WEBVTT

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Welcome back. Today, we've got a deep dive custom

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tailored just for you. We really do. And it's

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a fascinating one. It is. We are setting out

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on a very specific mission today, demystifying

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the single most powerful group in the United

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States Senate. The power players. Right. We are

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talking about the United States Senate Committee

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on Appropriations. Which I know. Yeah, I know

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what you might be thinking listening to this.

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It sounds dry. Exactly. The word appropriations

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sounds like the kind of dry bureaucratic jargon

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designed to make your eyes glaze over. Oh, absolutely.

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It sounds like an accounting club hidden in the

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basement of the Capitol. Right. But. The stack

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of notes and historical data we have today paints

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a wildly different picture. Let's unpack this,

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because while it might sound boring, this committee

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is actually the ultimate control room for the

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entire U .S. government. It truly is. It's the

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engine room of the federal apparatus. Everything

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that happens in Washington, every dollar that

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moves essentially runs through these doors. To

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really grasp why this specific committee holds

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the keys to the kingdom, you have to look at

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the foundational why. of its existence. The history

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of it. Yeah. It goes straight back to the bedrock

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of the country. Article 1, Section 9, Clause

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7 of the U .S. Constitution. The founders were

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terrified of a monarch with a blank checkbook.

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Exactly. So the text makes it explicitly clear

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that no money can be drawn from the Treasury

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without appropriations made by law. Meaning Congress

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has to approve it. Right. Furthermore, they demanded

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that a regular statement and account of the receipts

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and expenditures of all public money be published

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from time to time. It's like they hardwired a

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failsafe right into the system. The Treasury

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isn't just some open vault for whoever happens

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to be sitting in the Oval Office. That's the

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core of it. You cannot spend a single dime of

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the taxpayers' money unless a legislative body

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explicitly passes a law saying you can. If we

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connect this to the bigger picture, you start

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to see the genius of this mechanism. It's a massive

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check and balance. An immovable one. It intentionally

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separates the power of spending from the executive

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branch. meaning the president and the sprawling

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alphabet soup of federal agencies. They don't

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actually hold the purse strings. Exactly. It

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places that power squarely in the hands of Congress.

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The executive branch might draft a million ambitious

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plans, but they can't execute a single one of

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them if Congress refuses to write the check.

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The ultimate veto. It is universally known as

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the power of the purse, and it's the absolute

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source. of this committee's institutional gravity.

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What's wild to consider, though, is that this

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hyper -focused committee didn't even exist at

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the dawn of the Republic. That's right. For the

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first several decades, this world -altering power

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over the purse sat with the Finance Committee.

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They were doing double duty. Yeah, handling both

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the money coming in and the money going out.

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It wasn't until March 6, 1867, that the Appropriations

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Committee was officially spun off to handle the

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spending exclusively. Which makes sense when

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you think about the historical context there.

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Post -Civil War. Right. It's post -Civil War.

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The nation is expanding westward and the government

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is transforming from a small administrative body

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into an industrial era behemoth. So splitting

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that power wasn't just administrative housekeeping.

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No, not at all. It was an acknowledgment that

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funding the nation had become the most complex

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job in Washington. Taking the check out of the

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hands of the Finance Committee and creating a

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standalone Appropriations Committee fundamentally

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shifted the power dynamics in the Senate. From

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1867 onward, this new entity became the central

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hub where the ultimate priorities of the nation

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were fiercely debated and decided. Because, as

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the saying goes, a policy is just a piece of

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paper until it's funded. Exactly. Let's get into

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the actual mechanics of that funding because

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this is where the theory hits reality for you

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listening. The nuts and bolts. Right. When we

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talk about the federal budget, it's easy to get

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lost in the trillions. I've heard it compared

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to a household budget, you know, sitting around

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the kitchen table figuring out groceries, but...

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That's a bit too simple for what we're talking

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about here. Way too simple. Think of it more

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like a massive multinational corporation. You

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have your fixed overhead. Social Security, Medicare.

