. Oh, completely. Like in 1787, during the

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drafting of the Constitution, the creation of

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the Senate was incredibly contentious. The delegates

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actually debated how to award representation

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in the Senate more than any other single part

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of the Constitution. And to understand why you

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really. have to look at the system they were

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trying to replace. The Articles of Confederation.

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Exactly. Under that old system, which was essentially

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just a loose alliance of independent states,

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every state had an equal vote. Small states were

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absolutely terrified of giving up that equal

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footing to a new population -based system. Because

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larger states would just steamroll them. Precisely.

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They were so terrified, in fact, that the small

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states essentially drew a line in the sand. They

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threatened to secede from the convention entirely

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if they didn't get their way. Which is wild to

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think about. It is. Think about the sheer audacity

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of that moment. They were willing to let the

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entire American experiment die right there in

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Philadelphia over how this specific room would

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be organized. But they found a way through. They

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did. The dispute was ultimately settled by what

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became known as the Connecticut Compromise. It

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dictated that every single state, regardless

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of its population size, would be represented

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by exactly two senators. And that wasn't exactly

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a landslide victory, was it? Not at all. That

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monumental decision barely passed. It was a razor

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-thin vote. Five to four. Five to four. Wow.

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And to ensure this new chamber maintained that

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steady, experienced vibe the founders were aiming

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for, they hardwired some strict requirements

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right into the Constitution. Right, the qualifications.

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Yeah. To be a senator, you have to be at least

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30 years old, a citizen for at least nine years,

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and an inhabitant of the state you want to represent.

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The source material quotes James Madison from

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Federalist Number 62 explaining the philosophy

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behind this. What did he say? He argued that

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the Senate requires a, quote, greater extent

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of information and stability of character. He

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basically envisioned a room full of people who

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had been around the block, you know, people who

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wouldn't be swayed by the passing passions of

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the day. What's really fascinating here is that.

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Despite those very clear, absolute constitutional

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rules, the early Senate had a surprising habit

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of just looking the other way. Rule breakers,

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right from the start. Pretty much. In the early

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days of the Republic, the Senate didn't strictly

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verify the birth dates of its members. Four early

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senators actually failed to meet that 30 -year

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-old age requirement, but were sworn in and seated

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anyway. I think the text mentioned Henry Clay,

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right? Yes. That's the most famous example from

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the source. Henry Clay took the oath of office

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in 1806 at the age of 29. Now, the text notes

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that modern senators haven't been able to slide

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by the rules quite like Henry Clay did. But there

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are still some incredible examples of politicians

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threading the needle. Like who? Well, in 1934,

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Rush D. Holt Sr. was elected at 29, and he literally

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had to wait around until his birthday the following

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June just to take the oath of office. Oh, wow.

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Yeah. And then there's Joe Biden. He was elected

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to the Senate in 1972, also at the age of 29.

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But the calendar was on his side. He turned 30

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just 13 days after the election. So he made the

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cut just in time. Exactly. He was legally old

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enough by the time the swearing -in ceremony

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rolled around in January. Age and qualifications

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are one thing. But if we really want to understand

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the evolution of the Senate, we have to look

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at how these people actually get their jobs.

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Right. Because that changed drastically. It did.

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Originally, you, the average citizen listening

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to this, would have had absolutely no say in

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who represented your state in the Senate. The

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Constitution originally gave that power exclusively

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to state legislatures. So the people didn't vote

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for them at all? Nope. It wasn't until 1913,

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with the ratification of the 17th Amendment,

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that the power to elect senators was finally

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handed over to the popular vote. And the source

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provides some really crucial context for why

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that monumental shift happened. It wasn't just

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the sudden burst of democratic idealism. It was

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out of necessity. Yeah, it was a response to

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extreme dysfunction. State legislatures were

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plagued by bribery and intimidation when it came

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to picking senators. It was a mess. A total mess.

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Sometimes the state legislatures would become

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so completely deadlocked that they couldn't agree

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on a candidate at all, leaving Senate seats completely

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vacant for months or even years. The 17th Amendment

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fundamentally shifted the accountability of the

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Senate. Suddenly, this body designed for elite,

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insulated statesmen had to start running popular

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political campaigns and answering directly to

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the public. Yet even with that massive shift

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in who elects them, the immense powers granted

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to the Senate by the Constitution remained entirely

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intact. They didn't lose any authority. Not a

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bit. The Senate holds a very specific set of

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exclusive tools that makes it arguably the most

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powerful upper house of any legislative body

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in the world. Let's transition into how those

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tools actually work, starting with the power

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of the purse. By law, the Constitution states

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that all revenue bills, so bills that raise taxes,

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must originate in the House of Representatives.

