WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. I am really looking

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forward to getting into our topic today. Yeah,

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me too. Because we have a specific mission for

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this one, and it is honestly one of my favorite

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kinds of analytical exercises. We are taking

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a source that, well... At first glance, it might

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look like the driest, most straightforward document

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imaginable. It really does. Right. But we are

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going to extract the incredibly fascinating narratives

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that are hidden right there in plain sight. Today,

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we're analyzing the Wikipedia page for the list

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of United States Senate elections in Colorado.

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It does sound a bit like an eye test at first,

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doesn't it? I mean, if you just scroll through

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it, you are essentially looking at rows upon

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rows of dates, candidate names, voting percentages.

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So the giant spreadsheet. Exactly. Just a spreadsheet

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stretching back well over a century. But when

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you pause and actually analyze the trends in

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front of you, the entire document transforms.

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That is exactly how I felt looking at it. It's

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like looking at a secret numerical map of American

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history. It isn't just a table of numbers. It's

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a chronicle of shifting political alliances,

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massive electorate drama, and... the literal

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changing of the rules of the game. Yeah. And

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you, the listener, you get to ride shotgun as

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we pull apart what these numbers actually mean.

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To set the analytical stage for you, it helps

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to kind of contextualize the specific kind of

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data set we have here. We are examining over

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a century of direct election data. Right. Which

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provides us with a purely factual. totally objective

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look at how the voters of one specific state,

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in this case, Colorado, have shifted their preferences

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over time. It gives us a pristine snapshot of

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the electorate's behavior across completely different

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eras. We're talking major wars, economic booms,

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depressions, huge cultural shifts. All of it.

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Exactly. And as we dive in, just a quick reminder

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to you, the listener, we are strictly wearing

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our data analyst hats today. We aren't here to

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endorse any candidate or party on the left or

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the right. We are just here to read the fascinating

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story that the raw election. results tell us.

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We're totally neutral observers here. Exactly.

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We are looking impartially at the historical

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data exactly as it is laid out. No spin, no taking

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sides, just us, the numbers, and the historical

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shifts right there in the margins. Precisely.

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The numbers wrote the script. And our job is

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simply to read it and figure out the broader

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context. OK, let's unpack this. Looking at Colorado's

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framework, the data splits the state's representation

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into class two and class three seats, starting

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right at statehood in 1876. Right. You have these

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staggered six -year terms, meaning only a portion

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of the chamber is up for a vote in any given

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two -year cycle. It's a design built entirely

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around continuity, essentially ensuring a baseline

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of institutional memory. And while the data officially

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kicks off in 1876, the reality of those early

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years was vastly different from what voters experience

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today. Oh, entirely different. Yeah. When Colorado

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first entered the union, you as a citizen didn't

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actually have a direct say in who went to the

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Senate. Those seats were decided by the state

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legislature. Which is such a wild concept to

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wrap your head around today. I mean, you wouldn't

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campaign to the public. You would campaign to

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the legislators in back rooms. If we connect

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this to the bigger picture. This is a foundational

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pivot point in American political history. For

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decades, the Senate was heavily insulated from

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the direct popular vote. But the data in our

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list... undergoes a massive structural shift

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in 1913. That's the year the 17th Amendment passed.

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Strooping that appointment power away from the

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state legislatures. Exactly. And handing it directly

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to the voters. And what makes this particular

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list so valuable is that it rigorously tracks

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the elections after that 1913 Amendment. We are

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getting an unadulterated timeline of pure popular

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voting trends. Which brings us to the wild west

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of early direct elections. I was looking at the

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very first popular election on this list, the

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1914 race for the class three seat, and the results

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completely defied my expectations. It's a really

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chaotic snapshot. It is. Put yourself in the

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shoes of a Colorado voter in 1914. You finally

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have the power to directly elect your senator.

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You step up to the ballot box and the outcome

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is just wonderfully chaotic. It was a deeply

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fractured electorate, without a doubt. When you

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look at the margins, it doesn't look anything

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like a modern political mandate. Not at all.

