WEBVTT

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Welcome back. I want you to think for a second

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about your daily routine. Like, think about the

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physical asphalt you drove over on your way to

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work. Or the water. The water that flowed right

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out of your kitchen faucet when you made your

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coffee this morning. Yeah, exactly. Or, you know,

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consider the incredibly complex safety grid surrounding

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the regional nuclear power plants, the ones that

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ensure your lights actually turn on when you

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flip the switch. We move through this highly

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engineered reality every single day and we just

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we take the scaffolding. holding it up completely

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for granted. We really do. We just assume it

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all magically works. Right. It's just the background

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noise of modern life. It's so easy to view it

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that way. I mean, we rarely stop to ask who is

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actually maintaining the blueprint for all of

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it. And that is exactly what our mission is for

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this deep dive. We are exploring a fascinating

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Wikipedia article today that details a very specific,

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almost hidden note of that power. The United

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States Senate Committee on Environment and Public

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Works. Frequently called the EPW. The EPW, right.

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Our goal today is to extract the surprising history,

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the structural evolution, and the immense quiet

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authority held by a group of just 19 people.

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19 people. And before we dive into the actual

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mechanics of this committee, I want to establish

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a quick operational ground rule for you. Could

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I do? Because our source material today is a

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detailed look at government infrastructure. It

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inherently lists political figures from major

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parties. So we are keeping this deep dive. strictly

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impartial. We aren't taking any sides. None at

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all. And we absolutely aren't endorsing any political

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viewpoints or policies from either the left -wing

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or right -wing parties. We are simply acting

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as your guides to the factual content, the historical

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timelines, and the institutional structure laid

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out in the original text. Okay, let's unpack

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this. Because when you open up the document detailing

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the EPW committee's jurisdiction, the sheer scale

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of it is genuinely staggering. It really is.

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The specific responsibilities of these 19 senators

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are defined in something called Rule XXV. That's

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of the standing rules of the Senate. Which is

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basically the Senate's internal official rulebook

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for who gets to control what. Exactly. And looking

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at their list of responsibilities, I mean, it

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feels less like a legislative committee and more

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like they are overseeing the physical reality

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of the entire country. What's fascinating here

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is the fundamental juxtaposition baked right

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into their mandate. If you look closely at the

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language in the text, their jurisdiction explicitly

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covers both the natural environment and the built

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environment. Which seems like a massive operational

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friction point. Oh, it is. They aren't just a

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committee looking at untouched wilderness. They

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are actively responsible for how human infrastructure

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collides with that wilderness. They have to oversee

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resource conservation while simultaneously overseeing

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the physical construction of the nation's infrastructure.

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And when you look at the specific policy areas

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listed in the text, you start to see how wild

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that balancing act really is. Like in one line,

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you have them overseeing air and noise pollution.

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Right. But then right next to that, they are

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managing ocean dumping, the environmental aspects

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of outer continental shelf lands and deep water

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ports. Not to mention the handles solid waste

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disposal and recycling. Yes. And then. Casually

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tucked into the middle of this massive list is

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the non -military environmental regulation of

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nuclear energy. Just casually in there. And throw

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in regional economic development just for good

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measure. It's practically a master list of everything

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required to keep a modern civilization from collapsing.

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You really see the weight of that responsibility

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when you look at the agencies they have oversight

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authority over. The text. outlines a roster of

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some of the most consequential institutions in

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the entire federal government. Oh, absolutely.

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You have the Environmental Protection Agency,

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the EPA. You have the U .S. Army Corps of Engineers,

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which manages massive water and civilian infrastructure

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projects across the country. Which means the

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people building the dams and the people protecting

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the rivers report to the exact same room of 19

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senators. Precisely. And the list just keeps

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going. They oversee the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.

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They oversee the Tennessee Valley Authority.

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They have authority over the U .S. Fish and Wildlife

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Service. The sheer scale of the budgets, the

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regulatory power, and the geographic reach concentrated

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under this one committee's oversight is difficult

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to overstate. You know, what really stood out

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to me in the source text wasn't just those heavy

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hitters, though. It was... the inclusion of these

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incredibly niche oversight boards. Yeah, that's

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a great detail. It gives you a real sense of

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how thorough their reach is. According to the

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document, they have authority over the Appalachian

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Regional Commission and the Delta Regional Authority.