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Yeah, the bills that auto draft every month,

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regardless of what management does. That's mandatory

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spending. The Appropriations Committee doesn't

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touch that. They control the discretionary spending.

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Right. That's the R &D budget, the new acquisitions,

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the marketing. They decide whether we are building

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a new fleet of submarines or... doubling the

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budget for national parks. And that's the crucial

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distinction. Discretionary spending is the money

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that dictates the actual day -to -day direction

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of the country. And to manage this incredibly

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complex corporate ledger, the committee relies

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on a strict division of labor. carved up into

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12 distinct subcommittees. 12 different power

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centers. You have a subcommittee for defense,

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another for homeland security, one for agriculture.

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It covers every square inch of the federal footprint.

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And they operate on a timeline that is, at least

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in theory, highly regimented. In theory, being

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the operative phrase there. Right. The process

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is supposed to flow like this. First, an analogous

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but separate entity. The Senate Budget Committee

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drafts a congressional budget resolution. Setting

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the overarching spending ceiling. Exactly. Then

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the Full Appropriations Committee takes that

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top line number and sets allocations for each

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of the 12 subcommittees. And from there, each

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subcommittee develops a draft bill covering every

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single federal agency under its specific jurisdiction.

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But they are bound by those initial ceilings,

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correct? They can't just decide to double the

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defense budget if the allocation doesn't support

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it. They are generally bound by them, yeah, but

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there is a notable loophole. Oh. The full Senate

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can actually vote to waive those spending limits

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if 60 senators agree to do so. Ah, the 60 -vote

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threshold. That's a high bar. It is, but it exists.

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Once those 12 draft bills are negotiated and

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ready, they must be passed by both houses of

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Congress and then signed by the president. And

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the kicker is, all of this massive legislative

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maneuvering has to happen prior to the start

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of the federal fiscal year. Which falls on October

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1st. October 1st. The magical, perpetually missed

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deadline. Almost every time. Anyone who follows

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Washington even casually knows that hitting that

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October 1st target with 12 neatly wrapped appropriations

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bills is practically a myth at this point. The

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dysfunction there is undeniable. Missing that

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target has become the standard operating procedure

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in recent years. And the consequences are severe.

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Very. If they fail to pass the individual bills

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by October 1st, the government technically has

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zero discretionary funding to operate. So to

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prevent a total catastrophic shutdown of federal

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services, the committee has to draft what is

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called a continuing resolution. The infamous

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CR. Which is essentially a legislative shrug.

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It's Congress saying, we haven't figured out

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the budget for next year yet, so just keep spending

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exactly what you spent last month on the exact

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same things until we sort it out. That's perfectly

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put. It is a temporary stopgap measure approved

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by Congress and signed by the president just

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to keep the lights on. But operating a multi

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-trillion dollar superpower on temporary stopgaps

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freezes new contracts, stalls military planning,

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and generally creates chaos for federal agencies.

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They can't plan past the end of the month. Which

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brings us to a really telling era of reform,

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the 110th Congress. They actually tried to fix

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this deeply entrenched dysfunction. They made

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a massive structural attempt. At the outset of

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the 110th Congress, we saw a major reorganization

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effort driven by the leadership at the time.

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Right. Chair Robert Byrd from the Senate Appropriations

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Committee and his counterpart, Chair Dave Obey

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over on the House Appropriations Committee. They

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developed a comprehensive reorganizes plan that

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provided for common parallel subcommittee structures

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between both the House and the Senate. Which,

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when you think about it, is stunning that it

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wasn't already the case. Seriously. If the House

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is organizing their funding bills by agency X

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and Y and the Senate is grouping agency Y and

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Z together, trying to merge those competing bills

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in a reconciliation conference at the 11th hour

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is a logistical nightmare. They were speaking

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two different structural languages. Exactly.

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The explicitly stated. goal of both Chair Byrd

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and Chair Obey was to streamline the labyrinthine

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process so Congress could actually complete action

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on each of the government funding bills on time.