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On paper, that sounds like a huge restriction

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on the Senate, but the Senate found a pretty

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massive loophole. Definitely did. They cannot

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start a tax bill, but they have extremely broad

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authority to amend one once it comes over from

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the House. How broad are we talking? The source

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cites President Woodrow Wilson, who detailed

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exactly how the Senate operates here. He pointed

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out that the Senate can take a general appropriation

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bill, which is basically the massive piece of

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legislation that keeps the government's lights

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on and funds all its agencies. And they can,

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quote, tack to them entirely new features. Entirely

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new features. Yeah. The Senate can alter the

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amounts. change the objects of expenditure and

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essentially turn the legislation into a measure

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of an almost totally new character. The House

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might draft the initial document, but the Senate

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has the power to completely rewrite it. It's

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the legislative equivalent of saying, sure, you

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can pick the restaurant, but I'm ordering the

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food for both of us and I'm picking up the check.

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That is a great way to put it. It completely

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flips the power dynamic. Another massive power

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detailed in the text is advice and consent. The

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president cannot simply hire whoever they want

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for top government jobs. The Senate has to approve

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them. But the text points out a really surprising

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historical reality here. Which is? It's actually

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incredibly rare for the Senate to outright reject

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a cabinet nominee on the floor. In the entire

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history of the United States, that has only happened

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nine times. Only nine times. That's really low.

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But the mechanics behind that low number are

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telling. Usually, if a nominee doesn't have the

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required votes, the relevant committee just won't

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act on the nomination. They just bury it. Exactly.

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Or the president will see the writing on the

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wall and withdraw the name to save face before

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a humiliating public vote. However, the text

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also outlines a workaround that presidents use

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to bypass the Senate temporarily. The recess

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appointment. Right. If the Senate is out of session,

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the president can make a temporary appointment

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without their consent. That appointment only

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lasts until the end of the next congressional

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session. But presidents utilize this tool frequently

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to force through controversial nominees who wouldn't

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survive a floor vote. The text also brings up

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a critical Supreme Court case that clarified

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this power dynamic. Myers v. United States. Oh,

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that's an important one. It is. The Supreme Court

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essentially ruled that while the Senate's advice

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and consent are absolutely required to appoint

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certain executive officials, the president does

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not need the Senate's permission to remove them.

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So the Senate holds massive power over who gets

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hired into the government. But the president

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holds the ultimate trump card over who gets fired.

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Exactly. And that brings us to the ultimate constitutional

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check and balance. Impeachment. The big one.

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Yes. The House of Representatives holds the sole

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power to impeach, which is basically just bringing

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the formal charges. But the Senate actually holds

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a trial and determines guilt. And the numbers

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here are pretty striking. Very. In U .S. history,

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the House has impeached 16 federal officials.

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Out of those 16, the Senate has only convicted

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seven of them. And the numbers become even more

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stark when you look at presidential impeachments.

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Only three presidents have ever been impeached

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by the House. Andrew Johnson, Bill Clinton and

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Donald Trump, who was impeached twice. Yet there

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have been zero presidential convictions in the

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Senate. Zero. Well, a conviction requires a two

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-thirds majority of the senators present. That

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is an intentionally high bar to clear. They have

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never hit that threshold to remove a president.

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Oh, it got close once, didn't it? Very close.

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The text notes that in 1868, Andrew Johnson survived

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conviction by just one single vote. One vote.

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One vote. It really puts into perspective how

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monumental every single seat in that chamber

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is. A single senator's vote literally altered

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the trajectory of the American presidency. Here's

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where it gets really interesting. Let's look

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at the physical room where all this history happens.

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The Senate chamber itself is steeped in tradition.

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There are exactly 100 desks in there arranged

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in a semicircle facing the presiding officer.

