WEBVTT

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Welcome and thank you so much for joining us

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for another custom tailored deep dive. This one

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was crafted specifically for you. So whether

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you're prepping for a major meeting or maybe

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catching up on the mechanics of American political

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history or you're just insanely curious about

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how the gears of government actually turn when

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no one is really looking, you are in the exact

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right place today. Absolutely. We are opening

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up the historical record today. Specifically,

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we are looking at a comprehensive Wikipedia breakdown

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of the United States senators from the state

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of Oregon, which I know might sound like a highly

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specific, maybe even niche topic at first glance.

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But when you really analyze the historical timeline

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of this one specific state, it reveals a much

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deeper, vastly more complex narrative about the

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entire country. It really does. Because our mission

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today is to explore how Oregon's senatorial history,

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stretching all the way from its statehood in

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1859, right up to the politicians walking the

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halls of the Capitol today, acts as a perfect

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microcosm for the evolution of American politics.

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I mean, we are going to see chaotic early elections,

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incredibly quirky political strategies, and pioneering

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democratic reforms that, quite frankly, eventually

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forced the hand of the entire federal government.

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To properly set the stage for you, I want you

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to imagine a backdrop of vintage maps and long

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historical timelines. We need to go back to the

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very beginning. Oregon officially joined the

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Union on February 14, 1859, and they did not

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ease into statehood quietly. Not at all. They

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immediately plunged headfirst into a turbulent,

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incredibly complex political landscape. The lead

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-up to the Civil War was already fracturing the

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nation, and Oregon was stepping right into the

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middle of that intense pressure cooker. And just

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a quick heads up for you listening before we

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really get into the weeds here. We are covering

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over a century and a half of intense politics

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today, spanning pretty much every party imaginable.

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We are here strictly as your historical tour

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guides. We aren't picking sides or endorsing

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anyone's platform, whether we're talking about

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the 1860s or the 2020s. We're just impartially

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reporting the facts from the source, cracking

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open the record to see how the political machine

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actually works and what the data can teach us.

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Because the system itself is arguably the main

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character of this story. The rules of that system

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dictated some truly bizarre outcomes right out

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of the gate. Oh, completely. To prove that, let's

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look at the very first class two senator from

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Oregon. He was a Democrat named Delazon Smith.

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He took office on the exact day Oregon became

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a state, February 14th, 1859. Now, just real

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quick, he was a class two senator, which just

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means his election cycle was staggered differently

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than a class one or class three seat. So the

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Senate doesn't empty out. all at once. Right.

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Standard constitutional procedure. Right. Anyway,

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you would think the very first senator would

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have this long storied career really setting

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the foundation for the new state. But his term

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ended just 17 days later on March 3rd, 1859.

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He literally lost his bid for reelection almost

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the second he arrived. 17 days. It is a staggering

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detail when you consider the logistics of 1859.

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Think about the sheer physical effort required

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just to travel from Oregon to Washington, D .C.

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back then. To put all that effort into achieving

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statehood, to finally secure a seat at the table

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in the United States Senate, and then you lose

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that seat barely two weeks later. It highlights

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just how volatile the local political factions

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were back home. Okay, let's unpack this because

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it gets even wilder. After Delazon Smith lost

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re -election and vacated the seat on March 3,

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the seat just sat empty for over a year. Over

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a year? Oregon only had one senator until October

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1, 1860, purely because the system just completely

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broke down. What's fascinating here is the structural

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reason behind that breakdown. As you know, back

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before the 17th Amendment, state legislatures

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picked U .S. senators. The general public didn't

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vote for them directly. But what happens when

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that state legislatures completely fractures?

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Gridlock. Exactly. Oregon gives us the ultimate

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case study. After Smith left, the local politicians

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simply failed to elect a successor. The partisan

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divide was so bitter that they literally preferred

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having zero voice in Washington over letting

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the other side win. Which is mind blowing when

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you think about the timing. This is 1859 to 1860.

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The country is on the absolute brink of the Civil

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War, arguably the most critical juncture in American

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history. And Oregon effectively gives up half

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of its voting power in the Senate because local

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lawmakers couldn't compromise in a back room.

