WEBVTT

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I want you to picture something for a second.

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You are staring at a massive, sprawling spreadsheet.

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Oh yeah, the kind that just makes your eyes immediately

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glaze over. Exactly. We are talking... Rows and

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columns of dates, names, political parties and

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seemingly endless percentages. Right. On the

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surface, it is just a source list titled List

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of United States Senate Elections in Ohio. Yeah,

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it sounds like the kind of thing you might accidentally

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click on while pummeling down a late night Internet

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rabbit hole. And immediately click away from.

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But if you actually stop, if you sit down and

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read between those neat little lines of data,

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you start to see something incredible take shape.

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You really do. You see a century of drama unfold.

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You see epic political rivalries, massive landslide

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victories and razor thin margins that completely

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shifted the direction of an entire state. It's

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basically a historical thriller hidden in a math

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textbook. That is exactly what it is. And today

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our mission on this deep dive is to take this

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seemingly dry wall of text and extract the hidden

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narratives and the surprising voting trends buried

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within all that raw election data. I'm ready.

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We are going to turn those numbers into a living,

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breathing story just for you. OK, let's unpack

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this. So to really understand the story these

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numbers are telling, we have to start by looking

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at the mechanical structure of the Senate itself.

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Right. The ground rules. Exactly. Now, we all

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know each state gets two seats. But the crucial

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detail here is how those seats are staggered.

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Ohio's representation is split into what are

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known as a class one seat and a class three seat.

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Because. Senator serves six year terms. Yes.

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And the entire U .S. Senate doesn't turn over

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all at once. Every two years, about one third

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of the chamber is up for reelection. So for the

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voters in Ohio, that means they are only ever

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voting for one of these specific classes at a

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time. Unless a sudden vacancy triggers a special

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election. Yeah. It creates this really fascinating

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rhythm. Yes, a fascinating rhythm. But the rules

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of engagement for this rhythm haven't always

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been the same. And that is the perfect place

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to start because the starting line for the data

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we are looking at isn't when Ohio became a state.

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The real story begins much later. Right. What's

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fascinating here is that the numbers we are examining

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today mark a massive historical pivot. How so?

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Well, before 1913, the everyday public wasn't

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making these decisions. U .S. senators were selected

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by state legislatures. Wow. Yeah, it was a process

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defined by political maneuvering and backroom

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deals among local politicians. But that entire

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system was dismantled with the passage of the

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17th Amendment. Which mandated that senators

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be elected directly by the voters of each state.

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Exactly. So the data we are going to explore

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strictly focuses on the era that followed that

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amendment, the era of direct. popular elections.

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We are looking at the unvarnished choices made

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by the voting public of Ohio from 1914 all the

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way to 2024. Precisely. Let's jump straight into

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the class three seat because that is where this

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new era of direct voting kicks off. The 1914

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race. Right. The very first direct election for

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Ohio happens in 1914 for this exact seat. You

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can almost imagine the electorate stepping up

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to the ballot box, wielding this new constitutional

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power for the very first time. It must have been

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quite a moment. And the winner of that inaugural

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direct race is a Republican named Warren G. Harding.

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He takes the seat, but doesn't exactly run away

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with it. No, it was pretty close. He pulls in

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just under 50 percent of the vote, 49 .16 percent

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to be exact, defeating his Democratic opponent,

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Timothy Sylvester Hogan. It is a solid win, but

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it is competitive. Very. However, as you move

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forward in time, that competitiveness in the

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class three seat starts to vanish. we start seeing

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what look like absolute political dynasties.

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Oh, absolutely. The mid -20th century data for

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Class III is completely dominated by one name,

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Robert A. Taft. Ah, yes. If you track the Republican

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column during this era, Taft establishes a level

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of control over this seat that lasts for more

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than a decade. But it isn't a straight line of

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easy victories. Well, he wins his first term

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in 1938 with a fairly comfortable 53 .62 % of

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the vote. But six years later, in 1944, the environment

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clearly changes. What happens? Taft barely scrapes

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by. He successfully defends the seat with 50

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.30 percent against Democrat William G. Pickerel,

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who took 49 .70 percent. Let's just pause on

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that for a second. Winning by a fraction of a

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single percentage point across an entire state.