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And the context here is just staggering. They

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were implementing this overhaul, hoping to achieve

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on -time funding for the first time since 1994.

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Since 1994. It took them over a decade just to

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figure out how to structure their own internal

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meetings to get a bill passed on schedule. As

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part of this drive for efficiency, they consolidated

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power slightly, reducing the total number of

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subcommittees from 13 down to the 12 we have

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today. And a key outcome of that specific reorganization

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was the establishment of a brand new subcommittee.

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The Subcommittee on Financial Services and General

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Government. Yes. This was a major consolidation

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effort. It brought together funding for the Treasury

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Department, the United States Federal Judiciary,

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and the District of Columbia. Prior to the 110th

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Congress, those critical functions were handled

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by two completely separate Senate subcommittees.

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Right. By bringing them under one roof, they

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simplified the jurisdiction and aligned it perfectly

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with the House's architecture. Here's where it

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gets really interesting. Because you can't talk

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about the structure of the Appropriations Committee

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without talking about the raw, unfiltered political

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leverage of the committee chair. This is a huge

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piece of the puzzle. Now, I want to make something

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very clear to you as we get into this. When we

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look at historical earmarks, we are just analyzing

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the raw math from the historical record. Absolutely.

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We are not taking a political stance or endorsing

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the practice either way. We are neutrally reporting

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on how this works because the leverage a chair

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holds to direct localized spending is staggering.

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This is what's informally known as pork barrel

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spending. The mechanics of that leverage are

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straightforward but immensely powerful. The chair

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of the Appropriations Committee holds enormous

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authority to bring home special hyper localized

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projects for their own state. And beyond that,

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the chair has the ultimate say on the appropriation

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requests made by all the other 99 senators. Think

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about that. When you literally hold the pen that

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writes the checks for everyone else's political

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priorities back home, your influence over the

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chamber is nearly absolute. The numbers from

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2005 illustrate this perfectly based on our source

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material. At that time, the committee chair was

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Ted Stevens, a Republican from Alaska. Right.

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Because he held that gavel, the per capita federal

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spending in his home state of Alaska skyrocketed

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to $12 ,000. Which was double the national average.

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One state pulling in twice as much federal money

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per person as the rest of the country, purely

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because their senator was running the engine

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room. This specific breakdown of those 2005 numbers

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really underscores the sheer scale of the operation.

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In that fiscal year, Alaska secured 11 ,772 special

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earmarked projects. 11 ,000. Think about the

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logistical effort of inserting nearly 12 ,000

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specific line items into a federal budget. The

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combined cost of those specific projects was

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$15 ,780 ,623. Almost $16 billion in special

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projects funneled to a single relatively low

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population state. And what really puts the nail

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in the coffin is the context of the larger legislative

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vehicle. How so? Congress passed a massive Consolidated

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Appropriations Act in 2005. It was an omnibus

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bill rolling multiple funding measures together

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that totaled $388 billion. Okay. Those special

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earmarked projects for Alaska alone represented

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about 4 % of the overall spending in that massive

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national bill. 4 % of a $388 billion national

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budget dictated by the geographic allegiance

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of one committee chair. It is the literal definition

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of the power of the purse in action. So what

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does this all mean? How does controlling the

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discretionary budget translate into actual lasting

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political power within the hierarchy of the Senate

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itself? It translates into the ultimate apprenticeship

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for running the entire chamber. There is a striking

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statistic that perfectly captures this dynamic.

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There really is. If you analyze the two decades

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spanning from 2001 to 2021, every single Senate

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majority leader was either a previous or a concurrently

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serving member of the Appropriations Committee.

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Every single one, the people who rides to the

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very top, the ones who dictate the schedule and

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the fate of every piece of legislation, all cut

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their teeth on the committee that controls the

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money. You look at Tom Daschle. He was a committee

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member in the 90s, learning the ropes before

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becoming majority leader in 2001. Then you have

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Bill Frist, who sat on the committee from 1995

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to 2002 before taking over as majority leader.