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But these aren't just standard issue government

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furniture. Not at all. 48 of those desks date

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all the way back to 1819. They were brought in

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after the original contents of the chamber were

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completely destroyed when the British burned

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Washington during the War of 1812. As new states

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entered the Union over the decades, new desks

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of similar design were commissioned and added

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to the room. There is a remarkably humanizing

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tradition associated with those desks, something

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that grounds a body that often feels so distant

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and formal. I love this part. The source material

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details a tradition where every senator who uses

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a desk takes a pen and carves their name into

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the inside of the desk's drawer. That's amazing.

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It creates a hidden physical lineage of power

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within the furniture itself. It's like high school

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detention, but for the most powerful politicians

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in the country. Yeah, pretty much. But of course,

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you cannot discuss the Senate's traditions and

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rules without dissecting the most famous or infamous

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procedure of all, the filibuster. Right. You

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hear about the filibuster constantly in the news,

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usually when legislation is stalled. What blew

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my mind in the source text is that the filibuster

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is not in the original Constitution. No, it was

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an entirely accidental creation. How does that

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happen? In 1805, Vice President Aaron Burr...

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who was presiding over the Senate at the time,

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suggested that they clean up their rulebook and

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get rid of some procedural tools that were redundant

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or rarely used. Just a little procedural housekeeping.

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Exactly. One of the rules they eliminated was

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a mechanism known as the previous question motion,

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which was essentially a way to cut off debate

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and force a vote. They didn't realize it at the

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time, but by removing that specific rule, they

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effectively made it possible for debate on the

00:12:33.259 --> 00:12:35.759
Senate floor to go on forever. And it took a

00:12:35.759 --> 00:12:38.100
few decades for politicians to fully realize

00:12:38.100 --> 00:12:41.799
how to weaponize that procedural mistake. The

00:12:41.799 --> 00:12:45.379
text points to 1841, when Senator John Calhoun

00:12:45.379 --> 00:12:47.559
rallied a group of Southern senators to take

00:12:47.559 --> 00:12:49.940
the floor and talk for days, one after another,

00:12:50.179 --> 00:12:53.639
specifically to block a national bank bill. And

00:12:53.639 --> 00:12:56.779
thus, the modern filibuster was born. Since then,

00:12:56.879 --> 00:12:59.240
it has led to some staggering endurance records,

00:12:59.460 --> 00:13:01.480
because historically, if a senator wanted to

00:13:01.480 --> 00:13:04.139
hold the floor and delay a bill, they physically

00:13:04.169 --> 00:13:05.990
physically had to keep talking. The physical

00:13:05.990 --> 00:13:09.169
toll of the talking filibuster is extreme. The

00:13:09.169 --> 00:13:11.490
longest filibuster speech in Senate history aimed

00:13:11.490 --> 00:13:14.049
at blocking a specific bill was delivered by

00:13:14.049 --> 00:13:17.919
Strom Thurmond in 1957. He stood and spoke for

00:13:17.919 --> 00:13:20.620
over 24 hours in a failed attempt to block the

00:13:20.620 --> 00:13:22.740
passage of the Civil Rights Act. The source also

00:13:22.740 --> 00:13:24.879
notes an even longer individual speech, though

00:13:24.879 --> 00:13:26.700
it technically wasn't a filibuster because there

00:13:26.700 --> 00:13:28.659
wasn't a specific piece of legislation being

00:13:28.659 --> 00:13:30.600
blocked at that moment. Right. The 2025 one.

00:13:30.740 --> 00:13:33.740
Yes. In 2025, Senator Cory Booker spoke for 25

00:13:33.740 --> 00:13:35.960
hours and five minutes to address actions of

00:13:35.960 --> 00:13:38.299
the Trump administration. Speaking continuously

00:13:38.299 --> 00:13:40.720
for 25 hours is a feat of physical endurance

00:13:40.720 --> 00:13:43.379
as much as a political strategy. Today, however,

00:13:43.580 --> 00:13:46.330
senators rarely do the grueling talk. blocking

00:13:46.330 --> 00:13:49.250
filibuster. Instead, they use a procedural tool

00:13:49.250 --> 00:13:52.169
called cloture. And this is where a significant

00:13:52.169 --> 00:13:54.429
amount of public confusion comes in regarding

00:13:54.429 --> 00:13:57.019
how the Senate passes laws. Let's clear up that

00:13:57.019 --> 00:13:58.899
math for you right now, because understanding

00:13:58.899 --> 00:14:01.559
cloture is the key to understanding modern American