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Right. Highly specific regional groups. Exactly.

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And they oversee the U .S. Chemical Safety and

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Hazard Investigation Board. They even manage

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the Morris K. Udall and Stuart L. Udall Foundation.

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Which really shows you that whether we are You're

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talking about a massive national nuclear grid

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or a very specific regional development project.

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It all rolls up to this one structural umbrella.

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It is a breathtaking portfolio. But to really

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understand how they accumulated this much jurisdiction,

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you have to look backward. The committee we see

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operating today was definitely not designed overnight.

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It is the result of over two centuries of constant

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adaptation. Here's where it gets really interesting.

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Because the text... provides a timeline of the

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committee's chairs dating all the way back to

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the early 19th century and if you want to see

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what america cared about at any given point in

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history you can just look at what this committee

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called itself the evolution is wild it really

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is in the years 1819 to 1821 there was no mention

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of the environment There was no mention of nuclear

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energy or deep water ports. The text shows it

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was simply called the Senate Committee on Public

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Buildings. It was an entirely different universe

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back then. I mean, in that 1819 era, the committee

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was chaired by Jonathan Roberts, representing

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the Democratic Republican Party. The physical

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footprint of the federal government was incredibly

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small. Their primary literal concern was figuring

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out how to maintain the public buildings in Washington.

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Just sweeping the floors and fixing the roofs.

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Essentially, yes. But as the borders expanded

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and the nation industrialized, the committee's

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mandate had to stretch to cover it. And you can

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track that stretching perfectly through the source

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text. In 1838, the committee reappears under

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a wave of Whig and Democratic chairs. By 1857,

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the scope widened slightly and it became the

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Joint Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds.

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So they went from just the buildings to the land

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around the building. Exactly. It seems like a

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minor tweak, but it represents the slow creep

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of federal jurisdiction. And as you scan through

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the late 19th century records in this document.

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You also get these brilliant little snapshots

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of the chaos of Senate history. Oh, I'm so glad

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you brought that up because there is this fantastic

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historical anomaly listed right in the middle

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of the timeline. I know exactly which one you

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mean. In 1883, the committee was chaired by a

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man named William Mahone. And the text lists

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his party affiliation as a readjuster Republican.

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A readjuster Republican. Yes. It's this highly

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specific, entirely forgotten faction of American

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politics permanently captured in the committee's

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official roster. It's just a great reminder that

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the two -party system we think of today has had

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some very weird dynamic variations over the centuries.

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It is a great historical footprint. Yeah. And

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the text tracks this continuous shifting evolution

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right into the... middle of the 20th century,

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which is where the scope of the committee completely

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explodes. The post -war era. Right. After World

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War II, the nation entered a massive infrastructure

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boom. We were building the interstate highway

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system, massive dams, and modernizing the country

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at an unprecedented rate. So in 1947, the text

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notes the committee shifted from dealing with

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public buildings and grounds to become the Senate

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Committee on Public Works. That's a huge shift

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in tone. It is. The first chair under this new

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muscular title was Chapman Revercombe, a Republican.

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So they weren't just sweeping the floors of public

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buildings anymore. They were actively engineering

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a continent. Exactly. But even that wasn't the

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final form. No, it wasn't. If we connect this

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to the bigger picture, the most critical milestone

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in this entire document occurs on February 4th,

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1977. This is the moment the modern era of the

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committee officially began. 1977. Yes. It succeeded

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the old public works committee. and was formally

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established as the Senate Committee on Environment

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and Public Works. Bringing the two halves together.

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By 1977, you had this undeniable realization

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that you cannot separate the engineering of public

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works... From the health of the natural world.

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Because you can't build a highway without considering

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the runoff. Exactly. Adding the word environment

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to the title wasn't just a cosmetic rebrand.

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It was a fundamental shift in their jurisdiction.