00:12:59.840 --> 00:13:02.200
And the pattern is completely bipartisan. Yeah.

00:13:02.259 --> 00:13:04.779
Harry Reid was a committee member from 1989 all

00:13:04.779 --> 00:13:08.019
the way to 2006, which overlaps seamlessly with

00:13:08.019 --> 00:13:10.179
his time as majority leader beginning in 2007.

00:13:10.440 --> 00:13:12.840
And Mitch McConnell. who served as majority leader

00:13:12.840 --> 00:13:16.299
from 2015 to 2021, was concurrently serving on

00:13:16.299 --> 00:13:18.279
the Appropriations Committee during his entire

00:13:18.279 --> 00:13:20.620
leadership tenure. The correlation is impossible

00:13:20.620 --> 00:13:23.519
to ignore. Navigating the flow of federal dollars

00:13:23.519 --> 00:13:25.820
is functionally a prerequisite for leading the

00:13:25.820 --> 00:13:27.720
Senate. It makes total sense when you map it

00:13:27.720 --> 00:13:30.659
out. It does. If you know the intimate details

00:13:30.659 --> 00:13:33.179
of how the 12 subcommies operate, if you know

00:13:33.179 --> 00:13:35.679
how to navigate the discretionary spending limits

00:13:35.679 --> 00:13:38.320
and the 60 boat waiver rules. And crucially,

00:13:38.399 --> 00:13:40.799
if you have a long history of approving or denying

00:13:40.799 --> 00:13:43.840
other senators pet projects. Yes. Yeah. You have

00:13:43.840 --> 00:13:46.940
built an unbreakable web of leverage. You know

00:13:46.940 --> 00:13:49.639
exactly what every single senator needs to take

00:13:49.639 --> 00:13:52.259
back to their constituents. Exactly. Which brings

00:13:52.259 --> 00:13:55.360
us to today. Let's look at the current landscape.

00:13:55.600 --> 00:13:59.440
Today is Wednesday, March 4th, 2026, and we are

00:13:59.440 --> 00:14:03.320
operating in the 119th Congress. Looking at the

00:14:03.320 --> 00:14:06.340
rosters for the 119th Congress, it remains the

00:14:06.340 --> 00:14:08.480
largest, most sought after committee in the Senate.

00:14:08.879 --> 00:14:11.559
Currently, it holds 29 members. Interestingly,

00:14:11.779 --> 00:14:14.259
this is down slightly from recent years. The

00:14:14.259 --> 00:14:17.580
data notes it had 30 members back in the 117th

00:14:17.580 --> 00:14:20.669
Congress. But even at 29. That is nearly a third

00:14:20.669 --> 00:14:23.129
of the entire United States Senate sitting on

00:14:23.129 --> 00:14:25.309
this one single committee. The current leadership

00:14:25.309 --> 00:14:28.049
dynamic for the 119th Congress features Susan

00:14:28.049 --> 00:14:30.649
Collins, a Republican from Maine, serving as

00:14:30.649 --> 00:14:32.909
the chair, holding the gavel. And Patty Murray,

00:14:33.129 --> 00:14:35.549
a Democrat from Washington, serves as the vice

00:14:35.549 --> 00:14:38.909
chair. The makeup of those 29 seats is incredibly

00:14:38.909 --> 00:14:41.769
tight, reflecting the razor thin margins of the

00:14:41.769 --> 00:14:44.230
broader chamber. It is. The committee is split

00:14:44.230 --> 00:14:47.440
with a very narrow majority. 15 Republicans and

00:14:47.440 --> 00:14:51.340
14 Democrats. A one seat margin, 15 to 14. You

00:14:51.340 --> 00:14:53.019
can only imagine the pressure cooker environment

00:14:53.019 --> 00:14:55.500
in those markup sessions. What's fascinating

00:14:55.500 --> 00:14:58.059
here is how the leadership of this specific committee