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is surviving a near -death political experience.

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It really is. That has to change a candidate's

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entire approach to their next term. It certainly

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appears to have solidified his base, because

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when Taft returns for a third time in 1950, he

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doesn't just win. He completely turns the tide.

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He bounces back. Big time. He expands his margin

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to an incredibly secure 57 .54%. In an electoral

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system where the pendulum is constantly swinging

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back and forth between parties, winning three

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consecutive six -year terms, especially after

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nearly losing the second one, demonstrates a

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remarkably stable and evolving connection with

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the electorate. That is an impressive run. But

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if we are talking about stable connections with

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the electorate, we have to talk about the absolute

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record breaker in this data. Oh, I know where

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you're going with this. I was looking at the

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Democratic side of the class three ledger later

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in the century, and the numbers attached to John

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Glenn are genuinely staggering. They are massive.

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I mean, we just talked about Taft surviving on

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a fraction of a percent. John Glenn is operating

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in a completely different universe. He really

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is. He wins this seat in 1974 with nearly 65

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% of the vote, 64 .62 % to be precise. And he

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doesn't stop there. By the 1980 election, his

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vote share peaks at almost 69%, 68 .80%. It's

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hard to even conceptualize margins that wide

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in modern politics. Just looking at the macro

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level, that is basically seven out of every 10

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voters choosing one person. To put that 1980

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peak into perspective using the raw numbers,

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we're talking about... 2 ,770 ,786 individual

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votes for one candidate. Wow. Over 2 .7 million

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votes. It is a massive footprint. And you see

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that dominance continue into 1986, where he holds

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the seat again with 62 .45%. Yeah. It illustrates

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how a single candidate can sometimes completely

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transcend. the usual partisan tug of war. Yeah,

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they stop being just a representative of a party

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and become a fixture of the state's identity.

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Exactly. But gravity eventually catches up to

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everyone, doesn't it? Even a winning streak that

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massive has an expiration date. It does. By 1992,

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Glenn's era of overwhelming landslides cools

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off significantly. He still wins, though. He

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still wins the election, but the margin shrinks

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dramatically. He secures 50 .88 percent of the

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vote against a Republican challenger named Mike

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DeWine, who pulls in 42 .22 percent. Quite a

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drop from 68 percent. It is a clear mathematical

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signal that the electorate is beginning to shift

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its mood and that the untouchable era of the

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1970s and 80s is coming to a close. That 1992

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race is such a pivotal moment. And we are absolutely

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going to come back to Mike DeWine because his

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trajectory over the next few years is wild. It

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really is. But just to follow. Follow the thread

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of this class three seat into the modern era.

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The data shows Republicans taking very firm control.

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Yes. Starting in the early 2000s. In 2004, Republican

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George Voinovich hits a massive peak of his own.

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He takes the seat with nearly 64 percent of the

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vote, 63 .85 percent. Because the population

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has grown so much by then, that percentage translates

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to nearly 3 .5 million individual votes. Which

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is just a logistical marvel just to get that

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many people to agree on something. Right. Then

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we see Rob Portman win consecutive. elections

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in 2010 and 2016 with very comfortable margins

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around 57 and 58 percent. Keeping that stability

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going. Exactly. Which brings us to the most recent

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data point for class three. The 2022 election,

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where Republican J .D. Vance defeats Democrat

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Tim Ryan, 53 .04 % to 46 .92%. When you lay all

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that out, it becomes a perfect encapsulation

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of how the class three seat behaves over time.

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You have these long, unbroken stretches of stability.

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Taft, Glenn, Portman. Exactly. You have Taft

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in the mid -century, Glenn in the late 20th century,

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and Portman in the 2010s. The voters in Ohio.