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It forced the committee to balance their own

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conflicting mandates. And the first chair of

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this newly integrated committee was Jennings

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Randolph, a Democrat from West Virginia. It's

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an incredible institutional journey. Going from

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a handful of guys worrying about building maintenance

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in 1819 to a committee holding the ultimate oversight

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authority over the entire American biosphere

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by 1977. It really puts it into perspective.

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Which brings us to the present day. Let's look

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at the current landscape of the committee as

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detailed in the text for the 119th Congress.

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The current makeup of the committee is a direct

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reflection of the incredibly tight margins in

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the contemporary Senate. According to the document,

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the committee is capped at 19 seats. And those

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seats are divided based on the balance of power.

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Currently, 10 seats belong to the majority held

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by the Republicans. The remaining nine seats

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belong to the minority. Now, within that minority

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block, the text specifies that eight are Democrats

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and one is an independent. And this is where

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the text offers another really fascinating historical

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footnote regarding that independent seat. Oh,

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right. The Vermont connection. Yes. Currently,

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the text lists Bernie Sanders as the independent

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on the committee representing Vermont. But it

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explicitly notes that while he is an independent,

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he caucuses with the Democrats for the purposes

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of organizing the committee structure. What's

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wild is that the text points out he isn't the

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first Vermont independent to impact this specific

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committee's math. That's right. The historical

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notes highlight that in the early 2000s, Jim

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Jeffords, another independent from Vermont, served

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on the EPW. And the footnotes specifically explain

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that Jeffords officially crossed the floor of

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the caucus with the Senate Democratic Caucus.

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It is this bizarre, highly specific through line

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of Vermont independence shaping the minority

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numbers on this exact committee decades apart.

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You really do have to wonder what the statistical

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odds of that are. And now looking at who is actually

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running the room in the 119th Congress, which

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the text notes has been in place since January

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3, 2025. The chair of the committee is Shelley

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Moore Capito, a Republican from West Virginia.

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Right. And the ranking member leading the minority

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is Sheldon Whitehouse, a Democrat from Rhode

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Island. So you have a 19 member committee responsible

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for everything from interstate highway construction

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to nuclear energy regulation guided by two senators

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from regions with vastly different infrastructural

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footprints. So. What does this all mean for how

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they actually function? I mean, with the mandate

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that covers both nuclear reactors and local recycling

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programs, how does a room of 19 people not immediately

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collapse under the sheer volume of the workload?

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That is the million dollar question. They survive

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by carving up the jurisdiction into highly specialized

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subcommittees. Okay. The source text breaks down

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the four specific subcommittees operating in

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the 119th Congress. Each one has its own chair

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from the majority and ranking member from the

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minority to manage a specific slice of that massive

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Rule XXV pie. Looking at how they group these

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responsibilities together is honestly just as

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revealing as the topics themselves. Absolutely.

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Let's look at them. First, you have the Subcommittee

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on Transportation and Infrastructure. The chair

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is Kevin Cramer, a Republican from North Dakota.

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And the ranking member is Angela Alsobrooks,

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a Democrat from Maryland. That is the traditional

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public works side of the House. They are the

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ones looking at the physical highways, the bridges,

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the concrete. Right. But then look at the second

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one, the Subcommittee on Clean Air, Climate,

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and Nuclear Innovation and Safety. Chaired by

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Cynthia Loomis, a Republican from Wyoming, with

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Mark Kelly, a Democrat from Arizona, as ranking

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member. Putting clean air and nuclear safety

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in the same room makes total operational sense

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when you consider they are both fundamentally

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about energy production and emissions. Exactly.

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It groups the existential energy questions together.

