WEBVTT

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Welcome back. I am I'm just so glad you could

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join us today for another custom tailored deep

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dive. It's great to be here. So if you turn on

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the news, especially during an election year

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or when a new administration is taking over the

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government, you are practically guaranteed to

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hear politicians and pundits tossing around the

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phrase advice and consent. Oh, constantly. Right.

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And it gets said with such immense gravity. Everyone

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sitting around the anchor desk nods as if the

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exact mechanics of that. are universally understood.

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But if you stop and really think about it, the

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phrase has sort of faded into the background

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noise of political commentary. How often does

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anyone actually explain the procedural machinery

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running beneath those words? Almost never. I

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mean, it is a perfect example of a phrase that

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has become invisible through repetition. We hear

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it so often that we just assume the process is

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static and straightforward, but the reality is

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far more complex. And dynamic. Exactly. Very

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dynamic. Which is exactly what we are going to

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explore today. We have put together a deep dive

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based on a really comprehensive Wikipedia article

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all about advice and consent. And our mission

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for you today, we'll call you the learner for

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this one, is to cut through all that parliamentary

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jargon and look at what this phrase actually

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means at its core. Because it's not just semantics.

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No, not at all. We are going to examine how it

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was originally designed to balance government

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power and how over the last decade or so it has

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morphed into this high stakes procedural battleground.

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OK, let's unpack this. When we strip away the

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specific country by country context, what is

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the baseline definition we are actually working

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with here? Right. So at its most basic structural

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level, advice and consent is a legal mechanism.

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It's designed to moderate the power of one branch

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of government by legally requiring the concurrence

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of another branch before a specific action can

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be finalized. Like a structural check and ballot.

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Precisely. Broadly speaking, the sources show

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this plays out in one of two very different constitutional

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scenarios. The first scenario features a weak

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executive branch that is essentially required

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to rubber stamp an action that has already been

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initiated and approved by a powerful legislative

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branch. And the second scenario flips that dynamic

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completely. You have a strong legislative branch

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that must concur and approve an action that was

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initiated by a strong executive. That makes sense.

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I was actually looking at the exact text used

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to pass laws in the United Kingdom, which seems

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to perfectly illustrate that first scenario you

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mentioned, the weak executive. Yes, the UK is

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the classic example. Because the enacting formula

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for British bills sounds incredibly formal. It

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explicitly states that the law is enacted by

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the king, by and with the advice and consent

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of the lords and commons in parliament. But looking

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at modern British politics, how much power does

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the monarch actually exercise in that equation?

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What's fascinating here is that this specific

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legal language is essentially a polite fiction.

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A polite fiction. I like that. It really is.

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If you read the text literally, it paints a picture

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of a king who is single -handedly creating the

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law and just, you know, merely checking in with

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the House of Lords and the House of Commons to

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get their thoughts. Like, hey guys, what do you

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think of this law I just made? Exactly. But legally

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and practically, the dynamic operates in reverse.

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That enacting formula, what they call the king

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in parliament, emphasizes that while the bill

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is legally finalized by the British monarchy

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with the royal assent, the actual initiative

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and the real power to draft, debate and pass

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that legislation lies entirely with parliament.

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So the thing is just rubber stamping it. The

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monarch has virtually no practical discretionary

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power to halt it at all. The indispensable part

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of the equation is the legislature's adoption

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of the bill. So the language maintains the historical

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prestige of the crown, while the actual gears

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of government turn within parliament. It is such

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a fascinating legal quirk. But the sources note

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that in Singapore, this concept of advice takes

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on a much more rigid definition. Oh, absolutely.

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Because Singapore is a parliamentary republic,

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right? With a president serving as the head of

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state. How does their framework handle the concept

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of a cabinet giving the president... Well, it

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completely redefines the word. I mean, in standard

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conversation, if someone gives you advice, the

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inherent assumption is that you have the agency

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to ignore it. Right. I can take it or leave it.

