WEBVTT

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Welcome to this deep dive. I am incredibly glad

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you decided to join us today. Yeah, it's great

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to be here. Have you ever looked at a spreadsheet,

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like just a simple dry list of names and dates?

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Right, something that looks totally boring on

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the surface. Exactly. Have you ever looked at

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something like that and realized you were actually

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staring at this sweeping, dramatic, historical

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epic? Because that is exactly the experience

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we had when preparing for today. It really was.

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We are looking at a single Wikipedia article

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today. And it's titled A List of United States

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Senate Elections in California. Which I know

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sounds a bit dry. Yeah, you might be wondering

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why we're devoting an entire deep dive to a list

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of elections. But stick with us here. Please

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do. Because we're going to trace the deeply fascinating

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history of how California has chosen its U .S.

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senators over the last century. We're looking

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way beyond the raw data. Right. To uncover the

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unpredictable quirks of the ballot, the profound

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shifts in voting rules, and really the massive

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leaps that completely rewrote the political map

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of the West Coast. It's a brilliant shortcut

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to understanding the evolution of one of the

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largest states in the Union. Purely through the

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lens of who they put on the ballot. And to help

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make sense of all this historical data, I am

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joined, as always, by our resident expert. Always

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a pleasure. And what's fascinating here is that

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the foundation of all this data comes straight

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from the structural design of the U .S. Constitution.

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Right. Setting the baseline. Exactly. The Constitution

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allots every single state exactly two senators,

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regardless of the state's population size. and

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they serve staggered six -year terms. Staggered,

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meaning they aren't elected at the same time.

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Correct. To keep those elections balanced across

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the entire country, the Senate is divided into

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three distinct classes. Okay. So upon California's

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admission to the union back in 1850, the state

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was assigned a class one seat and a class three

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seat. Which means voters are never completely

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replacing their entire Senate representation

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all at once. Right. There is always an element

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of continuity. But before we get into the popular

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vote, we have to address a crucial historical

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pivot in the text right up front. A huge pivot.

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Because if you go all the way back to 1850, you,

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the average California resident, you didn't actually

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have a direct say in who went to the Senate.

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That is a vital piece of context. Originally,

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U .S. senators were chosen directly by the state

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legislature. Just politicians picking politicians?

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Exactly. It was a system that often involved

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backroom deals and intense localized lobbying.

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It was far removed from the general public. It

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wasn't until the ratification of the 17th Amendment

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in 1913 that senators were elected directly by

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the popular vote. Yes. So the data we are really

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sinking our teeth into today starts right after

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that amendment takes effect. We're looking at

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what happened in California once the average

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citizens actually got the reins. Once the voters

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had a say. OK, let's unpack this, because once

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the voters get control, the early data from the

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1910s through the 1930s is incredibly fractured.

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Oh, totally. If you think today's political landscape

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is chaotic, the sheer variety of political parties

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that used to pull substantial numbers reveals

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a truly experimental electorate. It was an era

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of intense political multipolarity. It absolutely

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was. When you look at the fractions and the vote

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distribution from those early popular vote elections.

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It's far from a simple binary choice between

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two major establishment parties. Right. It's

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not just Republican versus Democrat. Not at all.

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The data reflects a state going through rapid

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growing pains, deeply divided on monumental social

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issues. I want to look at the 1914 Class 3 election

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as our first prime example of this. That's a

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great one to start with. You have the Democrat,

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James D. Phelan, winning with just under a third

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of the total vote. Barely 30%. Right. But look

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at the rest of the field. He is closely trailed

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by Francis J. Honey, running for the Progressive

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Party. Who captured over a quarter of the electorate.

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And then you have Ernest Nutterman running as

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a socialist. And he didn't just get a handful

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of protest votes. No, he really didn't. He walked

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away with over 6 % of the total vote, representing

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tens of thousands of individual voters. And that

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socialist presence was not a one -off anomaly

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on the ballot either. No. If you fast forward

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just a bit to the 1922 class one election, the

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famous author Upton Sinclair. The guy who wrote

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The Jungle. That's the one. He actually ran for

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the Senate as a socialist. He did. And similar

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to the 1914 data. Sinclair grabbed over 6 % of

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the electorate. Which shows a persistent, organized

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voting bloc. Yeah, a real consistency there.