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The winner of that first ever direct Senate election

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was Democrat Charles S. Thomas. But he took the

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seat with just over 40 percent of the vote. 40

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.3, zero percent, to be exact. Right. He barely

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edged out the Republican candidate Hubert Work,

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who came in at nearly 39 percent. So the winner

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is taking the prize with barely four in 10 voters

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actually casting a ballot for him. What's fascinating

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here is why those winning percentages were hovering

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so low. If you analyze the broader field in that

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1914 race, you immediately see the massive influence

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of third -party candidates. This wasn't a simple

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binary choice. Benjamin Griffith, running for

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the Progressive Party, grabbed nearly 11 % of

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the vote, 10 .69%. And then you had J .C. Griffith.

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Right, running for the Socialist Party. And he

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took... Roughly five and a half percent. I have

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to admit, I kind of love the fact that you have

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a Griffith and a Griffiths running for two completely

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different third parties on the exact same ballot.

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It's a great historical quirk. But think about

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what those percentages represent in terms of

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voter sentiment. You have an electorate deeply

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divided across four distinct political ideologies.

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Over 16 percent of the state. walked into a voting

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booth and chose either a progressive or a socialist

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candidate for the U .S. Senate. It's a phenomenal

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data point. It stands in stark contrast to the

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rigid two -party structures we usually analyze

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today. This 1914 snapshot shows us a voting public

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that was willing to explore wildly different

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visions for the country's trajectory right at

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the onset of direct democracy for the Senate.

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They were really testing the waters. They were.

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It was an era of intense ideological experimentation.

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And the voters clearly weren't afraid to split

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their tickets. And that third party insurgent

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energy, it didn't just fade away after one election

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cycle. Jump forward 10 years to the 1924 class

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two election and we see it happen again. The

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Farmer Labor Party. Yes. A candidate named Morton

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Alexander ran under the Farmer Labor Party banner.

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He didn't just pick up a few protest votes. He

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pulled in over 5 percent of the total electorate.

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That is a massive chunk to carve out of a race

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where the Republican incumbent Lawrence C. Phipps

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only secured about 50 percent of the vote. Those

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early decades really emphasized the fluidity

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of party loyalty at the time. Voters were highly

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pragmatic. If they felt their specific agricultural

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and labor interests weren't being championed

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by the traditional two parties. They just went

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somewhere else. Exactly. They were perfectly

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willing to leverage their votes elsewhere. It

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kept the major parties from taking any demographic

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for granted. Here's where it gets really interesting,

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though, because as we move deeper into the data,

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we start to see these incredible pendulum swings

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between absolute undeniable blowouts and races

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that are so tight you can hardly breathe. Let's

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look at the extremes, starting with the ultimate

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landslide. The 1948 class two election is the

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prime example of that extreme. It is a staggering

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result. In 1948, Democrat Edwin C. Johnson completely

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dominated the field. He took nearly 67 percent

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of the vote. 66 .79 percent. Right. And the Republican

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challenger, Will Nicholson, only managed about

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32 percent. Johnson essentially doubled his opponent's

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vote total. When you pull nearly 67 percent in

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a statewide Senate race, you are looking at a

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politician who has built a coalition so broad

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that it essentially neutralizes the opposition.

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But the data also reveals the complete opposite

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end of the spectrum. For every massive blowout,

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there is an incredibly tight nail biter. And

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the tightest of them all on this list is the

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1932 special election for the class three seat.

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This is the one that really stood out to me.