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But in the constitutional framework of Singapore,

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advice of the cabinet carries an entirely different

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legal weight. When the Constitution stipulates

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that the president exercises certain powers on

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the advice of the cabinet. It means the president

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is legally bound to act in full accordance with

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that advice. So the president cannot exercise

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independent judgment in those specific instances.

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Not at all. There is zero discretionary power

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available to the head of state in those moments.

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Wow. Yeah. In that specific legal context, the

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word advice functions as an absolute mandate.

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The cabinet makes the decision and the president

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is constitutionally obligated to execute it.

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It is incredible that in Singapore, advice literally

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translates to a legally binding mandate. But

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if we cross the ocean to the United States Constitution,

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that exact same phrase becomes the center of

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a 200 -year tug of war. A very messy tug of war.

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The U .S. operates under that second scenario

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you mentioned earlier, advice and consent applying

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to a strong executive. Here, the power is held

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by the United States Senate, which must approve

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treaties and major presidential appointments.

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Cabinet secretaries, federal judges, military

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officers, things like that. Right. And that requirement

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is hardwired into Article 2, Section 2, Clause

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2 of the U .S. Constitution. It explicitly grants

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the president the power to make treaties, provided

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two thirds of the senators present concur. And

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then in the very next breath, it lays out the

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nomination and confirmation process for the federal

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appointees you just mentioned, which traditionally

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requires a simple majority. Yes, the basic framework

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is all right there. Here's where it gets really

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interesting. That specific wording, advice and

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consent wasn't just some casual care. carryover

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from British law. Looking at the history of the

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Constitutional Convention, this was the product

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of a massive standoff between the framers. It

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was one of the biggest debates they had. Because

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you had delegates trying to build a new government

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from scratch. One faction wanted a highly empowered

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executive who could act decisively without being

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micromanaged by a committee. But the opposing

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faction had just fought a war against a monarch

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and was terrified of consolidating that much

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power in one person. They wanted the legislator

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to hold the reins. And the phrase was the ultimate

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delicate compromise. It achieved the goals of

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both factions. It allowed the president the unilateral

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power to initiate treaties and select nominees,

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preserving that executive decisiveness. But it

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handed the Senate a hard veto. Exactly. The theory

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was that this structural hurdle would prevent

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authoritarian control and cronyism. It would

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force the president to select highly qualified

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individuals who could actually survive the scrutiny

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of an independent body. But the sources point

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out a major ambiguity that the framers just left

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unresolved. They agreed on the phrase, but they

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completely disagreed on the timeline. When exactly

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is this advice supposed to take place in the

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life cycle of a nomination? The historical debate

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over the mechanics of that timeline is incredibly

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revealing. You had the primary architects of

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the government holding diametrically opposed

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views on how the process should actually function.

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Thomas Jefferson and James Madison argued that

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the Senate's role was strictly reactive. They

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believe the Senate should only advise the president

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after a nomination had been formally made. In

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their view, the president needed the autonomy

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to make the initial selection based purely on

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executive judgment. without any interference

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from lawmakers. But other framers, like Roger

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Sherman, argued the exact opposite. He believed

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that the Senate providing advice before a nomination

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was ever formalized would be deeply beneficial

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to the president, essentially vetting candidates

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collaboratively. And the tiebreaker fell to George

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Washington. As the first president, his actions

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established the unwritten precedence the subsequent

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administrations would follow. Washington took

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a pragmatic, middle -of -the -road approach.

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He concluded that receiving advice from the Senate

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prior to a nomination was permissible and often

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politically wise, but it was absolutely not a

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constitutional requirement. So he kept the power

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in the executive branch. He firmly maintained

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that the executive alone was responsible for

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the final selection of the nominee. And Washington's

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precedent really shaped the modern process. Today,

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the notion that pre -nomination advice is optional

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has effectively fused the two words together.