00:14:58.059 --> 00:15:01.639
requires navigating those incredibly tight margins

00:15:01.639 --> 00:15:05.299
to fund the entire federal apparatus. Because

00:15:05.299 --> 00:15:07.539
there's no wiggle room. Right. When you only

00:15:07.539 --> 00:15:09.820
have a one -seat majority in the committee, every

00:15:09.820 --> 00:15:13.000
single vote, every single minor compromise on

00:15:13.000 --> 00:15:15.659
every one of those 12 subcommittee bills becomes

00:15:15.659 --> 00:15:19.019
a high -stakes, breathless negotiation. A single

00:15:19.019 --> 00:15:21.720
senator holding out over a localized issue can

00:15:21.720 --> 00:15:24.460
stall the entire federal budget. There is virtually

00:15:24.460 --> 00:15:27.279
no room for error or defection if you want to

00:15:27.279 --> 00:15:29.539
pass a budget at a committee. Especially when

00:15:29.539 --> 00:15:31.519
you remember the broader Senate rules, you have

00:15:31.519 --> 00:15:34.779
a committee split 15 to 14 trying to draft bills

00:15:34.779 --> 00:15:37.039
that eventually need to survive the full chamber.

00:15:37.179 --> 00:15:39.299
If they need to waive spending limits, they need

00:15:39.299 --> 00:15:42.100
60 votes. They have to engineer legislation that

00:15:42.100 --> 00:15:45.879
can bridge massive partisan divides just to avoid

00:15:45.879 --> 00:15:48.980
triggering those catastrophic continuing resolutions

00:15:48.980 --> 00:15:51.639
we talked about earlier. This raises an important

00:15:51.639 --> 00:15:53.799
question for you, the listener, to consider.

00:15:54.240 --> 00:15:57.730
What stands out to you? about how a relatively

00:15:57.730 --> 00:16:01.830
small group of 29 people ultimately decides the

00:16:01.830 --> 00:16:04.429
financial priorities of an entire nation. It's

00:16:04.429 --> 00:16:06.789
intense to think about. They are in those rooms

00:16:06.789 --> 00:16:09.129
right now, weighing the needs of defense against

00:16:09.129 --> 00:16:12.470
Homeland Security, balancing agricultural subsidies

00:16:12.470 --> 00:16:15.539
with the funding for the federal judiciary. It

00:16:15.539 --> 00:16:17.519
is an astonishing concentration of responsibility

00:16:17.519 --> 00:16:19.940
placed on just over a quarter of the Senate.

00:16:20.059 --> 00:16:22.340
It really is. And that brings us to the end of

00:16:22.340 --> 00:16:24.919
our journey today. Let's recap what we've unpacked

00:16:24.919 --> 00:16:26.919
on this deep dive. We've covered a lot of ground.

00:16:27.100 --> 00:16:29.059
You've explored the constitutional origins of

00:16:29.059 --> 00:16:31.539
the power of the purse embedded in Article 1,

00:16:31.639 --> 00:16:34.419
Section 9. We traveled back to the committee's

00:16:34.419 --> 00:16:37.840
formation in 1867 when the post -Civil War boom

00:16:37.840 --> 00:16:40.539
forced them to split the checkbook away from

00:16:40.539 --> 00:16:42.879
the Finance Committee. We broke down the massive

00:16:42.879 --> 00:16:45.779
12 -subcommittee corporate structure designed

00:16:45.779 --> 00:16:49.019
to handle discretionary spending. And the 110th

00:16:49.019 --> 00:16:51.960
Congress reorganization led by Byrd and Obey

00:16:51.960 --> 00:16:54.419
in a desperate bid to get things done on time.