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The margins are almost nonexistent. It is the

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absolute definition of a razor's edge. You have

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Republican Carl C. Shiler facing off against

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Democrat Walter Walker. When the dust settles,

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Scaler receives 207 ,540 votes. Walker receives

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206 ,475 votes. So we are talking about a difference

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of barely over a thousand votes across the entire

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state. Exactly. Look at the percentages. Schuyler

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won with roughly 48 .7 percent. Walker lost with

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roughly 48 .5 percent. It is a difference of

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a quarter of a percent. A microscopic fraction

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decided who went to Washington to represent the

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state. Imagine being on the campaign team for

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either of those candidates. Every single neighborhood

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you canvassed, every single door you knocked

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on, every voter you convinced to show up, it

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all literally mattered. Every single one. And

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the data shows this wasn't just a one -off historical

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fluke. Colorado has a clear track record of these

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heart -stotting finishes. Take the 1942 Class

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II race. Edwin C. Johnson, the same guy who goes

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on to win that massive 67 % landslide six years

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later, had the absolute fight of his life in

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42. He won by just over one point against his

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Republican challenger, Carr. Which perfectly

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illustrates how quickly a political mandate can

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shift in a competitive state. You can win by

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a single point in one cycle and then double your

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opponent's total in the next. And then you have

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the upset of the 1972 class two race. You have

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a Republican incumbent, Gordon Allott, who had

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held the seat comfortably since 1954. He had

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won three previous elections without breaking

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a sweat. He was a fixture in the Senate. Absolutely.

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But in 72, Democrat Floyd Haskell unseats him

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by the narrowest of margins, roughly 49 .4 percent

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to 48 .3 percent. Just about a one point difference

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ends a nearly two decade Senate career. The analytical

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takeaway from these specific squeakers is profoundly

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important for understanding the state's political

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DNA. These razor thin margins serve as a historical

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ledger, reminding us of just how intensely competitive

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the environment has been over the last century.

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When an electorate repeatedly produces results

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decided by a percent or less, it creates a very

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specific kind of political pressure cooker. Politicians

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are kept constantly on their toes. There is zero

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room for complacency when a shift of a few thousand

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votes can send you packing. Which perfectly sets

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up what is arguably the most surprising plot

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twist in this entire data set. I was scrolling

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through the chronologies, looking at the shifting

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margins, and I literally had to stop and reread

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the rows to make sure I wasn't misunderstanding

00:10:33.960 --> 00:10:37.360
the table. We really need to talk about Ben Nighthorse

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Campbell on the class three seat in the 1990s.

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It is a remarkable anomaly. You rarely see this

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kind of trajectory in modern electoral data.

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It is total political deja vu, but with a complete

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uniform change. So here's how the data lays it

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out. In 1992, Ben Nighthorse Campbell wins the

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class three seat. He wins it as a Democrat, pulling

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in a solid mandate of nearly 52 percent against

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his Republican opponent. Right. He goes to Washington,

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serves his term. Six years pass. It is 1998 and

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it's time for Campbell to face the voters again

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for that same class three seat. He runs and he

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wins again. But this time he wins as a Republican.

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This raises an important question about voter

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psychology and candidate loyalty. You might assume

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a high profile party switch would alienate a

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massive portion of his original voting base.

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But the numbers here tell a completely different

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story. Not only did he win as a Republican, but

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look at the margin he achieved. Yes. In 1998,

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running as a Republican, Campbell takes over

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62 percent of the vote. He absolutely crushed

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his Democratic opponent, who only managed about

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35 percent. His margin of victory actually expanded

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dramatically after switching parties. It is deeply

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fascinating. When we analyze this data point,

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we have to acknowledge how incredibly rare it

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is to see a sitting U .S. senator completely

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switch their party affiliation midstream and

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not only survive the subsequent election, but

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actually win it by a substantially larger margin.

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He increased his vote share by 10 points. It

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strongly implies that in this specific instance,

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a huge swath of the electorate was voting for

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the individual Ben Nighthorse Campbell, the person

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entirely independent of the party apparatus or

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the letter next to his name. It's like your star

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player deciding to sign with your biggest rival

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in the offseason and the home crowd cheering

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for him even louder when he comes back to town.

