WEBVTT

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Welcome in, everyone. And when I say everyone,

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I mean you. Yeah, exactly. Yes, you listening

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right now. We have custom tailored today's deep

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dive just for you. You know, we love taking a

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stack of research notes, raw data, and just mining

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it for those real gems of insight. Oh, absolutely.

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And today we are diving into a source that, well,

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on the surface, it might just look like a giant

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spreadsheet. We are looking at a comprehensive

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Wikipedia data set detailing the complete history

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of United States Senate elections in the state

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of Alaska. It's phenomenal data set, truly a

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masterclass in how raw numbers can, you know,

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tell an incredibly dramatic story. I couldn't

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agree more. Now, I know what you might be thinking.

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A chronological list of election returns. Isn't

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that just a bunch of dry historical math? Right.

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It sounds a bit dull at first. But trust me,

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this particular list is an absolute treasure

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trove of political wildcards. looking at expected

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party line votes we are talking about shocking

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down to the wire upsets that no one saw coming

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oh the upsets are wild we are looking at a legitimately

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historic write -in campaign that defied every

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conventional political odd and we're even digging

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into brand new voting mechanics that completely

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alter the fundamental rules of how an election

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is actually won it is uh it's anything but dry

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But before we jump into those numbers, I do need

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to establish some very important context for

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you, our listener. As we go through the source

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material, we are going to be discussing politically

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charged content. Always important to know. Definitely.

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The data we are analyzing involves the Democratic

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Party, the Republican Party, the Libertarian

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Party, the Green Party, and various independent

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candidates. I want to be absolutely clear right

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at the top that we are not endorsing any viewpoints,

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any political parties, or any of the candidates

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mentioned. Right. Our role here is strictly to

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act as impartial guides. We are simply reporting

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the factual data exactly as it is contained in

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the original source material. Perfectly said.

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We are just here for the math and the fascinating

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narrative those numbers reveal over time. Okay,

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let's unpack this. So to really understand the

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narrative arc in this data set, we have to look

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at Alaska's unique timeline. As we know, U .S.

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senators are divided into classes, and Alaska

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holds the Class 2 and Class 3 seats, serving

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those staggered six -year terms. Right. But because

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Alaska didn't officially join the union until

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1959, their timeline completely bypassed the

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era before the 17th Amendment. Right. The 1913

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Amendment, the one that mandated direct voter

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election of senators rather than letting state

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legislatures pick them. Exactly. So Alaska voters

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have literally always had their hands on the

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wheel. They never even knew the old system. They've

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been directly electing their senators from day

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one of statehood. And you see the intensity of

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that voter participation right out of the gate.

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If we look at the first wave of elections in

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1958, the initial baseline is set by the Democrats.

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Right. In the class two seat, Bob Bartlett wins.

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But it's the margin that stands out. He pulls

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in a massive 83 .83 percent of the vote. Wow.

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And over in the class three seat, Ernest Gruening

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wins with a closer but still decisive 52 .61

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percent. Hold on. Let's just pause on that first

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number. 83 .83 percent. Yeah. In a statewide

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federal election, that is an astronomical level

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of consensus. Usually anything over 55 percent

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is considered a pretty comfortable win. Oh, absolutely.

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To break 80 percent means you are essentially

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running unopposed by the general public standard.

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How long did that kind of dominance last? Well,

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what's fascinating here is how quickly the landscape

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shifts to give rise to what we can only call

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the titans of Alaskan politics. OK. Well, the

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Democrats set the very first baseline. The data

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set reveals two Republican names emerging that

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will go on to define these two Senate seats for

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decades. Ted Stevens in Class 2 and Frank Murkowski

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in Class 3. The big names. And the level of dominance

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they achieve makes that initial 1958 race look

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like a regular occurrence. I'm looking at this

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early era in the data set right now, and these

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victory margins for Stevens and Murkowski are

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just absurd. How safe were these seats, realistically?

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Incredibly safe. We are looking at an era of

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absolute, undeniable blowouts. Let's look at

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Ted Stevens. By 1972, he's winning with 77 .30

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% of the vote. That's huge. Over three quarters

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of the electorate agreeing on a single candidate.

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And surely that was his peak, right? Usually

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incumbent fatigue sets in after a couple of terms.