00:14:01.559 --> 00:14:04.820
politics. To actually pass a normal bill in the

00:14:04.820 --> 00:14:07.580
Senate, you only need a simple majority, usually

00:14:07.580 --> 00:14:11.559
51 votes. Right. Fifty one out of 100. But if

00:14:11.559 --> 00:14:13.759
a minority of senators threatens to filibuster

00:14:13.759 --> 00:14:17.240
a bill, the Senate has to invoke cloture to formally

00:14:17.240 --> 00:14:19.659
end the debate before they can vote on the bill

00:14:19.659 --> 00:14:23.039
itself. And invoking cloture requires a three

00:14:23.039 --> 00:14:26.600
fifths majority, which is. 60 votes. So it's

00:14:26.600 --> 00:14:28.580
two separate hurdles. Exactly. It's like having

00:14:28.580 --> 00:14:31.080
to get 60 people to agree to unlock the door

00:14:31.080 --> 00:14:34.259
to a room just so 51 people inside can vote on

00:14:34.259 --> 00:14:36.720
what's for dinner. That analogy perfectly captures

00:14:36.720 --> 00:14:39.320
the structural hurdle. A minority of just 41

00:14:39.320 --> 00:14:42.039
senators can effectively block almost any legislation

00:14:42.039 --> 00:14:45.000
simply by threatening a filibuster, denying the

00:14:45.000 --> 00:14:47.019
majority of the 60 votes needed to unlock the

00:14:47.019 --> 00:14:49.179
door. And people get this wrong all the time.

00:14:49.470 --> 00:14:52.070
They do. The text specifically points out that

00:14:52.070 --> 00:14:54.889
even major media outlets frequently misunderstand

00:14:54.889 --> 00:14:58.580
this math. It cites an instance where USA Today

00:14:58.580 --> 00:15:01.580
erroneously reported that a bill failed because

00:15:01.580 --> 00:15:04.639
it fell two votes short of the 60s needed to

00:15:04.639 --> 00:15:06.659
approve the measure. But the bill didn't need

00:15:06.659 --> 00:15:09.799
60 votes to pass. It only needed 51. Correct.

00:15:10.039 --> 00:15:12.820
It needed 60 votes to break the filibuster so

00:15:12.820 --> 00:15:14.799
they could take the vote to pass it. It might

00:15:14.799 --> 00:15:17.820
sound like semantics, but that 60 vote threshold

00:15:17.820 --> 00:15:20.860
fundamentally changes how power works in America,

00:15:21.059 --> 00:15:24.519
which brings us to a massive ongoing debate about

00:15:24.519 --> 00:15:26.809
the very nature. of the institution. And this

00:15:26.809 --> 00:15:29.409
is where things get really heated. They do. Now,

00:15:29.470 --> 00:15:31.269
before we get into this next segment, I need

00:15:31.269 --> 00:15:33.889
to explicitly tell you. The source material we

00:15:33.889 --> 00:15:35.649
are reading from contains politically charged

00:15:35.649 --> 00:15:37.769
arguments from both the left and the right regarding

00:15:37.769 --> 00:15:40.269
whether the Senate is fundamentally fair. We

00:15:40.269 --> 00:15:42.450
are not taking sides or endorsing these views.

00:15:42.610 --> 00:15:45.490
We are simply acting as your guides to impartially

00:15:45.490 --> 00:15:48.370
convey the arguments found in the text. So let's

00:15:48.370 --> 00:15:50.309
look at the critics first. Let's hear it. The

00:15:50.309 --> 00:15:53.320
case against the Senate structure. is that it

00:15:53.320 --> 00:15:57.120
is fundamentally undemocratic by design. Political

00:15:57.120 --> 00:15:59.659
scientists cited in the text, like Robert Dahl,

00:15:59.840 --> 00:16:03.159
Stephen Levitsky, and Daniel Ziblatt, describe

00:16:03.159 --> 00:16:05.779
the Senate's equal representation as a profound

00:16:05.779 --> 00:16:08.940
violation of democracy. They categorize it as

00:16:08.940 --> 00:16:11.179
a minoritarian institution. The mathematical

00:16:11.179 --> 00:16:13.179
disparity is really what these critics point

00:16:13.179 --> 00:16:15.559
to. Every state gets two senators, no matter

00:16:15.559 --> 00:16:18.159
how many people actually live there. According

00:16:18.159 --> 00:16:20.820
to the text, in the year 2020, California had

00:16:20.820 --> 00:16:24.100
70 times the population of Wyoming. 70 times.