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That massive legislative gridlock left an entire

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state with only half its representation. It is

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no wonder the people of Oregon eventually recognized

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that the constitutional mechanism was fundamentally

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broken and decided to do something about it.

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They got incredibly fed up. And that frustration

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leads us to one of the most important moments

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in American democratic reform. If we fast forward

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a bit to 1904, the voters in Oregon passed a

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ballot measure demanding that U .S. senators

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be selected by a popular vote. They basically

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set up a system where the public would vote and

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the state legislature would be heavily pressured

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to formally endorse whoever the people actually

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chose. It was a highly calculated workaround

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driven by absolute necessity. We connect this

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to the bigger picture. Oregon was an absolute

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trailblazer here. This 1904 ballot measure, often

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referred to as part of the Oregon system, happened

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a full decade before the 17th Amendment made

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direct popular election of senators the national

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law of the land in 1914. Oregon was pioneering

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a way to place power directly in the hands of

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the voters to avoid the exact kind of legislative

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gridlock that kept Delazon Smith's seat vacant

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for a year and a half. They essentially hacked

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the system to make it work for them. They looked

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at the Constitution, realized it was causing

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an administrative nightmare locally, and found

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a loophole to... democratize the process ahead

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of the rest of the country. And speaking of manipulating

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the system, let's move into our second chapter

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here. Because the timeline is full of these wild

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strategic moves and massive party shifts, the

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mid -19th to early 20th century was an era of

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intense political shuffling. It was incredibly

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fluid. The rigidity we associate with modern

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political parties simply wasn't as entrenched.

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For example, looking at the historical record,

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we see a senator named Benjamin F. Harding. He

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was elected in 1862 to finish out a term. He

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is specifically noted as a war Democrat. Right.

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For context, war Democrats were members of the

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Democratic Party in the North who broke with

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their own party to support Abraham Lincoln and

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the Union's military policies during the Civil

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War. Which is a huge ideological split. And Harding

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didn't just passively support the union. He actively

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helped organize the union party in Oregon, which

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was essentially a local coalition of Republicans

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and war Democrats. He was then elected to the

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Senate under that new union party banner. It

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shows you how fluid political identity was. You

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could literally help invent a new localized political

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party to meet the crisis of the moment and ride

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that coalition right into the U .S. Senate. It

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speaks to a time when political labels were more

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of a vehicle for immediate policy goals rather

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than lifelong tribal identities. But if we are

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examining the mechanics of how politicians utilize

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the Senate's rules, the story of Frederick W.

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Mulkey is perhaps the most unique anomaly on

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the board. Mulkey might be the ultimate team

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player in American political history. The guy

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was a Republican who was elected to the Senate

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twice, first in 1907 and then again in 1918.

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But he never ran to serve a full six -year term.

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He was elected strictly to finish out short,

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unexpired terms left behind by other senators.

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Which is wild. Because running a statewide campaign

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is a grueling, expensive, exhausting endeavor.

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To do all of that explicitly for a caretaker

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role is rare enough. But his actions during that

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1918 term are what really highlight the strategic

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mastery of the Senate rulebook. Oh, absolutely.

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He wins the election to finish out the term,

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packs his bags, goes to Washington, D .C., serves

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for about six weeks, and then deliberately resigns

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early on December 17th, 1918. He willingly walks

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away from the seat he just won. And the reason

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why is pure political gamesmanship. He resigned

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so that his successor, Charles L. McNary, who

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had already won the election for the next full

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term, could be appointed early. The strategic

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purpose of that early appointment was entirely

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about preferential seniority. In the United States

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Senate, seniority dictates almost everything.

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Committee assignments, physical desk placement

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on the Senate floor, and overall influence. By

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stepping down just a few weeks before the term

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officially ended, Mulkey ensured that McNary

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would enter the Senate with slightly more tenure

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than the other incoming freshman senators of

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his class. It's brilliant, really. Mulkey went

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through the entire election process, essentially,

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to serve as a placeholder and then pull off a

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procedural maneuver to give his colleague a slight

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competitive edge in a committee room. That is

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next level dedication to leveraging the rulebook.

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It demonstrates how acutely aware these local

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politicians were of the federal institutional

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rules. It was never just about winning the seat.