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People just want to change. You would think so,

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but the returns tell a completely different story.

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Fast forward 30 years later to his 2002 election.

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30 years later. Yeah. Ted Stevens actually improves

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his margin, securing 78 .17%. He pulled in nearly

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180 ,000 votes. That is staggering. A 30 -year

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career where your margins actually go up to near

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80%. It defies normal political gravity. And

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what about the Class 3 seat? Did Frank Murkowski

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have that same iron grip? He absolutely did.

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In his 1998 re -election campaign, Murkowski

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secured a massive 74 .49 % of the vote. I want

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you, the listener, to imagine for a second that

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you were living in Alaska during this era. You're

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watching election cycle after election cycle

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return these massive 70 plus percent victories

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for the same two people. The stability of these

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seats makes it seem like the political landscape

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is permanently set in stone. It must have felt

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like a complete political monolith. The idea

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of a competitive nail biting Senate race probably

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felt entirely foreign to those voters. Completely

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foreign. But as we come further down this data

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set. The predictability falls right off a cliff.

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Here's where it gets really interesting. Oh,

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yeah. We are going to look at the shifting tides,

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starting with the drama of the class two seat.

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So we just established that Ted Stevens is winning

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by 30, 40 or even 50 point margins all the way

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into 2002. Right. But then we hit the year 2008.

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The incumbent Republican Ted Stevens is up against

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a Democrat named Mark Begich. What exactly happens

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to that 78 percent safety net? It completely

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evaporates. The blowout era comes to a screeching

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halt. In 2008, Mark Begich actually manages to

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edge out Ted Stevens. Unbelievable. And the raw

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totals are breathtaking when you compare them

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to the previous decades. Begich brings in 151

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,767 votes, which translates to 47 .77%. And

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Stevens? Stevens takes 147 ,814 votes. That's

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46 .52%. Wait, let me just do that math really

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quick. We are talking about a difference of less

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than 4 ,000 votes out of nearly 300 ,000 cast.

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A shift of just 4 ,000 votes completely flips

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a seat that was considered untouchable for decades.

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It is a razor -thin margin. It represents a seismic

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shock to the system. You have to remember, a

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shift like that doesn't just change the nameplate

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on the door. It completely shatters the illusion

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of the monolithic electorate we just talked about.

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But does the data set show that this was a permanent

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shift? Did the Democrats lock it down after that

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incredible 2008 upset? Not at all. Just as quickly

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as the pendulum swung toward the Democrats in

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2008, it swung right back in the very next cycle.

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Really? Yeah. In 2014, the incumbent Democrat,

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Mark Bigich, is challenged by Republican Dan

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Sullivan. And once again, it is incredibly close.

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Sullivan narrowly defeats Begich with 47 .96

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percent of the vote compared to Begich's 45 .83

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percent. Another absolute nail biter. The ping

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ponging here is wild. But the evolution of this

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class two seat doesn't stop with the two major

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parties, does it? No, it doesn't. Let's fast

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forward to the 2020 election. Dan Sullivan is

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the Republican incumbent. Does he face another

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fierce Democratic challenger? This is where the

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electorate really starts showing its complexity.

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In 2020, Dan Sullivan does manage to retain his

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seat, securing a solid 53 .90%. But his main

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opponent isn't a traditional Democrat. Right.

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His opponent is Al Gross, running as an independent.

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And Gross captures a very significant 41 .19

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% of the vote. Over two -fifths of the state

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backed an independent against a sitting incumbent.

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This is exactly why we tailor these deep dives

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for you, the listener. You want multiple perspectives,

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right? Exactly. Well, just look at how this one

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specific Senate seat demonstrates those rapidly

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shifting perspectives. Within just a few election

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cycles, we see the voters flip party control

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entirely, flip it right back, and then heavily

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back a candidate operating entirely outside the...

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traditional two party structure. It's a total

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transformation. It proves that no matter how

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entrenched a seat looks on paper, voter sentiment

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can pivot rapidly. If we connect this to the

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bigger picture, the drama we just outlined in

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the class two seat is really only half the story.