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Yeah. But if we were talking about numbers that

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truly jump off the page, I want to bring up the

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1932 Class 3 election. Ah, that would be the

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Robert P. Scholar campaign. That is the one.

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So you have the Democrat, William Gibbs McAdoo,

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winning the seat, and the Republican talent tubs

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coming in second. Pretty standard so far. Right.

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But right there in the data. is Robert P. Shuler

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running for the Prohibition Party. And the numbers

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are staggering. He secured over 560 ,000 votes.

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Over half a million people, representing more

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than a quarter of the entire total vote, went

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to the Prohibition Party candidate in 1932. If

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we connect this to the bigger picture, this data

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tells a profound story about the cultural climate

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of early 20th century California. Yeah, what

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does that tell us? You're seeing a state grappling

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with the temperance movement. labor rights and

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immense economic anxiety during the early years

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of the Great Depression. Because people were

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desperate for solutions. Exactly. Those movements

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had enough genuine popular support to field incredibly

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viable third party candidates. Voters were not

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locked into a rigid two party mindset. They were

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actively using the ballot to voice very specific,

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uncompromising ideological stances. And the system

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at the time accommodated that expression. accommodated

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in some highly unusual ways too. If you read

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the fine print in the notes of this Wikipedia

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article, you discover an electoral mechanic called

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cross -nomination. Yes, this is a distinct quirk

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of California's electoral history that completely

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alters how we read the data. How so? Well, under

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this system, candidates could essentially compete

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for and win the nomination of multiple political

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parties simultaneously during the primary phase.

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Which feels completely counterintuitive today.

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Like, why would the state allow a candidate to

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represent opposing parties? It was actually an

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intentional progressive era reform. Yeah. The

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original goal was to weaken the grip of corrupt

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party bosses and political machines. To take

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the power away from the back rooms again. Right.

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The reformers believe that if a candidate was

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broadly popular enough, they should be able to

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appeal directly to the voters of any party, bypassing

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the party leadership's preferred choices. OK,

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that context. Completely changes how you view

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the 1934 class one election. It really does.

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We have Hiram Johnson, who is an incumbent Republican.

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But according to the notes, he successfully utilized

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this cross nomination mechanic and was also nominated

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by the Democratic Party. So he enters the general

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election as the chosen candidate for both major

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parties. The result is a monumental landslide.

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He wins nearly 95 % of the vote, pulling in almost

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2 million ballots. Incredible numbers. The runner

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-up was a socialist candidate who only managed

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about 5%. A system meant to give voters more

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choices essentially created a unified, unopposed

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sweep. It is a perfect example of how the structural

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rules of the ballot dictate the outcome. When

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the mechanics of the election allow a single

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candidate to capture both major party lines,

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the data reflects a victory that looks almost

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autocratic. Yeah, 95 % is huge. But it is entirely

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a product of the primary system's rules at that

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specific moment in time. It effectively neutralized

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the partisan tug of war before the general election

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even began. Speaking of ballot mechanics, here's

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where it gets really interesting. Oh, yes. Let's

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move our timeline into the 1940s because I want

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to guide you through what has to be the most

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logistically complex election on this entire

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record. The 1946 Class I Special Election. Exactly.

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We are looking at the 1946 Class I Special Election.

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This is a truly remarkable data point. To understand

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it, we have to look at the exact circumstances

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of the ballot. Set the scene for us. There was

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a vacancy in the Senate, which meant there was

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a special election to fill the remainder of the

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current term happening on the exact same day

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as the regular general election for the next

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full term. Right. And because of either printing

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deadlines or legal quirks regarding when the

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vacancy occurred, the candidates for that short

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-term special election were not actually printed

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on that specific section of the ballot. Which

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leads to this astonishing result. William Nolan

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wins the special election for a United States

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Senate seat with over 425 ,000 votes. But he

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doesn't have a party listed next to his name

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in the main column. No, he is listed as a write

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-in candidate. He wins by having hundreds of

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thousands of people manually write his name on

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a piece of paper. And the runner -up. Will Rogers

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Jr. Right, who pulled in over 90 ,000 votes,

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was also a write -in candidate for that specific

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seat. When you stop to consider the logistical

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reality of that event, it is staggering. Imagine

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the level of public education and coordination

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required. In a pre -digital world. Exactly. We

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are talking about 1946. There is no social media

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to spread awareness, no email blasts, no targeted

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digital advertisements reminding you how to properly

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spell a candidate's name. You had to know exactly

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what to do when you walked into the booth. To

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mobilize over half a million voters across a

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geographically vast state like California to

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physically write in specific names requires an

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unprecedented... level of on -the -ground organizing,

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radio campaigning, and newspaper coordination.