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The advice portion and the consent portion are

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now executed as a single unified action by the

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Senate. Though presidents certainly still consult

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informally with key senators behind closed doors

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to gauge whether a nominee can survive a floor

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vote. Oh, of course. But the formal parliamentary

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procedure is a single motion. Now, speaking of

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the Senate's power, there's a really quick, memorable

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trivia fact I want to toss in here from the sources.

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For almost every major federal appointment, the

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Senate acts completely alone. But there is a

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specific exception outlined in the 25th Amendment

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for replacing a vice president. It's not just

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the Senate. The 25th Amendment requires a majority

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vote in both houses of Congress, the Senate,

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and the House of Representatives. That's a vital

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distinction. It's the rare instance where the

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entire legislative branch is required to consent

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to an executive appointment, reflecting the immense

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gravity of placing someone directly next in line

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for the presidency. Exactly. It highlights just

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how intentionally the framers distributed power.

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Moving into the modern era, looking at the last

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decade, this process has become intensely weaponized.

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Now, before we dive into recent U .S. history,

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I want to explicitly pause and address you, the

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listener, for a second. This is important. Yes.

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The sources we are utilizing today contain some

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highly politically charged actions from both

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left wing and right wing figures. I want to make

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it absolutely clear that we are not taking sides

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or endorsing any political viewpoints here. We

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are simply impartially reporting the historical

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facts and rule changes exactly as they are documented

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in the source material. Just dig into the procedural

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mechanics. Exactly. So setting aside the politics

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to focus strictly on those mechanics, how did

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the standard confirmation process process actually

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operate before the modern installations began?

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Well, for a long time, the confirmation process

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relied heavily on informal norms rather than

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strictly codified rules. The baseline procedure

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involves a congressional hearing where the appointee

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is questioned by the relevant Senate committee.

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And if they pass the committee? If the committee

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advances the nominee, it moved to the full Senate

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floor. The formal parliamentary action is a motion

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to advise and consent. Passing that motion usually

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just takes a simple majority of senators present.

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However, the Senate historically operated on

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a principle of unlimited debate. Which brings

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us to the filibuster. Precisely. Under the old

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norms, any senator could infinitely debate a

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nomination, effectively preventing the actual

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confirmation vote from ever taking place. The

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only way to force an end to that debate, a procedural

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move called cloture, required a supermajority

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of three -fifths of the Senate. So, 60 votes.

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Yes. So while the final confirmation only required

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a simple majority, simply getting to that vote

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often required 60 senators. This meant the minority

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party held massive procedural leverage. And if

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we look at the timeline in our sources, the history

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of the last decade is essentially the history

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of that minority leverage being systematically

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dismantled. The breakdown of those informal norms

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really began escalating in November 2013, right?

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Yes. If we connect this to the bigger picture,

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you can see how the rules began to unravel. In

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November 2013, the Democratic Party, led by then

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-majority leader Harry Reid, was facing widespread

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filibusters of their nominees. In response, Reid

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utilized a parliamentary maneuver, commonly known

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as the nuclear option. Changing the rules without

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actually passing a new rule. Exactly. They raised

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a point of order claiming that only a simple

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majority was needed to end debate on certain

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nominees. The presiding officer ruled against

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them, citing the existing rules. But the majority

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then voted to overrule the presiding officer.

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By doing that with a simple majority, they established

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a binding new precedent. And that permanently

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altered how the Senate operates. The immediate

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effect was that... Judicial nominees for lower

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federal courts, along with executive branch nominations,

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could completely bypass that three -fifths cloture

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requirement. But importantly, Harry Reid intentionally

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left the filibuster intact for the Supreme Court.