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Then the third subcommittee really illustrates

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how intertwined these issues are at the local

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level. Right. It's the Subcommittee on Chemical

00:12:48.840 --> 00:12:51.519
Safety, Waste Management, Environmental Justice,

00:12:51.840 --> 00:12:55.100
and Regulatory Oversight. The chair is John Curtis,

00:12:55.279 --> 00:12:57.399
Republican from Utah, and the ranking member

00:12:57.399 --> 00:12:59.919
is Jeff Merkley, Democrat from Oregon. That is

00:12:59.919 --> 00:13:02.740
a massive portfolio. It is. This is the group

00:13:02.740 --> 00:13:05.470
overseeing the solid waste disposal. the recycling

00:13:05.470 --> 00:13:08.090
programs, and the toxic substances. Grouping

00:13:08.090 --> 00:13:10.470
waste management and environmental justice together

00:13:10.470 --> 00:13:13.250
shows a structural acknowledgement of how industrial

00:13:13.250 --> 00:13:15.730
byproducts impact local communities. They are

00:13:15.730 --> 00:13:17.490
also the ones keeping an eye on agencies like

00:13:17.490 --> 00:13:18.990
the Chemical Safety Board we mentioned earlier.

00:13:19.330 --> 00:13:22.009
Exactly. And finally, you have the fourth subcommittee,

00:13:22.210 --> 00:13:25.450
Fisheries, Wildlife, and Water. The ranking member

00:13:25.450 --> 00:13:29.090
is Adam Schiff, a Democrat from California. Which,

00:13:29.129 --> 00:13:31.210
incidentally, is where we found a brilliant little

00:13:31.210 --> 00:13:34.690
Easter egg in the Wikipedia source material itself.

00:13:35.070 --> 00:13:38.490
The crowdsourced typo. Yes. If you look closely

00:13:38.490 --> 00:13:40.690
at the table detailing the subcommittees for

00:13:40.690 --> 00:13:44.149
the 119th Congress, it lists Pete Ricketts as

00:13:44.149 --> 00:13:46.610
the chair of the Fisheries, Wildlife, and Water

00:13:46.610 --> 00:13:49.610
Subcommittee. But right next to his name, his

00:13:49.610 --> 00:13:54.009
affiliation is listed as RWY. meaning Republican

00:13:54.009 --> 00:13:56.509
from Wyoming. Right. But if you just scroll up

00:13:56.509 --> 00:13:58.730
to the main member roster at the very top of

00:13:58.730 --> 00:14:01.649
the page, Pete Ricketts is correctly listed as

00:14:01.649 --> 00:14:04.370
representing the state of Nebraska. It's a classic

00:14:04.370 --> 00:14:06.690
artifact of how these modern information repositories

00:14:06.690 --> 00:14:08.929
are built. Someone was probably copying over

00:14:08.929 --> 00:14:11.009
the formatting from Cynthia Loomis, who actually

00:14:11.009 --> 00:14:12.809
is the Republican from Wyoming on the committee,

00:14:12.909 --> 00:14:15.269
and just missed a keystroke. It just proves that

00:14:15.269 --> 00:14:17.370
behind every imposing institutional document,

00:14:17.590 --> 00:14:20.169
there is a tired human being typing on a keyboard.

00:14:20.350 --> 00:14:22.610
Without a doubt. But... Typos aside, looking

00:14:22.610 --> 00:14:24.509
at the leadership across these subcommittees

00:14:24.509 --> 00:14:27.230
and the main committee itself, the text gives

00:14:27.230 --> 00:14:29.690
us a really clear picture of how institutional

00:14:29.690 --> 00:14:32.549
power shifts over time. This raises an important

00:14:32.549 --> 00:14:34.769
question about the pendulum of power in the Senate.

00:14:35.129 --> 00:14:37.909
How does a committee maintain any sort of institutional

00:14:37.909 --> 00:14:40.720
memory when the bosses keep changing? Right.

00:14:40.799 --> 00:14:43.340
The source material provides historical rosters

00:14:43.340 --> 00:14:45.799
going back several recent congresses from the

00:14:45.799 --> 00:14:49.179
114th up to the current 119th. And by tracing

00:14:49.179 --> 00:14:51.659
who holds the gavel, you can see this constant

00:14:51.659 --> 00:14:54.240
structural rotation of authority. Let's trace

00:14:54.240 --> 00:14:56.100
that rotation because it really highlights the

00:14:56.100 --> 00:14:58.399
rhythm of the Senate. If we look back at the

00:14:58.399 --> 00:15:00.679
114th Congress, the text shows the committee

00:15:00.679 --> 00:15:03.159
was chaired by Jim Inhofe, a Republican from

00:15:03.159 --> 00:15:07.440
Oklahoma. Moving to the 115th and 116th Congresses,

00:15:07.440 --> 00:15:09.879
the chairmanship transitioned to John Barrasso

00:15:09.879 --> 00:15:12.559
from Wyoming, while Tom Carper from Delaware

00:15:12.559 --> 00:15:14.360
served as the ranking member for the minority.