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It was about maximizing the institutional power

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of that seat for the state of Oregon once you

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had it. Here's where it gets real. Really interesting,

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though. If Frederick Mulkey was a master of procedural

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strategy, Wayne Morse was a master of ideological

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transformation. When you look back at his timeline

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in the 20th century, it is almost hard to believe

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he pulled this off. Wayne Morse's career is one

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of the most prominent examples of political realignment

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in congressional history. He began his Senate

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career firmly entrenched as a Republican. He

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was elected in 1944 and then successfully reelected

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as a Republican in 1950. But then, right in the

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middle of the shifting political tides of the

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1950s, he drops the label. Just two years into

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his second term, in 1952, he leaves the Republican

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Party and becomes an independent. The sheer political

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tightrope required to do that during the Cold

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War era is immense. But he doesn't stop at being

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an independent. In 1955, he officially changes

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his party affiliation again, this time joining

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the Democratic Party. And he doesn't just switch

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labels quietly. He goes on to win reelection

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as a Democrat in 1956 and then once more in 1962.

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So to recap, he was elected as a Republican,

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served a stint as an independent and was reelected

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twice as a Democrat. Think about the logistics

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of his campaigns. He had to continuously convince

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the voters of Oregon that his underlying principles

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were the same, even as the banner he was running

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under completely changed colors. It objectively

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showcases how a politician's identity can shift

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drastically over a single career. It also tells

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us something profound about the electorate at

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that time. To change parties so dramatically

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and still secure statewide reelection suggests

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that the voters in Oregon were highly loyal to

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the individual. To his specific character and

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his personal platform, rather than strictly to

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the party apparatus, they were voting for Wayne

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Morse, the man, not just the letter next to his

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name. Let's transition to the later 20th century

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and the modern era, because as the timeline moves

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forward, the chaotic short -term musical chairs

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of the 1800s starts to settle into some incredibly

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impactful long -term legacies. One story that

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immediately stands out in the 1960s is Maureen

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Neuberger. The Neuberger succession is a remarkable

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piece of history. Richard L. Neuberger was a

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Democratic senator elected in 1954. Tragically,

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he died in office on March 9th, 1960. Now, the

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concept of a widow's mandate, where a spouse

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is appointed to finish out a deceased member's

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term, is a known phenomenon in congressional

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history. Right. But usually they're just caretakers.

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They keep the seat warm for a few months until

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the next election, and then they quietly step

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down. Maureen Neuberger did not do that. After

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a very brief interim appointment by the governor,

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the voters of Oregon elected her. And they didn't

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just elect her to finish the final few months

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of her husband's term. They elected her simultaneously

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to finish that term A -N -D to a full six -year

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term of her own. She went on to serve until 1967.

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transcending that caretaker role to win a full

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subsequent term speaks volumes it validates her

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own political acumen and shows the deep trust

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the electorate placed in her to carry forward

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her own legislative agenda not just serve as

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a memorial to her husband And as her term was

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wrapping up in 1967, we see another logistical

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quirk with the arrival of Mark Hatfield. Hatfield

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was a Republican elected to the Senate in the

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1966 cycle. But if you look closely at the dates,

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his Senate term didn't start on January 3rd like

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everyone else's. He actually showed up a week

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late to his own swearing in. The reason behind

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that delay is quite practical, but highly unusual

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for federal politics. He needed to finish out

00:12:22.250 --> 00:12:24.850
his term as the governor of Oregon first. His

00:12:24.850 --> 00:12:27.429
gubernatorial term didn't end until January 9th.

00:12:27.639 --> 00:12:29.659
He was essentially prioritizing his commitment

00:12:29.659 --> 00:12:31.759
to the state executive branch before heading

00:12:31.759 --> 00:12:34.960
off to join the federal legislative branch. Imagine

00:12:34.960 --> 00:12:37.399
the logistical nightmare of closing out an entire

00:12:37.399 --> 00:12:39.700
governorship while your new colleagues in the

00:12:39.700 --> 00:12:41.700
U .S. Senate are already starting committee meetings

00:12:41.700 --> 00:12:44.000
without you. It is just another one of those

00:12:44.000 --> 00:12:46.580
distinct details that makes this historical timeline