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Right. Which sets the stage for the next major

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escalation in February 2016. Following the death

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of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, a vacancy

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opened during a presidential election year. The

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Republican Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell,

00:12:54.840 --> 00:12:56.899
declared that the Senate would not hold hearings

00:12:56.899 --> 00:12:59.159
or vote on any replacement nominated by President

00:12:59.159 --> 00:13:01.980
Obama until after the next election. And the

00:13:01.980 --> 00:13:05.080
source material characterizes this as a historic

00:13:05.080 --> 00:13:08.759
rebuke of executive authority. It was a stark

00:13:08.759 --> 00:13:11.440
departure from the longstanding procedural norm

00:13:11.440 --> 00:13:14.799
of considering. each high court nominee on their

00:13:14.799 --> 00:13:17.919
individual merits. The sources really emphasize

00:13:17.919 --> 00:13:21.139
how unprecedented that maneuver was. A sitting

00:13:21.139 --> 00:13:23.799
president had never been forced to forfeit a

00:13:23.799 --> 00:13:26.759
high court appointment simply because the legislative

00:13:26.759 --> 00:13:29.620
branch refused to engage in the advice and consent

00:13:29.620 --> 00:13:32.340
process at all. It was a massive shift. And that

00:13:32.340 --> 00:13:35.440
strategy held the seat open, shifting the confirmation

00:13:35.440 --> 00:13:37.700
battle to the following year, which triggered

00:13:37.700 --> 00:13:40.759
another massive procedural change in April 2017.

00:13:41.200 --> 00:13:44.179
Right. By April 2017, control of the executive

00:13:44.179 --> 00:13:46.620
branch had changed, and McConnell and the Republicans

00:13:46.620 --> 00:13:48.960
were seeking to confirm Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme

00:13:48.960 --> 00:13:51.539
Court. Facing a promised filibuster from the

00:13:51.539 --> 00:13:53.779
Democratic minority, they utilized their own

00:13:53.779 --> 00:13:55.860
nuclear option using the exact same mechanics

00:13:55.860 --> 00:13:58.700
established in 2013. They overruled the presiding

00:13:58.700 --> 00:14:01.519
officer with a simple majority. Yes, establishing

00:14:01.519 --> 00:14:03.799
a new precedent that eliminated the supermajority

00:14:03.799 --> 00:14:06.240
requirement for Supreme Court nominees. The filibuster

00:14:06.240 --> 00:14:08.519
for all executive and judicial appointments was

00:14:08.519 --> 00:14:11.250
officially dead. The speed at which these centuries

00:14:11.250 --> 00:14:13.370
-old procedural norms were dismantled is just

00:14:13.370 --> 00:14:16.149
staggering. But the sources reveal that the breakdown

00:14:16.149 --> 00:14:18.590
of advice and consent isn't limited to party

00:14:18.590 --> 00:14:21.769
leadership clashing over the courts. Individual

00:14:21.769 --> 00:14:24.690
senators possess a staggering amount of unilateral

00:14:24.690 --> 00:14:27.070
leverage through a mechanism known as a hold.

00:14:27.519 --> 00:14:30.159
which is incredibly powerful. Especially regarding

00:14:30.159 --> 00:14:32.879
military nominations. Just to frame the sheer

00:14:32.879 --> 00:14:35.759
volume we are talking about, the Senate is tasked

00:14:35.759 --> 00:14:38.720
with confirming roughly 50 ,000 military appointments

00:14:38.720 --> 00:14:41.600
every single year. And that volume is exactly

00:14:41.600 --> 00:14:44.799
why the hold is so potent. The Senate floor simply

00:14:44.799 --> 00:14:47.179
does not have the time to debate and vote on

00:14:47.179 --> 00:14:49.899
50 ,000 individual military promotions. It would

00:14:49.899 --> 00:14:52.519
take forever. So to manage the workflow, they

00:14:52.519 --> 00:14:55.669
rely on unanimous consent. They group hundreds

00:14:55.669 --> 00:14:58.009
or thousands of routine military promotions into

00:14:58.009 --> 00:15:00.509
a single batch and ask if any senator objects

00:15:00.509 --> 00:15:03.350
to confirming them all at once. If no one objects,

00:15:03.629 --> 00:15:06.529
they pass instantly. But if just one single senator

00:15:06.529 --> 00:15:09.169
objects? If one objects, placing a hold on the

00:15:09.169 --> 00:15:11.490
batch, the Senate is forced to revert to standard

00:15:11.490 --> 00:15:14.070
procedure. Meaning they would have to file cloture,