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It completely bucks the conventional wisdom of

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partisan loyalty. It really does. And speaking

00:12:31.840 --> 00:12:34.779
of bizarre 1990s data quirks, the table gives

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us another incredible instance of political deja

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vu right around the same time. Let's look at

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the class two elections of 1996 and 2002. Ah,

00:12:43.259 --> 00:12:46.120
the Allard and Strickland matchups. This is a

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brilliant study in demographics. stillness. It

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is the exact same matchup for the exact same

00:12:50.620 --> 00:12:53.799
seat twice in a row. In 1996, you have a Republican

00:12:53.799 --> 00:12:56.100
Wayne Allard facing off against Democrat Tom

00:12:56.100 --> 00:12:59.100
Strickland. Allard wins. He takes the seat with

00:12:59.100 --> 00:13:02.000
a margin of about five points, roughly 51 percent

00:13:02.000 --> 00:13:04.580
to 46 percent. Yes. Six years of history happened.

00:13:04.700 --> 00:13:07.059
We cross into a new millennium. And in 2002,

00:13:07.240 --> 00:13:09.779
they do it all over again. The sequel, Allard

00:13:09.779 --> 00:13:12.039
versus Strickland. And what makes this repeat

00:13:12.039 --> 00:13:14.909
matchup so compelling? isn't just that the same

00:13:14.909 --> 00:13:18.149
two candidates ran. It is the sheer, unyielding

00:13:18.149 --> 00:13:20.389
consistency of the electorate across those two

00:13:20.389 --> 00:13:23.929
cycles. As you noted, an entire six -year term

00:13:23.929 --> 00:13:27.029
has passed. New issues have emerged. But the

00:13:27.029 --> 00:13:29.409
voters delivered nearly the exact same verdict

00:13:29.409 --> 00:13:32.090
down to the decimal point. Down to the decimal

00:13:32.090 --> 00:13:35.809
point. In 1996, Allard won by roughly five points.

00:13:36.129 --> 00:13:38.970
Six years later, the electorate barely budged.

00:13:38.970 --> 00:13:41.580
He won again. by the exact same five -point spread.

00:13:41.799 --> 00:13:44.059
The percentages practically mirrored each other.

00:13:44.200 --> 00:13:46.659
Both candidates saw a tiny fractional drop of

00:13:46.659 --> 00:13:48.500
about a third of a percent from their previous

00:13:48.500 --> 00:13:51.600
totals. It is almost as if the entire state electorate

00:13:51.600 --> 00:13:55.139
was frozen in amber for six years. It is a striking

00:13:55.139 --> 00:13:57.500
statistical anomaly. It serves as a testament

00:13:57.500 --> 00:13:59.519
to a deeply entrenched electorate during that

00:13:59.519 --> 00:14:01.860
specific window of time. Neither side was able

00:14:01.860 --> 00:14:03.799
to persuade a meaningful number of voters to

00:14:03.799 --> 00:14:05.740
cross the aisle despite having a full Senate

00:14:05.740 --> 00:14:07.840
term to try and shift the narrative. The lines

00:14:07.840 --> 00:14:10.470
were drawn. And the voters did not budge. OK,

00:14:10.590 --> 00:14:13.269
let's pull our lens back and look at the modern

00:14:13.269 --> 00:14:16.190
era in this data set from the 2000s to today,

00:14:16.350 --> 00:14:19.409
because looking at this recent data, we see two

00:14:19.409 --> 00:14:22.230
totally different political personalities emerge

00:14:22.230 --> 00:14:25.250
for these two Senate seats. It is almost like

00:14:25.250 --> 00:14:28.309
they belong to different states. Let's start

00:14:28.309 --> 00:14:30.220
with the class two seat. I call this one the

00:14:30.220 --> 00:14:32.919
swing state phenomenon. Over the last couple

00:14:32.919 --> 00:14:35.480
of decades, this seat has been an absolute political

00:14:35.480 --> 00:14:38.259
pendulum. It has been a highly volatile seat

00:14:38.259 --> 00:14:41.279
characterized by rapid recalibration by the voters.