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seem to find a candidate they like in this specific

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seat and keep them there for a while, regardless

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of whether there is a D or an R next to their

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name. Here's where it gets really interesting

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because the class one seat is an entirely different

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beast. Oh, totally. If class three is about stability,

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long legacies and voters getting comfortable,

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class one is a game of high stakes political

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musical chairs. That is the best way to describe

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it. The data for the seat is incredibly volatile.

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It is characterized by intense rivalries, constantly

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changing hands, and an electorate that seems

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perfectly willing to fire their senator and hire

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someone else on a whim. The ultimate example

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of that volatility is the saga between Republican

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Robert Taft Jr. and Democrat Howard Metzenbaum

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in the 1970s. Oh, this one is fascinating. This

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is where the raw data tells an incredible story

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of political persistence and the sheer agony

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of close elections. In the 1970 election for

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Class 1, Robert Taft Jr. defeats Howard Metzenbaum.

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But it's close. Very close. Taft Jr. gets 49

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.68 % and Metzenbaum gets 47 .45%. Out of over

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3 million total votes cast across the state,

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they are separated by roughly 70 ,000 votes.

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Let's do the math on that for a second. Ohio

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has 88 counties. A 78 ,000 vote difference means

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you are looking at fewer than 1 ,000 votes per

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county, making the difference between becoming

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a U .S. senator and going home empty -handed.

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That's agonizing. For a candidate. Losing a race

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that tight has to be absolutely crushing. You

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spend months on the road, millions of dollars,

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and you miss the mark by a rounding error. You

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would think Metzenbaum might just walk away from

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politics entirely after coming that agonizingly

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close. Many people would, but he doesn't. He

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comes right back. Six years go by, the calendar

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rolls over to 1976, and the exact same matchup

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appears on the ballot. Howard Metzenbaum returns

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to challenge Robert Taft Jr. for the exact same

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class one seat. And this time... The electorate

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flips. They do. Metzenbaum unseats the incumbent,

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winning 49 .51 % to Taft Jr.'s 46 .52%. Wow.

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It is a phenomenal example of how static numbers

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on a page actually represent the shifting fluid

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opinions of millions of human beings over a six

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-year period. And Metzenbaum doesn't just win

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once. He goes on to hold that seat with solid

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margins in 1982 and 1988, proving that sometimes

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absolute stubborn persistence is the most important

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metric in politics. And speaking of persistence

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and strategy, we have to talk about Mike DeWine.

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This is my favorite strategic maneuver in the

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entire historical record. It's pretty brilliant.

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Let's trace his name through the years. We already

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mentioned that in 1992, Mike DeWine runs as a

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Republican for the class three seat and loses

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to the juggernaut. that is John Glenn. Right.

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But DeWine doesn't disappear into the background.

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Instead, he waits two years. In 1994, he pivots.

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He jumps over to run for the volatile class one

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seat instead. And it works. It works perfectly.

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He wins the class one state with 53 .44 % of

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the vote against Democrat Joel Hyatt. He then

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defends it successfully in the year 2000, pulling

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in 59 .92%. It is such a calculated move. He

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tested the waters in one class, found it blocked

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by a legacy incumbent, and immediately found

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an opening in the other class. It really highlights

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the strategic nature of these staggered terms.

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Candidates aren't just running against an opponent.

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They're running against the specific history

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and the specific electorate of that class. Yeah,

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that makes a lot of sense. But just as we saw

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with Mesenbaum and Taft Jr., the class one seat

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rarely offers permanent safety. The modern era

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data for class one shows the pendulum swinging

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right back. The music starts playing again. Exactly.

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In 2006, the electorate shifts its weight again.

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Democrat Sherrod Brown challenges Mike DeWine

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and unseats the incumbent, winning 56 .16 % of

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the vote. The voters decide it is time for a

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change, and the musical chairs continue. Brown

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manages to hold on to that volatile seat for

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quite a while, though. The data shows him successfully

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defending it in 2012 with just under 51%, and

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again in 2018 with a slightly more comfortable

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53 .40%. He definitely built some stability there.

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But of course, the music eventually stops again.