00:15:14.250 --> 00:15:17.129
wait the required time, and hold individual roll

00:15:17.129 --> 00:15:19.809
call votes for every single officer. Which would

00:15:19.809 --> 00:15:23.090
consume months, if not years, of floor time,

00:15:23.309 --> 00:15:26.169
bringing all other legislative business to a

00:15:26.169 --> 00:15:29.490
dead halt. Therefore, a single senator can essentially

00:15:29.490 --> 00:15:32.909
freeze the military promotion system to extract

00:15:32.909 --> 00:15:35.799
concessions. And we have two very recent examples

00:15:35.799 --> 00:15:38.179
from the sources that demonstrate this. In July

00:15:38.179 --> 00:15:41.299
2020, Democratic Senator Tammy Duckworth placed

00:15:41.299 --> 00:15:43.899
a hold on military officers at the rank of colonel

00:15:43.899 --> 00:15:46.340
and above. Her objective was highly specific.

00:15:46.759 --> 00:15:49.039
She demanded confirmation from the Defense Department

00:15:49.039 --> 00:15:51.740
that Alexander Vindman was receiving proper consideration

00:15:51.740 --> 00:15:54.440
for promotion following his congressional testimony

00:15:54.440 --> 00:15:57.120
against President Trump. But that hold was incredibly

00:15:57.120 --> 00:15:59.899
narrow in its timeline. Senator Duckworth lifted

00:15:59.899 --> 00:16:01.820
it after two weeks, the moment the Secretary

00:16:01.820 --> 00:16:04.220
of Defense explicitly confirmed the promotion

00:16:04.220 --> 00:16:06.440
had been approved. Even though Vindman ultimately

00:16:06.440 --> 00:16:09.799
chose to retire. Right. It was a targeted use

00:16:09.799 --> 00:16:12.399
of procedural leverage for a specific personnel

00:16:12.399 --> 00:16:15.580
inquiry. But the sources contrast that with a

00:16:15.580 --> 00:16:18.340
structurally identical, yet vastly broader maneuver

00:16:18.340 --> 00:16:21.159
a few years later. From February to December

00:16:21.159 --> 00:16:24.379
of 2023, Republican Senator Tommy Tuberville

00:16:24.379 --> 00:16:27.340
instituted a massive blanket hold on all general

00:16:27.340 --> 00:16:29.860
and admiral appointments. And this hold was utilized

00:16:29.860 --> 00:16:32.480
for a broad policy objective rather than a personnel

00:16:32.480 --> 00:16:35.740
inquiry. Senator Tuberville was protesting a

00:16:35.740 --> 00:16:38.500
new military policy that covered travel expenses

00:16:38.500 --> 00:16:41.039
for service members seeking out -of -state abortions.

00:16:41.139 --> 00:16:44.139
And he held it up for 10 months. Yes. Because

00:16:44.139 --> 00:16:46.519
he maintained the hold for so long, the backlog

00:16:46.519 --> 00:16:49.919
grew to encompass 451 senior military officers.

00:16:50.259 --> 00:16:52.559
The sources detail the resulting chaos within

00:16:52.559 --> 00:16:54.659
the military's chain of command. By freezing

00:16:54.659 --> 00:16:57.720
those 451 leadership positions, the Defense Department

00:16:57.720 --> 00:17:00.019
had to scramble. They were forced to utilize

00:17:00.019 --> 00:17:02.539
acting commanders, meaning officers were performing

00:17:02.539 --> 00:17:04.960
the duties of higher ranks without the corresponding

00:17:04.960 --> 00:17:07.380
authority or pay. And it forced the military

00:17:07.380 --> 00:17:09.460
to delay the retirements of outgoing generals

00:17:09.460 --> 00:17:11.960
just to keep critical commands functioning. The

00:17:11.960 --> 00:17:14.400
procedural standoff eventually concluded in December