00:14:41.360 --> 00:14:43.960
Exactly. Look at the timeline. In 2008, Democrat

00:14:43.960 --> 00:14:46.700
Mark Udall wins the seat comfortably with nearly

00:14:46.700 --> 00:14:50.250
53 percent of the vote. He looks secure. But

00:14:50.250 --> 00:14:53.389
six years later, in 2014, the pendulum swings

00:14:53.389 --> 00:14:56.470
back hard. Republican Cory Gardner challenges

00:14:56.470 --> 00:14:59.269
Udall and narrowly takes the seat from him, winning

00:14:59.269 --> 00:15:02.549
by about two points, 48 .2 percent to 46 .26

00:15:02.549 --> 00:15:05.049
percent. So the Republicans have reclaimed the

00:15:05.049 --> 00:15:07.429
seat. But the pendulum wasn't finished swinging.

00:15:07.649 --> 00:15:10.730
The electorate wasn't settled. Not at all. Fast

00:15:10.730 --> 00:15:14.350
forward to 2020. Democrat John Hickenlooper challenges

00:15:14.350 --> 00:15:17.409
Gardner and the electorate recalibrates yet again.

00:15:17.870 --> 00:15:19.970
Hickenlooper swings the seat back to the Democrats,

00:15:20.250 --> 00:15:23.350
defeating Gardner by a solid margin. That one

00:15:23.350 --> 00:15:25.889
seat, Class 2, went from Democrat to Republican

00:15:25.889 --> 00:15:28.289
right back to Democrat in just three election

00:15:28.289 --> 00:15:30.830
cycles. Now contrast that extreme volatility

00:15:30.830 --> 00:15:34.289
with the Class 3 seat during roughly the same

00:15:34.289 --> 00:15:37.149
time period. While Class 2 has been swinging

00:15:37.149 --> 00:15:40.029
wildly back and forth, Class 3 has acted as an

00:15:40.029 --> 00:15:43.029
anchor. It has been remarkably steady. The data

00:15:43.029 --> 00:15:45.309
shows that this seat has been held by a single

00:15:45.309 --> 00:15:48.049
individual. Democrat Michael Bennett through

00:15:48.049 --> 00:15:50.950
three consecutive election cycles, 2010, 2016

00:15:50.950 --> 00:15:54.110
and 2022. But the data also shows it didn't start

00:15:54.110 --> 00:15:56.190
easy for him. He really had to earn that anchor

00:15:56.190 --> 00:15:58.250
status. He absolutely did. In his first election

00:15:58.250 --> 00:16:00.830
in 2010, Bennett barely survived a very close

00:16:00.830 --> 00:16:02.929
race against his Republican challenger, winning

00:16:02.929 --> 00:16:05.730
by less than two points, 48 .08 percent to 46

00:16:05.730 --> 00:16:09.090
.40 percent. But as we track his trajectory through

00:16:09.090 --> 00:16:11.309
the subsequent columns, we see his grip on the

00:16:11.309 --> 00:16:13.990
seat solidify. He builds that coalition. Exactly.

00:16:14.269 --> 00:16:17.649
He navigates a tough. map in 2016. And by 2022,

00:16:18.110 --> 00:16:20.549
he expands his winning margin significantly,

00:16:21.149 --> 00:16:24.409
taking nearly 56 % of the vote. He goes from

00:16:24.409 --> 00:16:27.169
barely surviving to commanding the field. I really

00:16:27.169 --> 00:16:30.269
want you, the listener, to chew on what it implies

00:16:30.269 --> 00:16:33.169
to live in an ecosystem with this specific political

00:16:33.169 --> 00:16:36.529
dynamic. You are a voter looking at your two

00:16:36.529 --> 00:16:39.610
Senate seats. For one seat, the class three seat,

00:16:39.710 --> 00:16:42.429
you have deep stability, the same person representing

00:16:42.429 --> 00:16:45.450
you building seniority for over a decade. But

00:16:45.450 --> 00:16:47.549
for the other seat, the class two seat, you are

00:16:47.549 --> 00:16:49.950
living in a constant state of electoral whiplash.