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The most recent entry we have for the Class 1

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election is 2024, and we see yet another incumbent

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unseated. The volatility returns. Republican

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Bernie Moreno defeats Sherrod Brown, taking 50

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.09 % of the vote to Brown's 46 .47%. Looking

00:12:38.340 --> 00:12:41.159
purely at the math, impartially, it is just another

00:12:41.159 --> 00:12:43.559
massive shift in a seat that fundamentally refuses

00:12:43.559 --> 00:12:45.980
to sit still. It really does refuse to sit still.

00:12:46.100 --> 00:12:48.240
What blows my mind is the sheer volume of participation

00:12:48.240 --> 00:12:51.340
now. Out of more than 5 .5 million... votes cast

00:12:51.340 --> 00:12:54.600
in that 2024 race, Marino wins by a margin of

00:12:54.600 --> 00:12:57.519
roughly 200 ,000 votes. If we connect this to

00:12:57.519 --> 00:12:59.899
the bigger picture, it becomes clear that these

00:12:59.899 --> 00:13:02.860
races are frequently decided by incredibly narrow

00:13:02.860 --> 00:13:06.480
margins. Yeah. Whether we are looking at 3 million

00:13:06.480 --> 00:13:10.460
votes in the 1970s or 5 .5 million votes today.

00:13:11.480 --> 00:13:13.960
The gap between the two major parties often hovers

00:13:13.960 --> 00:13:16.299
around just a few percentage points. So every

00:13:16.299 --> 00:13:18.720
single vote really does matter. Every single

00:13:18.720 --> 00:13:20.820
vote becomes critical. Yeah. And that brings

00:13:20.820 --> 00:13:23.980
us to one of the most surprising structural forces

00:13:23.980 --> 00:13:27.379
hidden in this data. The wildcard third party

00:13:27.379 --> 00:13:29.419
candidates. This is the part of the numbers that

00:13:29.419 --> 00:13:31.340
completely caught me off guard. When you think

00:13:31.340 --> 00:13:33.600
about U .S. Senate races, you generally expect

00:13:33.600 --> 00:13:36.080
to see the two main parties dominating the board.

00:13:36.200 --> 00:13:38.019
Right. Usually feels like a two person race.

00:13:38.179 --> 00:13:40.200
But there are these highly specific, completely

00:13:40.200 --> 00:13:42.559
surprising third party data points that just

00:13:42.559 --> 00:13:45.039
pop out and demand your attention. Let's go all

00:13:45.039 --> 00:13:46.980
the way back to that very first direct election

00:13:46.980 --> 00:13:49.700
we talked about. 1914. 1914 for the class three

00:13:49.700 --> 00:13:52.860
seat. The Republican Harding got about 49 percent

00:13:52.860 --> 00:13:55.860
and the Democrat Hogan got about 39 percent.

00:13:56.120 --> 00:13:58.639
But sitting right there in the margins is a progressive

00:13:58.639 --> 00:14:02.200
candidate named Arthur. And he pulls some real

00:14:02.200 --> 00:14:11.480
numbers. who looked at a brand new democratic

00:14:11.480 --> 00:14:14.320
process, looked at the two major parties and

00:14:14.320 --> 00:14:16.779
said, no, I'm going with this third option. That

00:14:16.779 --> 00:14:18.940
trend of significant third party vote shares

00:14:18.940 --> 00:14:21.080
doesn't just stay in the early 20th century.

00:14:21.220 --> 00:14:23.820
It continues to appear in highly consequential

00:14:23.820 --> 00:14:26.299
modern races. Let's see some examples. Let's

00:14:26.299 --> 00:14:28.960
look back at that 1992 class three race where

00:14:28.960 --> 00:14:31.759
John Glenn's massive margins finally shrank.