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It paints such a vivid picture of civic engagement

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in the post -war era. It really does. Now, as

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we move through the 1950s and the 1960s, the

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spreadsheet shifts again. The multi -party chaos

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of the early century fades, and you start seeing

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major historical figures appear. Purely through

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the lens of the selection data. For instance,

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in 1950, Richard Nixon wins the class three seat

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with roughly 59 % of the vote for the Republicans,

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defeating the Democrat Helen Gahagan Douglas.

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What the data illustrates during this mid -century

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period is a state functioning as a highly competitive,

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genuine two -party battleground. Real toss -up.

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If you track both the class one and class three

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seats through these decades, you see a statistical

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pendulum swinging back and forth with remarkable

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regularity. You really do. We are looking at

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this purely as a timeline of changing hands.

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But it is incredibly consistent. Right. You have

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Republican Thomas Kuchel winning multiple elections

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in the 50s and early 60s. You have Republican

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George Murphy taking a seat in 1964. But interspersed

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right alongside them. You have Democrats taking

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victories like Claire Engel in 1958 and Alan

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Cranston coming in during the 1968 election and

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managing to hold his seat for decades. The control

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of these two Senate seats bounces back and forth

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continually. This pendulum perfectly captures

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the shifting demographics and the intense political

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priorities of California during the Cold War

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and the civil rights era. The state was changing

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fast. It was experiencing a massive suburban

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boom, the rapid growth of the aerospace industry

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and profound cultural revolutions. So the voters

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were constantly adapting. The electorate was.

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actively balancing power, heavily scrutinizing

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and rewarding different party platforms as the

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national landscape evolved. During this specific

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window of time, neither party could claim an

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unbreakable monopoly on the state's representation.

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But that competitive back and forth eventually

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gives way to an era of absolute, undeniable longevity.

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A massive shift. We move the timeline forward

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to the 1980s and particularly to 1992, which

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the data shows as a historic changing of the

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guard for California. 1992 is widely recognized

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as a watershed year because of a prior vacancy.

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Both the class one and the class three seats

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were on the ballot simultaneously. Right. Dianne

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Feinstein wins the class one special election

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with over five point eight million votes. Huge

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numbers. At the exact same time. Barbara Boxer

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wins the Class 3 regular election with over 5

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.1 million votes. both candidates running as

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Democrats. And looking at the sheer scale of

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their tenures based on the numbers in front of

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us is remarkable. When you look at the columns

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for the next few decades, it is just their names,

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election cycle after election cycle. The consistency

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is unparalleled in the state's history. Barbara

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Boxer successfully holds her class three seat

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through the 1998, 2004 and 2010 elections. And

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Feinstein goes even longer. Dianne Feinstein's

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tenure is even more expansive, holding the class

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one seat from that initial 19... special election

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all the way through the 2018 election listed

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here. While the amount of time they spent in

00:12:44.450 --> 00:12:47.309
office is impressive, what truly stands out in

00:12:47.309 --> 00:12:50.070
the data is the exponentially expanding voter

00:12:50.070 --> 00:12:52.289
base they were capturing. The raw totals are

00:12:52.289 --> 00:12:54.389
mind -boggling. Let's ground this with a comparison.

00:12:55.049 --> 00:12:58.470
Back in 1916, Hiram Johnson won his Senate seat

00:12:58.470 --> 00:13:02.509
with roughly 574 ,000 votes. You could fit that

00:13:02.509 --> 00:13:05.830
entire winning voter base into a few large modern

00:13:05.830 --> 00:13:08.389
sports stadiums. Easily. But by the time Dianne

00:13:08.389 --> 00:13:11.549
Feinstein runs in 2012, she is pulling in an

00:13:11.549 --> 00:13:17.370
astonishing 7 ,864 ,624 votes to secure her victory.