00:16:24.259 --> 00:16:27.759
Yes. Yet both states have exactly two votes in

00:16:27.759 --> 00:16:30.019
the Senate. The critics argue this gives voters

00:16:30.019 --> 00:16:32.500
from small states vastly disproportionate influence

00:16:32.500 --> 00:16:35.220
over everything from federal legislation to the

00:16:35.220 --> 00:16:37.600
distribution of federal funding. And the text

00:16:37.600 --> 00:16:39.519
notes that this population disparity has grown

00:16:39.519 --> 00:16:41.500
drastically since the founding of the country.

00:16:42.160 --> 00:16:44.639
In 1790, the population ratio between the largest

00:16:44.639 --> 00:16:47.320
and smallest states was 10 to 1. And today, as

00:16:47.320 --> 00:16:50.179
we just noted, it's 70 to 1. Exactly. Add to

00:16:50.179 --> 00:16:51.919
that the fact that U .S. citizens living in the

00:16:51.919 --> 00:16:53.720
District of Columbia and in U .S. territories

00:16:53.720 --> 00:16:56.419
have zero representation in the Senate. Zero.

00:16:56.480 --> 00:16:59.000
The source data suggests that since the 1960s,

00:16:59.000 --> 00:17:01.379
this malapportionment has increasingly favored

00:17:01.379 --> 00:17:04.400
the Republican Party. One analysis in the text

00:17:04.400 --> 00:17:06.599
estimates that Democrats would need to win the

00:17:06.599 --> 00:17:09.980
national popular vote by more than 6 % just to

00:17:09.980 --> 00:17:11.880
maintain control of the chamber. But the source

00:17:11.880 --> 00:17:14.680
material also lays out a very robust defense

00:17:14.680 --> 00:17:17.559
of the Senate structure. Those defending the

00:17:17.559 --> 00:17:20.019
institution point right back to James Madison's

00:17:20.019 --> 00:17:22.220
original arguments. The tyranny of the majority.

00:17:22.480 --> 00:17:25.619
Right. Madison stated that this setup is a necessary

00:17:25.619 --> 00:17:28.099
constitutional check against the tyranny of the

00:17:28.099 --> 00:17:30.849
majority. The entire point is that the Senate

00:17:30.849 --> 00:17:33.849
prevents massive, populous states from completely

00:17:33.849 --> 00:17:36.109
drowning out the needs, cultures, and economic

00:17:36.109 --> 00:17:38.950
interests of smaller states. Scholars like Bruce

00:17:38.950 --> 00:17:41.410
Kane argue that this equal representation forces

00:17:41.410 --> 00:17:43.670
the federal government to consider diverse regional

00:17:43.670 --> 00:17:47.049
interests. It prevents legislation from solely

00:17:47.049 --> 00:17:49.750
benefiting dense coastal population centers.

00:17:49.970 --> 00:17:52.920
It forces compromise. Exactly. Because of the

00:17:52.920 --> 00:17:55.059
Senate structure, you are forced to build a much

00:17:55.059 --> 00:17:57.500
wider national consensus to get anything done,

00:17:57.640 --> 00:17:59.799
which theoretically promotes broader national

00:17:59.799 --> 00:18:02.420
cohesion. The text also points out that while

00:18:02.420 --> 00:18:04.599
critics argue the structure inherently favors

00:18:04.599 --> 00:18:07.880
Republicans today, historically, the small state

00:18:07.880 --> 00:18:10.420
advantage has enabled massive legislative victories

00:18:10.420 --> 00:18:12.400
for Democrats. That's a great point. For instance,

00:18:12.579 --> 00:18:15.460
the equal representation for smaller states was

00:18:15.460 --> 00:18:18.079
pivotal for passing the Ominous Budget Reconciliation

00:18:18.079 --> 00:18:22.059
Act of 1993. That was a massive sweeping package

00:18:22.059 --> 00:18:24.619
of tax changes and spending cuts under President

00:18:24.619 --> 00:18:27.440
Clinton. And it was equally pivotal for passing

00:18:27.440 --> 00:18:29.460
the Affordable Care Act under President Obama.