00:15:14.620 --> 00:15:16.820
Then the electoral math changes and the pendulum

00:15:16.820 --> 00:15:20.779
swings. In the 117th and 118th Congresses, the

00:15:20.779 --> 00:15:23.500
Democrats held the majority. So Tom Carper stepped

00:15:23.500 --> 00:15:25.759
up to take over as the chair of the committee.

00:15:25.940 --> 00:15:27.720
And during those years, Shelley Moore Capito

00:15:27.720 --> 00:15:31.539
served as his ranking member. Exactly. And that

00:15:31.539 --> 00:15:34.460
brings us right back to the current 119th Congress,

00:15:34.600 --> 00:15:37.919
where the power has flipped once again. The Republicans

00:15:37.919 --> 00:15:40.480
hold the majority, and Shelley Moore Capito has

00:15:40.480 --> 00:15:42.919
stepped up from ranking member to take the chair

00:15:42.919 --> 00:15:46.139
position. It is this constant dance of authority

00:15:46.139 --> 00:15:49.000
dictated entirely by the electoral balance of

00:15:49.000 --> 00:15:51.340
the Senate. And it isn't just the physical gavels

00:15:51.340 --> 00:15:54.080
that change hands. The very language the committee

00:15:54.080 --> 00:15:57.419
uses to define itself changes to reflect new

00:15:57.419 --> 00:16:00.259
priorities. Oh, the name shift. Right. There

00:16:00.259 --> 00:16:02.700
is a subtle but highly significant detail in

00:16:02.700 --> 00:16:04.559
the text regarding the names of the subcommittees

00:16:04.559 --> 00:16:07.159
themselves. If you look at the historical roster

00:16:07.159 --> 00:16:09.700
for the previous session, the 118th Congress,

00:16:10.039 --> 00:16:12.740
the subcommittee handling nuclear issues was

00:16:12.740 --> 00:16:15.460
simply called Clean Air, Climate, and Nuclear

00:16:15.460 --> 00:16:18.080
Safety. But if you look at the current 119th

00:16:18.080 --> 00:16:20.980
Congress roster, they deliberately added a word

00:16:20.980 --> 00:16:23.559
to that title. It is now the Subcommittee on

00:16:23.559 --> 00:16:26.179
Clean Air, Climate, and Nuclear Innovation and

00:16:26.179 --> 00:16:28.179
Safety. The addition of the word innovation is

00:16:28.179 --> 00:16:30.460
absolutely not an accident. When committee priorities

00:16:30.460 --> 00:16:33.440
shift, they rewrite the structural titles to

00:16:33.440 --> 00:16:35.700
signal a change in focus to the agencies they

00:16:35.700 --> 00:16:38.639
oversee. Adding innovation implies a mandate

00:16:38.639 --> 00:16:41.320
to not just regulate nuclear technology for safety,

00:16:41.500 --> 00:16:44.960
but to actively oversee and perhaps encourage

00:16:44.960 --> 00:16:48.159
its advancement and development. It is a prime

00:16:48.159 --> 00:16:50.860
example of how a single word in the fine print

00:16:50.860 --> 00:16:53.500
of committee rules dictates real world policy

00:16:53.500 --> 00:16:56.000
focus and potentially billions of dollars of

00:16:56.000 --> 00:16:58.500
attention. It really is. It is incredible how

00:16:58.500 --> 00:17:00.340
much you can learn about the mechanics of our

00:17:00.340 --> 00:17:02.779
government just by reading the fine print of

00:17:02.779 --> 00:17:05.789
a structural table. We have gone on quite a journey