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Oh. I know where you're going with this. Because

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the wild ride of the class three seat, what we

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might call the Lisa Murkowski saga, is arguably

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even more extraordinary. Oh, absolutely. The

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class three seat is where this spreadsheet turns

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into an out and out thriller. Let's set a baseline

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for this saga. In 2004, Lisa Murkowski, a Republican,

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wins the class three seat. It's a tight race,

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quite different from Frank Murkowski's old 74

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percent blowouts. Right. She gets 38 .58 percent

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against Democrat Tony Knowles, who pulls in 45

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.55 percent. That squeaker sets the stage for

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the absolute chaos of 2010. The 2010 election

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is, without a doubt, the most shocking data point

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in this entire Wikipedia source. I am still amazed

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every time I look at these numbers. Walk us through

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exactly what happened, because the logistics

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alone are mind boggling. In 2010, the incumbent,

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Lisa Murkowski, actually loses. the Republican

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primary. She is not the official Republican nominee

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for the general election, but she doesn't drop

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out. Instead, she mounts a campaign in the general

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election as a write in candidate and she wins.

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Let's just talk about the physical mechanics

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of that for a second. She isn't on the ballot.

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People can't just check a box next to an R or

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a D. What are the raw totals look like for a

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successful write in at this level? The write

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in option, which was officially attributed to

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Lisa Murkowski, secured 92 ,931 votes. Incredible.

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That is 36 .08 percent of the total vote. She

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defeated the actual official Republican nominee,

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Joe Miller, who received 35 .27 percent. And

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the Democratic candidate, Scott McAdams, who

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took 23 .32 percent. That is just historic. Think

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about the friction involved in that process.

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Over 92 ,000 people had to bypass the printed.

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options on the ballot, remember to bring a pen

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and physically write out her name. And spell

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it right. Right. Spelling it correctly enough

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to be counted by the election officials. And

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she still beat the official candidate of her

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own party. That just doesn't happen in modern

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American politics. It is exceptionally rare.

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To beat the infrastructure of the major parties

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using a blank line on a piece of paper is a monumental

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logistical feat. But the saga doesn't end there.

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Of course it doesn't. Let's look at the 2016

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election. Murkowski is running again, and she

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secures the victory with 44 .36%. But take a

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look at who her runner -up is. I see it. It's

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Joe Miller again, the very guy she beat in 2010.

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But if you look at the ticket, he isn't running

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as a Republican this time. Correct. The tally

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for that year lists Joe Miller running as a libertarian.

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And he pulls in an impressive 29 .16 % of the

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vote. It's literally like a political sequel

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with a genre twist. He comes back, changes parties

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and still grabs nearly 30 percent of the electorate.

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It's wild. And just when you think the class

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three seat can't get any more complicated, we

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arrive at the most recent election listed in

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the source, which is 2022. And Alaska throws

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a massive structural curveball into the mix.

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How did the format change? In 2022, the state

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moved away from a simple plurality vote and utilized

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instant runoff voting. So instead of just picking

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one person, voters are ranking their choices.

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If no one gets a majority, the lowest vote getters

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are eliminated and their voters' second choices

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are distributed until someone crosses the 50

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percent threshold. Right. Ranked choice voting.

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So how does that mechanical change impact the

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final outcome based on the data set? It fundamentally

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changes who is left standing at the end. According

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to the spreadsheet, in the maximum round of this

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instant runoff, Lisa Murkowski wins with 53 .70%.

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But look at who she is facing in that final maximum

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round. Let me see. It's Kelly Chewbacca who gets

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46 .3%. Wait, Kelly Chewbacca is also a Republican?

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Yeah. So because of the instant runoff mechanism,

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the Democratic candidate and any third party

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candidates were eliminated in the earlier rounds,

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leaving two members of the exact same party facing

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off as the final two candidates for a U .S. Senate

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seat. That completely rewrites the binary Republican

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versus Democrat playbook. It really does. Which

00:12:39.730 --> 00:12:42.190
brings us to a fascinating macro trend in this

00:12:42.190 --> 00:12:45.200
entire data set. Throughout all of these cycles,

00:12:45.299 --> 00:12:47.360
across both the class two and class three seats,

00:12:47.500 --> 00:12:50.440
there is a recurring, undeniable theme. Let's

00:12:50.440 --> 00:12:53.039
hear it. Alaskan voters frequently support third

00:12:53.039 --> 00:12:55.779
party and independent candidates at notably high

00:12:55.779 --> 00:12:59.659
rates. It points to a distinct, deeply ingrained

00:12:59.659 --> 00:13:02.200
culture of political independence. So what does

00:13:02.200 --> 00:13:04.950
this all mean? It means these voters are consistently

00:13:04.950 --> 00:13:07.710
willing to look outside the traditional safe

00:13:07.710 --> 00:13:10.509
boxes. And the source gives us some incredibly

00:13:10.509 --> 00:13:13.429
quirky, surprising data points to back this up.