00:18:30.079 --> 00:18:33.400
In those specific eras, Democrats relied heavily

00:18:33.400 --> 00:18:35.880
on holding seats in low -population states like

00:18:35.880 --> 00:18:38.579
North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and West

00:18:38.579 --> 00:18:41.599
Virginia to pass their major legislative agendas.

00:18:41.940 --> 00:18:43.900
It is also incredibly helpful to look outside

00:18:43.900 --> 00:18:46.500
our borders for context here. The text shows

00:18:46.500 --> 00:18:48.400
that the U .S. Senate is not entirely unique

00:18:48.400 --> 00:18:50.880
in its structure. Several other major nations

00:18:50.880 --> 00:18:53.440
use similar models to ensure equal representation

00:18:53.440 --> 00:18:56.240
for their subnational regions. Really? Like who?

00:18:56.480 --> 00:18:59.220
In Australia, for instance, each of the six original

00:18:59.220 --> 00:19:02.259
states states gets exactly 12 senators, regardless

00:19:02.259 --> 00:19:05.000
of their population size. Switzerland gives two

00:19:05.000 --> 00:19:07.240
seats to each canton in their council of states.

00:19:07.500 --> 00:19:10.259
And South Africa, which operates as a unitary

00:19:10.259 --> 00:19:13.200
state, gives each of its nine provinces an equal

00:19:13.200 --> 00:19:15.980
delegation of 10 representatives in their upper

00:19:15.980 --> 00:19:18.690
house. So what does this all mean? When you step

00:19:18.690 --> 00:19:20.630
back and look at all these sources, the complex

00:19:20.630 --> 00:19:23.009
history, the arcane rules and the undeniable

00:19:23.009 --> 00:19:26.049
mathematical disparities, the Senate is actually

00:19:26.049 --> 00:19:28.970
functioning exactly as it was designed to in

00:19:28.970 --> 00:19:32.819
1787. Oh, cooling saucer. Yes. George Washington

00:19:32.819 --> 00:19:35.619
famously compared the Senate to a cooling saucer

00:19:35.619 --> 00:19:38.460
for legislation, a place where the hot tea of

00:19:38.460 --> 00:19:41.200
the House could be poured to cool down. It is

00:19:41.200 --> 00:19:44.240
intentionally complex. It is steeped in deep,

00:19:44.380 --> 00:19:47.799
carved desk traditions. It is incredibly difficult

00:19:47.799 --> 00:19:50.099
to move quickly, and it is fiercely protective

00:19:50.099 --> 00:19:52.859
of minority party rights entirely by design.

00:19:53.289 --> 00:19:54.990
This raises an important question for you to

00:19:54.990 --> 00:19:57.170
consider moving forward. I'm listening. We discussed

00:19:57.170 --> 00:19:58.809
earlier how the founders designed the Senate

00:19:58.809 --> 00:20:01.170
to protect small states when the population difference

00:20:01.170 --> 00:20:03.150
between the largest and smallest was 10 to 1.

00:20:03.470 --> 00:20:05.670
Today, that ratio is 70 to 1 and it continues

00:20:05.670 --> 00:20:08.250
to grow. At what point does a cooling saucer

00:20:08.250 --> 00:20:10.789
freeze the legislative process entirely? That's

00:20:10.789 --> 00:20:12.869
a really stark way to look at it. And if the

00:20:12.869 --> 00:20:15.769
17th Amendment proved that the Senate's DNA can

00:20:15.769 --> 00:20:18.339
be changed by the will of the people. Are we

00:20:18.339 --> 00:20:20.279
inevitably heading toward a breaking point in

00:20:20.279 --> 00:20:23.700
the future where that 1787 Connecticut compromise

00:20:23.700 --> 00:20:27.140
is forced to evolve once again? It is a fascinating

00:20:27.140 --> 00:20:29.779
conceptual question to mull over the next time

00:20:29.779 --> 00:20:31.660
you see a headline about a gridlocked Congress.

00:20:32.039 --> 00:20:34.140
Thank you so much for joining us for this deep

00:20:34.140 --> 00:20:36.740
dive into the sources today. We hope this exploration

00:20:36.740 --> 00:20:39.220
gives you a much clearer lens through which to

00:20:39.220 --> 00:20:42.019
view the news. Until next time, keep questioning

00:20:42.019 --> 00:20:43.599
those headlines and keep learning.