00:14:31.820 --> 00:14:35.059
He won with 50 .88 percent to Mike DeWine's 42

00:14:35.059 --> 00:14:38.100
.22 percent. OK. But look further across that

00:14:38.100 --> 00:14:40.570
exact same row of data. A candidate named Marka

00:14:40.570 --> 00:14:42.789
Gravatt, running under the Workers' World Party,

00:14:42.970 --> 00:14:46.909
secured an astonishing 6 .89 % of the vote. That

00:14:46.909 --> 00:14:49.049
is a big chunk. In raw numbers, that is over

00:14:49.049 --> 00:14:52.750
331 ,000 votes. That is wild. The margin of victory

00:14:52.750 --> 00:14:54.669
between the Democrat and the Republican in that

00:14:54.669 --> 00:14:58.490
specific election was about 415 ,000 votes. So

00:14:58.490 --> 00:15:01.149
a third -party candidate pulling over 330 ,000

00:15:01.149 --> 00:15:03.470
votes isn't just a fun piece of trivia, it is

00:15:03.470 --> 00:15:05.850
a massive factor. Absolutely. It represents a

00:15:05.850 --> 00:15:08.649
huge block of the electorate making a very dis

00:15:08.649 --> 00:15:10.750
- distinct choice that alters the entire math

00:15:10.750 --> 00:15:13.450
of the race. Precisely. And we see it happen

00:15:13.450 --> 00:15:16.590
again just two years later. In the 1994 class

00:15:16.590 --> 00:15:18.830
one race, the one where Mike DeWine successfully

00:15:18.830 --> 00:15:23.409
pivots and wins his seat, DeWine gets 53 .44

00:15:23.409 --> 00:15:27.549
percent and the Democrat gets 39 .23 percent.

00:15:27.710 --> 00:15:29.830
And who is the third party there? An independent

00:15:29.830 --> 00:15:33.809
candidate named Joe Slovenak pulls in 7 .33 percent

00:15:33.809 --> 00:15:37.490
of the vote. That is over 252 ,000 people casting

00:15:37.490 --> 00:15:39.629
their ballot for an independent. That is incredible.

00:15:40.059 --> 00:15:42.340
Why it matters is that in a state as large as

00:15:42.340 --> 00:15:45.259
Ohio, these aren't just statistical anomalies

00:15:45.259 --> 00:15:47.460
or rounding errors. These third party margins

00:15:47.460 --> 00:15:50.279
represent hundreds of thousands of voters. Right.

00:15:50.480 --> 00:15:53.100
If a race is frequently decided by one or two

00:15:53.100 --> 00:15:55.399
percentage points, a candidate who can capture

00:15:55.399 --> 00:15:57.539
seven percent of the electorate is holding the

00:15:57.539 --> 00:15:59.620
keys to the kingdom. They absolutely are. They

00:15:59.620 --> 00:16:01.720
have the mathematical power to act as spoilers.

00:16:01.980 --> 00:16:04.240
They force the major candidates to change their

00:16:04.240 --> 00:16:06.600
platforms, adapt their messaging and sometimes

00:16:06.600 --> 00:16:08.779
radically alter the outcome of the election just

00:16:08.779 --> 00:16:10.700
by having their. name on the ballot. It proves

00:16:10.700 --> 00:16:12.899
that the binary narrative of simply Democrat

00:16:12.899 --> 00:16:16.240
versus Republican often misses the deeper complexities

00:16:16.240 --> 00:16:17.879
of what the voters were actually trying to say.

00:16:17.980 --> 00:16:20.820
Those hundreds of thousands of independent and

00:16:20.820 --> 00:16:24.980
third party votes are a loud, clear signal that

00:16:24.980 --> 00:16:27.179
a significant portion of the population is looking

00:16:27.179 --> 00:16:29.519
for something outside the traditional columns.

00:16:30.019 --> 00:16:33.470
So what does this all mean? We started out looking

00:16:33.470 --> 00:16:36.350
at what appeared to be a dry, boring list, just

00:16:36.350 --> 00:16:39.409
a sprawling grid of years, names, and percentages.

00:16:39.710 --> 00:16:41.850
A very long grid. But when you really take the

00:16:41.850 --> 00:16:44.389
time to read it, you realize you aren't just

00:16:44.389 --> 00:16:47.440
looking at math. You are looking at the living,

00:16:47.519 --> 00:16:50.059
breathing pulse of a state's electorate over

00:16:50.059 --> 00:16:52.240
more than a century. That's beautifully put.