00:12:46.580 --> 00:12:49.840
so much richer than just a list of names. As

00:12:49.840 --> 00:12:51.879
we move past Hatfield and into the late 20th

00:12:51.879 --> 00:12:54.779
century, the timeline reveals a massive shift

00:12:54.779 --> 00:12:57.679
in the rhythm of the Senate. The days of 17 -day

00:12:57.679 --> 00:13:00.259
terms and vacant seats disappear, replaced by

00:13:00.259 --> 00:13:02.700
a trend toward immense longevity and incumbency

00:13:02.700 --> 00:13:05.960
advantage. Bob Packwood, a Republican, was elected

00:13:05.960 --> 00:13:09.299
in 1968. He served from 1969 all the way until

00:13:09.299 --> 00:13:12.519
his resignation in 1995. That is a 26 -year career.

00:13:12.940 --> 00:13:15.460
And Packwood's eventual resignation directly

00:13:15.460 --> 00:13:18.200
paved the way for the modern era of Oregon politics.

00:13:18.740 --> 00:13:21.360
Following his departure, Ron Wyden, a Democrat,

00:13:21.620 --> 00:13:24.299
was elected in a special election in early 1996

00:13:24.299 --> 00:13:27.360
to finish out that term. Wyden has won every

00:13:27.360 --> 00:13:30.639
election since, and he is now officially Oregon's

00:13:30.639 --> 00:13:33.600
longest serving senator. To give you a comprehensive

00:13:33.600 --> 00:13:36.200
picture of the current political makeup, as of

00:13:36.200 --> 00:13:40.059
the 118th and 119th Congresses, Oregon's Senate

00:13:40.059 --> 00:13:43.000
delegation consists entirely of Democrats. You

00:13:43.000 --> 00:13:45.320
have Ron Wyden, as mentioned, and Jeff Merkley,

00:13:45.419 --> 00:13:47.539
who has been serving since his election in 2008.

00:13:47.980 --> 00:13:49.899
And instead of just reading the roster for the

00:13:49.899 --> 00:13:51.519
current House of Representatives, let's look

00:13:51.519 --> 00:13:53.440
at what the broader delegation actually represents

00:13:53.440 --> 00:13:56.019
today. You currently have five Democrats, Suzanne

00:13:56.019 --> 00:13:59.039
Bonamici, Maxine Dexter, Val Hoyle, Janelle Bynum,

00:13:59.100 --> 00:14:01.279
and Andrea Salinas, alongside one Republican,

00:14:01.559 --> 00:14:04.379
Cliff Benz. That snapshot perfectly reflects

00:14:04.379 --> 00:14:06.620
the modern geographical and political realities

00:14:06.620 --> 00:14:08.980
of the state. You have the dense, deeply blue

00:14:08.980 --> 00:14:10.940
-leaning population centers along the coast and

00:14:10.940 --> 00:14:13.279
the I -5 corridor balanced against the expansive,

00:14:13.620 --> 00:14:15.879
red -leaning rural districts of the eastern part

00:14:15.879 --> 00:14:18.740
of the state. how the state's internal political

00:14:18.740 --> 00:14:21.539
diversity is still very much active, even if

00:14:21.539 --> 00:14:23.179
the two statewide Senate seats are currently

00:14:23.179 --> 00:14:26.879
held by one party. Looking ahead, the structural

00:14:26.879 --> 00:14:29.000
rhythm continues without the gridlock of the

00:14:29.000 --> 00:14:32.039
1850s. The timeline notes that Oregon's next

00:14:32.039 --> 00:14:35.100
Senate elections are locked in. The Class 2 seat

00:14:35.100 --> 00:14:37.460
currently held by Senator Merkley will be contested

00:14:37.460 --> 00:14:40.519
in 2026, and the Class 3 seat held by Senator

00:14:40.519 --> 00:14:43.580
Wyden will be up in 2028. So what does this all

00:14:43.580 --> 00:14:46.360
mean? We started this deep dive looking at DeLazon

00:14:46.360 --> 00:14:48.879
Smith, a guy who took an exhausting trip across

00:14:48.879 --> 00:14:52.360
the country in 1859 to serve for exactly 17 days

00:14:52.360 --> 00:14:54.960
before getting the boot. That short stint plunged

00:14:54.960 --> 00:14:57.240
the state into a 19 -month gridlock because a

00:14:57.240 --> 00:15:00.000
polarized legislature completely lost its ability

00:15:00.000 --> 00:15:02.700
to compromise. We saw how that exact failure

00:15:02.700 --> 00:15:04.580
pushed the voters to take matters into their

00:15:04.580 --> 00:15:07.059
own hands, pioneering the popular vote for senators