00:17:14.400 --> 00:17:18.599
2023. Tuberville released the hold without actually

00:17:18.599 --> 00:17:20.779
securing the floor vote on the abortion travel

00:17:20.779 --> 00:17:23.400
policy he had originally demanded. But the real

00:17:23.400 --> 00:17:26.460
world impact was that the 10 month freeze. created

00:17:26.460 --> 00:17:29.299
such a massive bottleneck that roughly a year

00:17:29.299 --> 00:17:31.779
later, the Senate resorted to passing a single

00:17:31.779 --> 00:17:35.400
unanimous consent motion that confirmed 6 ,000

00:17:35.400 --> 00:17:38.079
military officers simultaneously. Just to flush

00:17:38.079 --> 00:17:40.839
the backlog out of the system. It perfectly illustrates

00:17:40.839 --> 00:17:43.539
how a constitutional mechanism designed to prevent

00:17:43.539 --> 00:17:46.559
authoritarianism can be repurposed by one individual

00:17:46.559 --> 00:17:49.119
to paralyze the leadership structure of the armed

00:17:49.119 --> 00:17:51.980
forces. And the procedural arms race has only

00:17:51.980 --> 00:17:54.650
continued to accelerate. The timeline in our

00:17:54.650 --> 00:17:56.549
sources brings us right up to the present day

00:17:56.549 --> 00:18:00.410
to a major structural shift in 2025. So what

00:18:00.410 --> 00:18:02.910
does this all mean? Well, the 2025 evolution

00:18:02.910 --> 00:18:05.329
represents the logical extreme of the trend we

00:18:05.329 --> 00:18:07.309
have been tracking. In 2025, Senate Republicans

00:18:07.309 --> 00:18:09.269
changed the rules to allow an unlimited number

00:18:09.269 --> 00:18:11.670
of executive branch nominees to be grouped together

00:18:11.670 --> 00:18:14.109
and confirmed via a single vote. So unlimited

00:18:14.109 --> 00:18:17.970
bulk confirmations. Yes. The only carve out in

00:18:17.970 --> 00:18:20.970
this rule was for cabinet level secretaries who

00:18:20.970 --> 00:18:23.740
still required individual consideration. Every

00:18:23.740 --> 00:18:26.880
other subcabinet official, agency head, and executive

00:18:26.880 --> 00:18:30.380
appointee could be confirmed in one massive batch.

00:18:30.759 --> 00:18:33.880
Moving from individual scrutiny to unlimited

00:18:33.880 --> 00:18:36.900
bulk confirmations is a monumental departure

00:18:36.900 --> 00:18:39.519
from historical precedent. What was the context

00:18:39.519 --> 00:18:42.359
driving that specific rule change? It's really

00:18:42.359 --> 00:18:45.119
the culmination of two opposing procedural tactics

00:18:45.119 --> 00:18:48.460
colliding. On one side, Senate Democrats have

00:18:48.460 --> 00:18:50.420
been maximizing the remaining procedural rules

00:18:50.420 --> 00:18:53.319
to force lengthy, time -consuming floor debates

00:18:53.319 --> 00:18:55.980
for nearly every executive nominee put forward

00:18:55.980 --> 00:18:58.380
by President Trump. Effectively utilizing the

00:18:58.380 --> 00:19:00.819
clock to stall the administration's ability to

00:19:00.819 --> 00:19:02.779
staff the government. Exactly. And on the other

00:19:02.779 --> 00:19:04.880
side, President Trump was floating the idea of

00:19:04.880 --> 00:19:07.259
bypassing the Senate entirely. He was threatening

00:19:07.259 --> 00:19:09.779
to ask Congress to formally recess so he could

00:19:09.779 --> 00:19:12.579
install officials via recess appointments, which

00:19:12.579 --> 00:19:15.119
requires zero Senate confirmation entirely. So

00:19:15.119 --> 00:19:16.980
the bulk confirmation rule was essentially a

00:19:16.980 --> 00:19:19.900
pressure release valve. Yes. The majority implemented