00:13:17.820 --> 00:13:20.399
That metric is a direct reflection of the exponential

00:13:20.399 --> 00:13:22.799
population growth of California over a century.

00:13:23.120 --> 00:13:25.620
The state transformed from a developing Western

00:13:25.620 --> 00:13:28.460
frontier into a global economic and demographic

00:13:28.460 --> 00:13:31.860
behemoth. I want you listening to this to visualize

00:13:31.860 --> 00:13:34.240
the logistical and financial shift required to

00:13:34.240 --> 00:13:36.240
campaign in that modern environment. It's a completely

00:13:36.240 --> 00:13:38.440
different game. In the early 20th century, a

00:13:38.440 --> 00:13:40.259
candidate might whistle -stop their way around

00:13:40.259 --> 00:13:42.899
the state on a train, speaking to crowds in town

00:13:42.899 --> 00:13:46.549
squares. Very localized. By 2012. to win one

00:13:46.549 --> 00:13:49.250
of these two Senate seats. A candidate has to

00:13:49.250 --> 00:13:51.610
win over a population larger than the entirety

00:13:51.610 --> 00:13:54.190
of many European countries. You're dealing with

00:13:54.190 --> 00:13:57.230
multiple massive television media markets, incredibly

00:13:57.230 --> 00:13:59.850
diverse demographics. And the necessity of immense

00:13:59.850 --> 00:14:02.450
campaign infrastructures just to reach the millions

00:14:02.450 --> 00:14:05.470
of people required to secure a plurality. Precisely.

00:14:05.470 --> 00:14:08.269
The strategies required to secure seven or eight

00:14:08.269 --> 00:14:11.370
million votes are entirely alien to the strategies

00:14:11.370 --> 00:14:13.950
used a century prior. It becomes an exercise

00:14:13.950 --> 00:14:16.970
in mass communication and vast resource management.

00:14:17.450 --> 00:14:19.649
However, just as the scale of the elections reach

00:14:19.649 --> 00:14:22.590
these unprecedented heights, the Wikipedia notes

00:14:22.590 --> 00:14:25.250
reveal yet another seismic disruption to the

00:14:25.250 --> 00:14:27.870
rules of the game. Another pivot. Hidden in the

00:14:27.870 --> 00:14:30.090
reference section is a legal change that completely

00:14:30.090 --> 00:14:32.129
altered everything we have discussed about the

00:14:32.129 --> 00:14:35.090
modern era. We are entering the 2010s to 2024

00:14:35.090 --> 00:14:38.110
timeframe. And the disruptor is Proposition 14.

00:14:38.309 --> 00:14:41.049
Proposition 14, passed by the voters in 2010,

00:14:41.409 --> 00:14:44.289
fundamentally rewired the state's electoral machinery.

00:14:44.649 --> 00:14:47.029
What exactly did it do? It instituted what is

00:14:47.029 --> 00:14:49.789
known as a top two primary system. The mechanics

00:14:49.789 --> 00:14:53.220
of this are crucial. All candidates, regardless

00:14:53.220 --> 00:14:55.899
of their political party affiliation, run on

00:14:55.899 --> 00:14:59.299
a single unified primary ballot. Oh, wow. Then

00:14:59.299 --> 00:15:01.600
only the two candidates who receive the most

00:15:01.600 --> 00:15:04.820
votes advance to the general election. Regardless

00:15:04.820 --> 00:15:07.960
of party, which means you are no longer guaranteed

00:15:07.960 --> 00:15:10.440
to have one Republican and one Democrat facing

00:15:10.440 --> 00:15:13.259
off in November. Exactly. Furthermore, the notes

00:15:13.259 --> 00:15:16.210
point out another critical detail. Proposition

00:15:16.210 --> 00:15:20.289
14 completely banned write -in candidates in

00:15:20.289 --> 00:15:22.870
the general election. Which is a stark contrast

00:15:22.870 --> 00:15:26.690
to the 1946 William Nolan mobilization we discussed

00:15:26.690 --> 00:15:28.230
earlier. Yeah, that couldn't happen anymore.