00:13:13.629 --> 00:13:17.309
Let's look at 1996 in the class two seat. OK.

00:13:17.570 --> 00:13:20.129
Ted Stevens wins handily, of course. But who

00:13:20.129 --> 00:13:22.330
came in second? A Green Party candidate named

00:13:22.330 --> 00:13:25.750
Jed Whitaker. He secured 12 .52 percent of the

00:13:25.750 --> 00:13:27.740
vote. And what about the Democrat in that race?

00:13:27.919 --> 00:13:29.799
The mainstream Democratic candidate, Theresa

00:13:29.799 --> 00:13:33.279
Obermeyer, only received 10 .34 percent. That

00:13:33.279 --> 00:13:35.720
is wild. The Green Party actually beat the mainstream

00:13:35.720 --> 00:13:38.120
Democrat. According to the numbers, yes. Usually

00:13:38.120 --> 00:13:40.340
a third party is thrilled just to get three or

00:13:40.340 --> 00:13:42.679
four percent of secure funding. To outpace a

00:13:42.679 --> 00:13:45.100
major legacy party is incredible. Does that happen

00:13:45.100 --> 00:13:47.299
anywhere else in this data set? It's definitely

00:13:47.299 --> 00:13:50.080
not an isolated incident of voters defying convention.

00:13:50.600 --> 00:13:53.299
If you jump over to the 1968 race for the class

00:13:53.299 --> 00:13:56.220
three seat. Democrat Mike Gravel wins the election.

00:13:56.820 --> 00:14:00.019
But the former incumbent, Ernest Gruening, mounted

00:14:00.019 --> 00:14:02.320
a write -in campaign of his own. Oh, wow. And

00:14:02.320 --> 00:14:05.600
he grabbed 17 .44 % of the vote. Almost a fifth

00:14:05.600 --> 00:14:09.159
of the state writing in a name. Exactly. Or consider

00:14:09.159 --> 00:14:12.320
that 2016 race we just discussed with Lisa Murkowski

00:14:12.320 --> 00:14:15.200
and the libertarian Joe Miller. In that same

00:14:15.200 --> 00:14:17.600
exact race, there was an independent candidate

00:14:17.600 --> 00:14:20.320
on the ballot named Margaret Stock. How did she

00:14:20.320 --> 00:14:23.659
do? She took 13 .23 % of the vote. So if you

00:14:23.659 --> 00:14:26.379
combine Miller and stock, you have almost 100

00:14:26.379 --> 00:14:28.919
,000 votes in a single election going to the

00:14:28.919 --> 00:14:31.039
libertarian or independent. It is just staggering

00:14:31.039 --> 00:14:33.759
volume for non -major party candidates. This

00:14:33.759 --> 00:14:36.429
raises an important question. How does the traditional

00:14:36.429 --> 00:14:39.230
two -party system manage to effectively function

00:14:39.230 --> 00:14:41.970
in a state where the electorate is so clearly

00:14:41.970 --> 00:14:44.529
and consistently willing to color outside the

00:14:44.529 --> 00:14:46.289
lines? It's a great question. When you have Green

00:14:46.289 --> 00:14:49.190
Party candidates beating Democrats, libertarians

00:14:49.190 --> 00:14:52.070
taking nearly 30 percent of the vote, and independents

00:14:52.070 --> 00:14:54.669
pulling in over 40 percent in a modern election

00:14:54.669 --> 00:14:57.809
like Al Gross did in 2020, the typical binary

00:14:57.809 --> 00:15:00.149
assumptions of American politics essentially

00:15:00.149 --> 00:15:02.429
get thrown out the window. It really does force

00:15:02.429 --> 00:15:05.169
you to reevaluate what a safe seat actually means

00:15:05.169 --> 00:15:07.889
and what a journey this data has taken us on

00:15:07.889 --> 00:15:11.330
today. To recap for you, the listener, we started

00:15:11.330 --> 00:15:14.029
by looking at the massive, highly predictable

00:15:14.029 --> 00:15:16.529
victory margins of the early statehood days.