00:16:52.440 --> 00:16:54.740
You can actually trace the pendulum swings of

00:16:54.740 --> 00:16:57.659
public opinion. You can feel the incredible patience

00:16:57.659 --> 00:17:00.080
and persistence of candidates who lose by a hair,

00:17:00.279 --> 00:17:03.139
wait six grueling years, and run again to finally

00:17:03.139 --> 00:17:06.140
claim victory. Like Metzenbaum. Exactly. You

00:17:06.140 --> 00:17:09.000
see the massive multi -million vote landslides

00:17:09.000 --> 00:17:11.599
that define eras, and you see the razor -thin

00:17:11.599 --> 00:17:14.299
margins that change the course of history. The

00:17:14.299 --> 00:17:16.000
numbers tell the story of a public constantly

00:17:16.000 --> 00:17:18.380
evaluating, checking, and rechecking the people

00:17:18.380 --> 00:17:20.660
they send to represent them. It is a remarkable

00:17:20.660 --> 00:17:23.180
testament to the power of the voter. And this

00:17:23.180 --> 00:17:25.559
raises an important question, one that I think

00:17:25.559 --> 00:17:28.519
completely reframes everything we have discussed

00:17:28.519 --> 00:17:31.279
today. What's that? We noted at the very beginning

00:17:31.279 --> 00:17:35.039
that this entire era of data only exists because

00:17:35.039 --> 00:17:38.619
of the 17th Amendment passing in 1913. That amendment

00:17:38.619 --> 00:17:42.519
took the power of selecting senators away from

00:17:42.519 --> 00:17:44.839
state legislators and gave it directly to the

00:17:44.839 --> 00:17:47.539
public. Right. I want you to imagine for a moment

00:17:47.539 --> 00:17:51.240
a world where that amendment never passed. What

00:17:51.240 --> 00:17:53.319
if state legislatures were still handpicking

00:17:53.319 --> 00:17:56.079
these senators in backroom deals rather than

00:17:56.079 --> 00:17:58.319
the general public voting at the ballot box?

00:17:58.440 --> 00:18:01.279
Oh, wow. How many of these razor -thin popular

00:18:01.279 --> 00:18:04.180
vote victories, how many of these dramatic shifts,

00:18:04.440 --> 00:18:07.099
unseatings, and intense rivalries would have

00:18:07.099 --> 00:18:09.380
been completely erased by legislative maneuvering?

00:18:09.400 --> 00:18:11.460
Most of them, probably. Would the record -breaking

00:18:11.460 --> 00:18:13.920
mandates of candidates pulling in nearly 3 million

00:18:13.920 --> 00:18:16.319
individual votes have even mattered if a few

00:18:16.319 --> 00:18:18.400
dozen local politicians were the only ones who

00:18:18.400 --> 00:18:20.759
had a say? That really changes how you look at

00:18:20.759 --> 00:18:23.619
the data. The trajectory of these seats, and

00:18:23.619 --> 00:18:25.940
by extension the trajectory of the entire country,

00:18:26.099 --> 00:18:28.160
would have been fundamentally different. That

00:18:28.160 --> 00:18:30.940
is wild to think about. The very existence of

00:18:30.940 --> 00:18:32.880
this spreadsheet and every single percentage

00:18:32.880 --> 00:18:35.440
point we talked about today is a monument to

00:18:35.440 --> 00:18:37.960
the direct voice of the people. It truly is.

00:18:38.359 --> 00:18:40.299
Thank you so much for joining us on this deep

00:18:40.299 --> 00:18:42.460
dive. The next time you find yourself staring

00:18:42.460 --> 00:18:45.480
at a supposedly dry wall of data, don't just

00:18:45.480 --> 00:18:48.700
skim past it. Take a closer look. Keep exploring

00:18:48.700 --> 00:18:51.000
the numbers behind the history, because there

00:18:51.000 --> 00:18:53.920
is always an incredible story waiting to be told.