00:15:07.059 --> 00:15:09.220
well before the federal constitution mandated

00:15:09.220 --> 00:15:12.470
it. We watched strategic masterclasses like Frederick

00:15:12.470 --> 00:15:14.490
Mulkey suffering through a statewide campaign

00:15:14.490 --> 00:15:16.649
just so he could resign and give his colleague

00:15:16.649 --> 00:15:19.309
a slight seniority bump. We watched Wayne Morse

00:15:19.309 --> 00:15:21.710
pull off the ultimate political tightrope walk,

00:15:21.929 --> 00:15:24.450
changing his entire identity from Republican

00:15:24.450 --> 00:15:26.610
to independent to Democrat while keeping the

00:15:26.610 --> 00:15:29.210
voters completely on his side. And we followed

00:15:29.210 --> 00:15:31.490
that thread all the way to the modern era of

00:15:31.490 --> 00:15:34.230
massive incumbencies with Wyden and Merkley and

00:15:34.230 --> 00:15:36.889
a House delegation that perfectly maps the current

00:15:36.889 --> 00:15:39.679
rural -urban divide. This raises an important

00:15:39.679 --> 00:15:42.759
question for you to consider as we wrap up. When

00:15:42.759 --> 00:15:45.460
you look at this expansive timeline, you clearly

00:15:45.460 --> 00:15:48.139
see how much the structural rules of the game

00:15:48.139 --> 00:15:51.039
matter. The shift from legislative appointments

00:15:51.039 --> 00:15:54.179
in back rooms to a direct popular vote at the

00:15:54.179 --> 00:15:56.620
ballot box fundamentally altered the relationship

00:15:56.620 --> 00:15:58.879
between the senator and the citizen. It changed

00:15:58.879 --> 00:16:01.740
the very type of leader a state produces. You

00:16:01.740 --> 00:16:03.519
have to wonder how the mechanics of elections,

00:16:03.740 --> 00:16:06.080
the literal rules written on paper, the staggered

00:16:06.080 --> 00:16:08.460
classes, the seniority advantages, continue to

00:16:08.460 --> 00:16:10.639
shape the personalities and the policies that

00:16:10.639 --> 00:16:12.730
end up representing us today. I think that is

00:16:12.730 --> 00:16:14.570
the perfect thought to leave you with today.

00:16:14.750 --> 00:16:17.090
When you look back at politicians like Wayne

00:16:17.090 --> 00:16:19.370
Morris, who changed their party entirely based

00:16:19.370 --> 00:16:22.210
on shifting personal ideologies, or you look

00:16:22.210 --> 00:16:24.669
at a guy like Frederick Malky, who willingly

00:16:24.669 --> 00:16:27.090
gave up his seat just to manipulate a procedural

00:16:27.090 --> 00:16:29.370
advantage in a committee room, you really have

00:16:29.370 --> 00:16:32.009
to ask yourself how much of our political history

00:16:32.009 --> 00:16:34.809
is actually shaped by these grand, sweeping ideological

00:16:34.809 --> 00:16:37.990
battles, and how much of it is just really clever,

00:16:38.149 --> 00:16:40.470
real -time maneuvering of the rulebook. It is

00:16:40.470 --> 00:16:42.580
something to mull - over the next time you cast

00:16:42.580 --> 00:16:45.279
a ballot, read a headline, or wonder why Congress

00:16:45.279 --> 00:16:48.159
operates the way it does. Thank you so much for

00:16:48.159 --> 00:16:50.220
joining us on this custom deep dive. We hope

00:16:50.220 --> 00:16:52.279
you enjoyed exploring the fascinating historical

00:16:52.279 --> 00:16:54.279
details hidden inside the records of a single

00:16:54.279 --> 00:16:56.659
state, and we encourage you to keep diving into

00:16:56.659 --> 00:16:58.299
the hidden histories all around you.