00:15:16.690 --> 00:15:19.350
The blowout era. Right. Titans like Bob Bartlett,

00:15:19.450 --> 00:15:21.870
Ted Stevens and Frank Murkowski locking down

00:15:21.870 --> 00:15:24.850
margins of 70, sometimes over 80 percent, making

00:15:24.850 --> 00:15:27.539
the state look like an immovable monolith. Then

00:15:27.539 --> 00:15:30.299
we swung right into the nail -biting, razor -thin

00:15:30.299 --> 00:15:32.720
Democratic and Republican flips of the 2000s

00:15:32.720 --> 00:15:35.220
where a seat could be lost by a mere 4 ,000 votes.

00:15:35.399 --> 00:15:38.580
Which changed everything. And finally, we culminated

00:15:38.580 --> 00:15:41.259
in the absolute wild west of the class three

00:15:41.259 --> 00:15:44.879
seat. Historic right in victories requiring tens

00:15:44.879 --> 00:15:47.100
of thousands of people to physically spell out

00:15:47.100 --> 00:15:49.960
a candidate's name and the introduction of instant

00:15:49.960 --> 00:15:52.899
runoff matchups that put two members of the exact

00:15:52.899 --> 00:15:55.639
same party against one another in the final round.

00:15:55.820 --> 00:15:57.559
Equate the evolution. And the best part about

00:15:57.559 --> 00:16:00.220
all of this, this data set is a living document.

00:16:00.519 --> 00:16:03.360
The math isn't finished. The next chapters are

00:16:03.360 --> 00:16:05.809
going to be written very soon. The source notes

00:16:05.809 --> 00:16:08.250
that the class two seat is up for election in

00:16:08.250 --> 00:16:10.950
2026 and the class three seat will be decided

00:16:10.950 --> 00:16:14.190
again in 2028. Before we wrap up, I want to leave

00:16:14.190 --> 00:16:16.470
you with a final lingering thought based purely

00:16:16.470 --> 00:16:18.649
on the text we've analyzed today. Go for it.

00:16:18.710 --> 00:16:20.649
When you look at how a state can fundamentally

00:16:20.649 --> 00:16:23.429
change the mechanics of its elections, like Alaska

00:16:23.429 --> 00:16:25.970
adopting that instant runoff voting, where the

00:16:25.970 --> 00:16:28.750
math naturally eliminates certain factions until

00:16:28.750 --> 00:16:31.470
two members of the exact same party end up as

00:16:31.470 --> 00:16:34.200
the final choices on the ballot. You have to

00:16:34.200 --> 00:16:37.039
wonder how the literal rules of the game change

00:16:37.039 --> 00:16:39.980
the type of leaders that emerge. That's fascinating.

00:16:40.320 --> 00:16:43.620
We spend so much time analyzing voter ideology,

00:16:43.919 --> 00:16:46.100
tracking the shifting sentiments of Democrats

00:16:46.100 --> 00:16:48.899
and Republicans. But does the mathematical mechanism

00:16:48.899 --> 00:16:51.840
of voting matter just as much as the ideology

00:16:51.840 --> 00:16:54.659
of the voters themselves? It's something to deeply

00:16:54.659 --> 00:16:57.620
consider the next time you cast a ballot, wherever

00:16:57.620 --> 00:17:00.019
you are. A perfect thought -provoking question

00:17:00.019 --> 00:17:01.899
to leave off on. Thank you so much for joining

00:17:01.899 --> 00:17:04.119
us on this deep dive. We hope you enjoyed exploring

00:17:04.119 --> 00:17:06.200
the fascinating numbers, upsets, and logistics

00:17:06.200 --> 00:17:09.140
behind Alaska's Senate history. Keep being curious,

00:17:09.380 --> 00:17:11.539
keep questioning the data around you, and we

00:17:11.539 --> 00:17:12.440
will see you next time.