00:16:54.480 --> 00:16:57.019
And of course, we examined the staggering localized

00:16:57.019 --> 00:16:59.340
power of the committee chair. Looking at the

00:16:59.340 --> 00:17:01.980
leverage and the billions in earmarks from 2005,

00:17:02.139 --> 00:17:05.940
right up to the razor thin 15 -14 margins defining

00:17:05.940 --> 00:17:09.339
the 119th Congress today. If there is one core

00:17:09.339 --> 00:17:11.799
takeaway we want to leave you with, it's why

00:17:11.799 --> 00:17:14.289
this deeply matters to you. Understanding the

00:17:14.289 --> 00:17:16.390
Senate Appropriations Committee is the ultimate

00:17:16.390 --> 00:17:18.390
shortcut to understanding how things actually

00:17:18.390 --> 00:17:21.849
get done or how they spectacularly stall in Washington.

00:17:22.109 --> 00:17:24.930
It truly is the literal engine room. The president

00:17:24.930 --> 00:17:27.329
can give speeches and senators can draft ambitious

00:17:27.329 --> 00:17:30.309
policy papers, but absolutely nothing moves without

00:17:30.309 --> 00:17:32.349
this committee's authorization. It's the brutal

00:17:32.349 --> 00:17:34.849
difference between a politician making a campaign

00:17:34.849 --> 00:17:37.150
promise and that promise actually being funded

00:17:37.150 --> 00:17:39.329
and becoming a reality in your community. Exactly.

00:17:39.920 --> 00:17:42.779
But before we sign off, there is one last lingering

00:17:42.779 --> 00:17:44.720
piece to this puzzle that we really need to think

00:17:44.720 --> 00:17:47.779
about. Yes, there is a broader implication here.

00:17:47.960 --> 00:17:50.900
We discussed earlier how the Constitution intentionally

00:17:50.900 --> 00:17:53.980
gave Congress the power of the purse to keep

00:17:53.980 --> 00:17:56.740
the executive branch in check. It was a brilliant

00:17:56.740 --> 00:17:59.420
structural design to ensure the president couldn't

00:17:59.420 --> 00:18:01.319
just spend money without the legislative branch

00:18:01.319 --> 00:18:04.240
agreeing to it. But we also discussed the modern

00:18:04.240 --> 00:18:08.000
reality. Congress continually relies on those

00:18:08.000 --> 00:18:10.599
continuing resolutions because they constantly

00:18:10.599 --> 00:18:14.339
miss that October 1st deadline to pass specific

00:18:14.339 --> 00:18:18.019
new appropriations bills. Right. This leaves

00:18:18.019 --> 00:18:21.019
us with a profound question to ponder. If Congress

00:18:21.019 --> 00:18:23.779
continually defaults to passing continuing resolutions,

00:18:24.220 --> 00:18:26.079
does that essentially put the nation's financial

00:18:26.079 --> 00:18:29.180
priorities on autopilot? Just coasting. By failing

00:18:29.180 --> 00:18:31.839
to pass new specific appropriations bills on

00:18:31.839 --> 00:18:34.640
time, is Congress unintentionally handing power

00:18:34.640 --> 00:18:37.160
back to the executive branch and unelected agencies?

00:18:37.599 --> 00:18:39.660
Essentially telling them to just keep doing what

00:18:39.660 --> 00:18:41.880
they were doing yesterday. Right. Thereby bypassing

00:18:41.880 --> 00:18:43.839
their own constitutional check and balance. Wow.

00:18:44.140 --> 00:18:47.119
That is a profound puzzle. If you refuse to make

00:18:47.119 --> 00:18:49.460
new decisions, you are basically forfeiting your

00:18:49.460 --> 00:18:51.640
leverage by default. Something to really think

00:18:51.640 --> 00:18:54.029
about. Thank you so much for joining us on this

00:18:54.029 --> 00:18:57.029
deep dive. It's been an incredible ride unpacking

00:18:57.029 --> 00:18:58.789
the realities of the Appropriations Committee

00:18:58.789 --> 00:19:01.690
with you. Remember to keep questioning the systems

00:19:01.690 --> 00:19:03.750
that run our world and we'll catch you next time.