00:15:28.669 --> 00:15:31.169
Under the new Prop 14 rules, that kind of grassroots

00:15:31.169 --> 00:15:34.289
general election write -in campaign is legally

00:15:34.289 --> 00:15:36.590
impossible. The ballot is locked to those top

00:15:36.590 --> 00:15:38.570
two names. And the immediate results of this

00:15:38.570 --> 00:15:41.149
new rule jump right off the spreadsheet into

00:15:41.149 --> 00:15:43.990
highly unusual territory. Let's look at the 2016

00:15:43.990 --> 00:15:46.230
Class 3 election. Right. Let's look at the matchup.

00:15:46.269 --> 00:15:48.070
The general election matchup is Kamala Harris

00:15:48.070 --> 00:15:50.990
versus Loretta Sanchez. Both candidates are Democrats.

00:15:51.289 --> 00:15:53.330
Right. There is no Republican on the general

00:15:53.330 --> 00:15:55.389
election ballot for that Senate seat at all.

00:15:55.690 --> 00:15:57.690
Because they were the two individuals who secured

00:15:57.690 --> 00:16:00.090
the highest vote totals in the blanket primary.

00:16:00.450 --> 00:16:02.529
And we see it happen again in the very next cycle.

00:16:02.669 --> 00:16:05.690
Look at the 2018 class one election. Feinstein's

00:16:05.690 --> 00:16:08.509
race. Yes. You have incumbent Dianne Feinstein

00:16:08.509 --> 00:16:11.610
facing off against Kevin de Leon. Once again,

00:16:11.710 --> 00:16:14.529
two Democrats facing off in a general election

00:16:14.529 --> 00:16:16.929
for the United States Senate. This raises an

00:16:16.929 --> 00:16:19.710
important question. How does fundamentally altering

00:16:19.710 --> 00:16:22.870
the mechanics of the ballot redefine the strategies

00:16:22.870 --> 00:16:24.750
of the candidates? It has to change everything.

00:16:25.159 --> 00:16:27.399
In a top -two system where candidates from the

00:16:27.399 --> 00:16:29.779
exact same party face each other in a general

00:16:29.779 --> 00:16:32.519
election, traditional partisan campaigning is

00:16:32.519 --> 00:16:34.399
no longer sufficient. You can't just play to

00:16:34.399 --> 00:16:36.980
your base. Exactly. You cannot simply rely on

00:16:36.980 --> 00:16:39.960
turning out your ideological base. Candidates

00:16:39.960 --> 00:16:42.019
are forced to build diverse coalitions across

00:16:42.019 --> 00:16:44.320
the aisle. So a more moderate candidate might

00:16:44.320 --> 00:16:46.759
actively strategize to win over conservative

00:16:46.759 --> 00:16:49.259
voters to defeat a more progressive opponent

00:16:49.259 --> 00:16:51.940
from their own party. The structural rules of

00:16:51.940 --> 00:16:54.620
the ballot entirely dictate the strategic behavior

00:16:54.620 --> 00:16:57.500
of the campaigns. It reshapes the entire political

00:16:57.500 --> 00:16:59.960
playbook. And just to quickly round out the data

00:16:59.960 --> 00:17:02.080
to bring us to the present day, we see the most

00:17:02.080 --> 00:17:05.019
recent entries continuing this trend of vast

00:17:05.019 --> 00:17:07.759
multi -million vote scales. The numbers keep

00:17:07.759 --> 00:17:11.380
climbing. In 2022, Alex Padilla wins the class

00:17:11.380 --> 00:17:14.960
three seat with over 6 .6 million votes. And

00:17:14.960 --> 00:17:18.240
the 2024 data. Adam Schiff wins the class one

00:17:18.240 --> 00:17:20.720
seat against Republican Steve Garvey, pulling

00:17:20.720 --> 00:17:24.259
in over nine million votes. Nine million. We

00:17:24.259 --> 00:17:26.559
have journeyed from half a million votes representing

00:17:26.559 --> 00:17:29.799
a historic landslide to nine million votes being

00:17:29.799 --> 00:17:31.940
the new standard for victory. It's an incredible

00:17:31.940 --> 00:17:35.710
trajectory. So. What does this all mean? We started

00:17:35.710 --> 00:17:37.890
this deep dive looking at an era when the state

00:17:37.890 --> 00:17:40.109
legislature quietly selected senators behind

00:17:40.109 --> 00:17:42.109
closed doors. A completely different world. We

00:17:42.109 --> 00:17:44.710
transitioned into a volatile era of direct democracy,

00:17:44.829 --> 00:17:46.529
where prohibitionists captured a quarter of the

00:17:46.529 --> 00:17:48.890
electorate and candidates utilized cross nominations

00:17:48.890 --> 00:17:51.609
to sweep multiple party tickets simultaneously.