00:17:05.789 --> 00:17:08.029
today through this text. We certainly have. We've

00:17:08.029 --> 00:17:10.390
seen how a small group of 19th century senators

00:17:10.390 --> 00:17:13.230
whose biggest concern was the physical upkeep

00:17:13.230 --> 00:17:15.470
of some public buildings in Washington, D .C.,

00:17:15.470 --> 00:17:18.630
evolved. We tracked them navigating through Whigs,

00:17:18.730 --> 00:17:22.049
Democrats, and a readjuster Republican surviving

00:17:22.049 --> 00:17:25.190
world wars and industrial booms. And ultimately,

00:17:25.250 --> 00:17:28.309
we saw them structurally adapt in 1977 to become

00:17:28.309 --> 00:17:30.150
the Modern Committee on Environment and Public

00:17:30.150 --> 00:17:33.029
Works. Managing the health of the entire American

00:17:33.029 --> 00:17:36.079
biosphere. the safety of the nuclear grid, and

00:17:36.079 --> 00:17:38.039
the construction of the nation's highway systems

00:17:38.039 --> 00:17:40.680
all from one room. They are tasked with the almost

00:17:40.680 --> 00:17:43.680
impossible job of balancing the need to build

00:17:43.680 --> 00:17:45.819
the nation's infrastructure while simultaneously

00:17:45.819 --> 00:17:48.420
protecting the natural environment it sits on

00:17:48.420 --> 00:17:50.799
top of. So the next time you are driving across

00:17:50.799 --> 00:17:53.740
a newly paved bridge, or dragging your recycling

00:17:53.740 --> 00:17:56.640
bin to the curb on a Tuesday night, or reading

00:17:56.640 --> 00:17:59.779
a headline about ocean dumping, I want you to

00:17:59.779 --> 00:18:02.119
remember this deep dive. Remember that there

00:18:02.119 --> 00:18:05.019
isn't just some vague, faceless concept of the

00:18:05.019 --> 00:18:07.240
government handling it. Right. There is a very

00:18:07.240 --> 00:18:10.420
specific room, specifically room 304 in the Dirksen

00:18:10.420 --> 00:18:12.480
Senate office building, according to our source

00:18:12.480 --> 00:18:16.119
text, where exactly 19 senators hold the ultimate

00:18:16.119 --> 00:18:18.900
oversight authority over all of it. The physical

00:18:18.900 --> 00:18:21.400
and environmental reality you interact with every

00:18:21.400 --> 00:18:24.099
single day is deeply connected to the structural

00:18:24.099 --> 00:18:26.559
decisions made by this one specific committee.

00:18:26.990 --> 00:18:29.750
And that leaves us with a provocative final thought

00:18:29.750 --> 00:18:33.089
for you to ponder on your own. We saw how the

00:18:33.089 --> 00:18:35.190
committee had to dramatically adapt its title

00:18:35.190 --> 00:18:38.289
and scope in 1947 to handle public works, and

00:18:38.289 --> 00:18:41.410
then again in 1977 to explicitly include the

00:18:41.410 --> 00:18:43.529
environment as our understanding of the world

00:18:43.529 --> 00:18:46.490
modernized. That's right. Given the massive leaps

00:18:46.490 --> 00:18:48.789
in technology we are seeing today, what might

00:18:48.789 --> 00:18:52.450
rule XXV force this committee to oversee 50 years

00:18:52.450 --> 00:18:55.150
from now? With their current jurisdiction explicitly

00:18:55.150 --> 00:18:57.630
covering air pollution and solid waste disposal,

00:18:57.950 --> 00:19:00.150
could we eventually see a subcommittee dedicated

00:19:00.150 --> 00:19:03.269
entirely to atmospheric geoengineering? Or even

00:19:03.269 --> 00:19:05.750
beyond that. Yeah. As orbital debris becomes

00:19:05.750 --> 00:19:07.990
a pressing infrastructural issue, could this

00:19:07.990 --> 00:19:10.130
exact committee be forced to expand its jurisdiction

00:19:10.130 --> 00:19:12.309
to handle extraterrestrial waste management?

00:19:12.690 --> 00:19:15.009
The scaffolding of the future has to be built

00:19:15.009 --> 00:19:17.190
by someone. Thanks for joining us on this deep

00:19:17.190 --> 00:19:17.430
dive.