00:19:19.900 --> 00:19:22.759
it to circumvent the minority's stalling tactics

00:19:22.759 --> 00:19:25.900
and rapidly staffed the executive branch, avoiding

00:19:25.900 --> 00:19:28.759
the constitutional crisis that widespread weaponized

00:19:28.759 --> 00:19:31.099
recess appointments would have triggered. But

00:19:31.099 --> 00:19:32.400
if you connect us back to the listener and what

00:19:32.400 --> 00:19:34.299
we discussed at the beginning. The framers sitting

00:19:34.299 --> 00:19:37.240
in a room fiercely debating how to balance an

00:19:37.240 --> 00:19:40.059
effective executive against a monarch. Right.

00:19:40.220 --> 00:19:43.240
They built the Advice and Consent Clause as a

00:19:43.240 --> 00:19:45.599
delicate compromise, a deliberate structural

00:19:45.599 --> 00:19:48.660
filter. But when you look at the modern mechanics,

00:19:48.839 --> 00:19:51.859
the 2013 and 2017 nuclear options stripping away

00:19:51.859 --> 00:19:54.619
the supermajority, the weaponization of unanimous

00:19:54.619 --> 00:19:57.720
consent to freeze the military, and now the 2025

00:19:57.720 --> 00:20:01.420
pivot to bulk confirmations, the process has

00:20:01.420 --> 00:20:03.539
fundamentally transformed. It is no longer a

00:20:03.539 --> 00:20:05.720
measured evaluation of qualifications. No, it

00:20:05.720 --> 00:20:08.599
has become a procedural arms race where the fundamental

00:20:08.599 --> 00:20:10.779
rules of consent are constantly rewritten on

00:20:10.779 --> 00:20:12.859
the fly by whichever party holds a simple majority.

00:20:13.099 --> 00:20:15.400
It is genuinely dizzying to look at the full

00:20:15.400 --> 00:20:17.450
timeline. Which is why this raises an important

00:20:17.450 --> 00:20:19.509
question, something for everyone listening to

00:20:19.509 --> 00:20:22.190
chew on. Building on the history we just discussed,

00:20:22.410 --> 00:20:24.950
if the Senate can continually rewrite the rules

00:20:24.950 --> 00:20:27.950
of advice and consent via simple majority creating

00:20:27.950 --> 00:20:31.210
nuclear options and bulk confirmations, is the

00:20:31.210 --> 00:20:33.789
Senate's consent still functioning as a meaningful,

00:20:33.869 --> 00:20:37.130
independent check on executive power as the framers

00:20:37.130 --> 00:20:39.349
intended? Or has it just become something else

00:20:39.349 --> 00:20:41.609
entirely? Right. In an era of intense polarization,

00:20:42.089 --> 00:20:44.009
when a president's party controls the chamber,

00:20:44.269 --> 00:20:47.069
has the entire concept of advice and consent

00:20:47.069 --> 00:20:49.869
merely devolved into a procedural rubber stamp

00:20:49.869 --> 00:20:52.710
for whichever party is in charge? That structural

00:20:52.710 --> 00:20:55.329
reality is exactly why we do these deep dives.

00:20:55.369 --> 00:20:57.170
It takes a phrase you hear casually mentioned

00:20:57.170 --> 00:20:59.490
on a Sunday morning talk show and forces you

00:20:59.490 --> 00:21:01.970
to really examine the structural integrity of

00:21:01.970 --> 00:21:04.910
the entire government framework. Thank you so

00:21:04.910 --> 00:21:06.609
much for joining us on this deep dive today.

00:21:07.210 --> 00:21:09.230
hope this exploration provided the shortcut to

00:21:09.230 --> 00:21:11.190
being well informed that you were looking for.

00:21:11.490 --> 00:21:14.289
Keep questioning the fine print of history, because

00:21:14.289 --> 00:21:16.930
as we have seen today, the rules are always subject

00:21:16.930 --> 00:21:18.990
to change. We will see you next time.