00:17:52.009 --> 00:17:54.089
Then the write -in campaigns. Right. We analyzed

00:17:54.089 --> 00:17:57.049
how half a million people coordinated a massive

00:17:57.049 --> 00:18:00.029
write -in campaign in the 1940s without the aid

00:18:00.029 --> 00:18:02.309
of modern technology. We watched the political

00:18:02.309 --> 00:18:05.109
pendulum swing continuously during the Cold War.

00:18:05.289 --> 00:18:08.740
Witness the dawn. of multi -decade incumbencies

00:18:08.740 --> 00:18:11.259
fueled by exponential population growth. And

00:18:11.259 --> 00:18:13.680
finally arrived at the highly structured top

00:18:13.680 --> 00:18:16.480
two primary system of today that can pit two

00:18:16.480 --> 00:18:18.799
candidates from the same party against one another.

00:18:19.079 --> 00:18:21.940
It is a profoundly revealing timeline. It truly

00:18:21.940 --> 00:18:24.380
is. I think the most important takeaway for you,

00:18:24.440 --> 00:18:27.259
the listener, is to recognize that whenever you

00:18:27.259 --> 00:18:30.359
look at a seemingly dry list of election results,

00:18:30.680 --> 00:18:33.180
there's a column of names, dates and percentages.

00:18:33.720 --> 00:18:36.240
You are never just looking at a simple population.

00:18:36.299 --> 00:18:50.599
It's so much more than that. The rules shape

00:18:50.599 --> 00:18:52.619
the outcome just as much as the candidates do.

00:18:52.799 --> 00:18:55.140
And that leaves us with something critical to

00:18:55.140 --> 00:18:57.720
consider moving forward. We have seen how the

00:18:57.720 --> 00:19:00.420
physical and legal mechanisms of the vote, from

00:19:00.420 --> 00:19:02.660
backroom legislature appointments to progressive

00:19:02.660 --> 00:19:06.240
era... cross nominations to modern top two primaries

00:19:06.240 --> 00:19:10.000
drastically alter who ends up on the ballot and

00:19:10.000 --> 00:19:12.759
who ultimately wields power. Oh, so what's next?

00:19:12.920 --> 00:19:15.640
Right. As technology and society continue to

00:19:15.640 --> 00:19:18.619
evolve at an ever accelerating pace, what might

00:19:18.619 --> 00:19:21.059
the next major evolution in electoral mechanics

00:19:21.059 --> 00:19:23.720
look like? That's a fascinating question. How

00:19:23.720 --> 00:19:26.359
might algorithm driven communication platforms

00:19:26.359 --> 00:19:29.799
or even. AI -assisted coalition building force

00:19:29.799 --> 00:19:32.119
another complete rewrite of the political map

00:19:32.119 --> 00:19:34.740
in the decades to come. That is a brilliant thought

00:19:34.740 --> 00:19:37.019
to end on. The rules of the game are never truly

00:19:37.019 --> 00:19:39.319
permanent, and the data is always waiting to

00:19:39.319 --> 00:19:41.200
show us the consequences of what happens next.

00:19:41.359 --> 00:19:43.119
Exactly. Thank you so much for joining us on

00:19:43.119 --> 00:19:45.099
this Deep Drive. I hope we proved that even a

00:19:45.099 --> 00:19:47.319
simple Wikipedia list can hold an absolute treasure

00:19:47.319 --> 00:19:49.680
trove of living history if you know how to read

00:19:49.680 --> 00:19:52.579
between the lines. Stay curious, keep looking

00:19:52.579 --> 00:19:54.799
closely at the data around you, and we will catch

00:19:54.799 --> 00:19:55.339
you next time.