00:16:50.750 --> 00:16:52.809
Completely dual experience. It is. The state

00:16:52.809 --> 00:16:54.570
swings left, it swings right, it swings back

00:16:54.570 --> 00:16:57.289
left. It never lets one party get entirely too

00:16:57.289 --> 00:16:59.690
comfortable in that chair. It is endlessly fascinating

00:16:59.690 --> 00:17:01.970
to see both the volatile pendulum and the steady

00:17:01.970 --> 00:17:04.869
anchor existing in the exact same state voted

00:17:04.869 --> 00:17:07.049
on by the exact same people at the exact same

00:17:07.049 --> 00:17:09.960
time. It really highlights the sheer complexity

00:17:09.960 --> 00:17:12.660
of statewide electorates. They are not monoliths.

00:17:12.660 --> 00:17:15.019
We tend to paint states in broad strokes, red,

00:17:15.200 --> 00:17:17.960
blue, purple. But the data shows that voters

00:17:17.960 --> 00:17:21.099
react distinctly to different candidates, different

00:17:21.099 --> 00:17:24.480
national moods, and the specific cadence of overlapping

00:17:24.480 --> 00:17:27.039
election cycles. Which is exactly why we wanted

00:17:27.039 --> 00:17:29.980
to take on this specific mission today. To wrap

00:17:29.980 --> 00:17:32.400
this all up, I hope you can see now why we get

00:17:32.400 --> 00:17:34.640
so deeply invested in what looks like a quote

00:17:34.640 --> 00:17:37.559
unquote boring list of dates and voting. percentages,

00:17:37.579 --> 00:17:40.359
because when you actually read the numbers and

00:17:40.359 --> 00:17:43.220
analyze the margins, they tell a truly thrilling

00:17:43.220 --> 00:17:45.859
story. They absolutely do. We started back in

00:17:45.859 --> 00:17:49.200
1914 with massive third party insurgencies from

00:17:49.200 --> 00:17:51.180
progressives and socialists that fractured the

00:17:51.180 --> 00:17:54.099
vote. We witnessed absolute landslides where

00:17:54.099 --> 00:17:56.400
one candidate doubled the other's vote total

00:17:56.400 --> 00:17:59.059
and we saw victories decided by a fraction of

00:17:59.059 --> 00:18:02.069
a single percent. We analyzed a sitting senator

00:18:02.069 --> 00:18:04.529
who completely flipped his political party and

00:18:04.529 --> 00:18:06.849
managed to win his next race by an even wider

00:18:06.849 --> 00:18:09.849
margin. And we watched a modern electorate swinging

00:18:09.849 --> 00:18:12.230
back and forth, constantly keeping the politicians

00:18:12.230 --> 00:18:15.049
guessing. It's incredible. It is over a century

00:18:15.049 --> 00:18:19.150
of incredible historical drama, all neatly organized

00:18:19.150 --> 00:18:21.869
into a single table. So what does this all mean?

00:18:22.089 --> 00:18:24.609
We saw how the 17th Amendment changed Senate

00:18:24.609 --> 00:18:27.390
elections from a behind closed doors legislative

00:18:27.390 --> 00:18:30.759
decision to a direct popular vote. Looking at

00:18:30.759 --> 00:18:33.240
these razor thin margins and the occasional third

00:18:33.240 --> 00:18:36.400
party spoiler, it makes you wonder how much of

00:18:36.400 --> 00:18:38.720
our political history is decided not just by

00:18:38.720 --> 00:18:41.259
who the candidates are, but by the precise rules

00:18:41.259 --> 00:18:43.099
of how we are allowed to vote for them. That

00:18:43.099 --> 00:18:45.119
is a brilliant point to leave things on. Thank

00:18:45.119 --> 00:18:47.039
you so much for joining us on this deep dive.

00:18:47.180 --> 00:18:49.220
I hope you found as much insight in this historical

00:18:49.220 --> 00:18:51.880
map as we did. Keep looking closely at the data

00:18:51.880 --> 00:18:53.839
around you. Keep questioning the numbers and

00:18:53.839 --> 00:18:54.880
we will catch you next time.
