WEBVTT

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Welcome back. I am I'm genuinely thrilled you

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could join us today for a brand new deep dive.

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Yeah, it's a great one today. It really is. We

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are tackling a stack material today that proves

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sometimes the most incredible historical narratives

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are just, you know. Hiding in plain sight. Right.

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Buried right there in the open. Exactly. Buried

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inside what looks like a completely dry, straightforward

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data set. Today, we are exploring a comprehensive

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record detailing the list of United States senators

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from South Dakota. And on the surface, I mean,

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it is a chronological inventory of names, dates,

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party affiliations and congressional sessions.

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But OK, let's unpack this. OK, let's unpack this,

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because if you look closely at these timelines

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and shifting party labels, you start to see the

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actual. mechanics of American politics playing

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out. You really do. We are talking about historical

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anomalies, dramatic shifting loyalties, forgotten

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third party movements and this absolute electoral

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meat grinder that reveals so much about how power

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is actually maintained and lost. It's a fascinating

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document. But before we get into the specifics

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of those timelines, it is crucial to establish

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the ground rules for today's exploration. Right.

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Definitely. Because our subject matter. inherently

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involves political figures from both sides of

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the aisle, Republicans, Democrats, and several

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historical third parties. I want to be completely

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clear with you, the listener, that this deep

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dive will remain strictly neutral. 100%. Our

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goal today is absolutely not to endorse any viewpoints,

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political platforms, or parties. We are here

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simply to objectively explore the historical

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facts, the anomalies, and the electoral data.

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We are looking at the mechanics of the system,

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not taking sides in the debates. That is the

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perfect lens for this. We are acting purely as

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historical data detectives. Exactly. Just looking

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at the math and the history. Right. So to give

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you a roadmap for where we are heading, we are

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going to start at the inception of South Dakota's

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statehood to understand the structural blueprint

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of its Senate seats. Then we will look at some

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highly specific, quirky trivia regarding its

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current delegation. From there, we will travel

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back to the agrarian populism of late. late 19th

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century. And finally, we'll examine the dramatic

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turnover, the sudden tragedies, and the brutal

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primary battles that define the state's political

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history. It's a journey. And the foundational

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blueprint of this entire system was laid down

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on November 2, 1889, when South Dakota was admitted

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to the Union. Right. Day one. Day one. Right

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away, the state had to integrate into the existing

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structure of the United States Senate, which

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meant dividing its two new seats into Class 2

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and Class 3. It is the classic constitutional

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safeguard. The founders staggered the classes

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so that the Senate remains a continuous body.

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Right. Only about one third of the chamber is

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up for election in any given cycle, avoiding

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a complete sweep of institutional memory in a

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single volatile election year. So South Dakota's

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two seats had to be assigned to different classes

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to fit into that ongoing metronome. And that

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initial division set a rhythm that has been ticking

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continuously ever since. Just nonstop. Yeah.

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The Class 2 seat operates on a cycle that was

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most recently contested in 2020, putting it up

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for grabs next in 2026. Okay. And then the Class

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3 seat is on a separate track, recently contested

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in 2022, which pushes its next election to 2028.

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It is a continuous loop that started in the late

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19th century and simply has not stopped. It really

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dictates the career pacing of every politician

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who has ever held the office. Completely. And

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that staggered rhythm brings us directly to the

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modern era and the current delegation representing

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those two classes. Today, both U .S. senators

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from South Dakota are Republicans. In the class

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three seat, you have John Thune, who has been

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serving since 2005. And in the class two seat,

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you have Mike Rounds, serving since 2015. But

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here's where it gets really interesting. I love

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this part. There is a fantastic, highly specific

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piece of trivia hidden in the background of these

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two tenures. John Thune is the senior senator

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because he arrived in Washington a decade earlier.

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But biologically, John Thune is younger than

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Mike Rounds, the junior senator. It is a total

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age and seniority paradox. It's wild, right?

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It highlights how political seniority in the

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Senate is purely a measure of electoral timing.

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Yeah, completely decoupled from the actual age

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of the individual. Exactly. And South Dakota

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is actually one of exactly 15 states that currently

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feature a younger senior senator and an older

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junior senator. That is a surprisingly high number.

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It makes you wonder about the broader career

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pipelines into federal office. Which other states

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fall into this category? The list spans the entire

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country. You've got California, Colorado, Georgia.

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Wow, that's already widespread. Right. And it

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keeps going. Hawaii, Idaho, Louisiana, Maine,

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Massachusetts. So it's literally everywhere.

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Everywhere. Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, Pennsylvania,

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and Utah. That's fascinating. When you see a

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geographic spread like that, from Hawaii to Maine,

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it tells you something about how the Senate operates.

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For many politicians, the Senate is a second

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or third act. Right. They aren't just starting

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out there. Exactly. They might spend decades

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in private business or serve as the state's governor

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before finally making a run for a Senate seat

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later in life. Oh, that makes sense. So if they

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end up serving alongside someone who entered

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federal politics in their 30s or 40s, you get

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this precise paradox. Speaking of John Thune's

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electoral timing, his entry into the Senate marks

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a major historical milestone unique to that class

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three seat. It really does. It centers around

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the election of 2004 where Thune defeated the

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incumbent Tom Daschle. What's fascinating here

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is the sheer statistical rarity of that specific

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transition of power. Yeah. That seat holds the

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unique distinction of having a future Senate

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Majority Leader John Thune defeat and directly

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succeed a former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle.

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The mathematical odds of that happening in one

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specific state's Senate class are incredibly

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low. Practically zero. You have two individuals

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who would both reach the absolute highest echelon

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of leadership within the Senate chamber, directly

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running against each other for the same seat,

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with the challenger unseating the incumbent.

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It is a profound historical anomaly captured

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right there in the transition from the 108th

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to the 109th Congress. And it speaks volumes

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about the political gravity of the state. It

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shows a local electorate that isn't afraid to

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cut down a national political giant if they feel

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their local alignment has shifted. The voters

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were willing to trade current institutional power

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for future potential. But that willingness to

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radically shift gears didn't start in the modern

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era. To really appreciate the volatility in South

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Dakota's political DNA, we have to dial the clock

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way back to the late 19th century. Oh, the early

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days. Yeah. Look at the pioneers of the delegation.

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You have Richard Pettigrew in class two and Gideon

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C. Moody in class three. Both Republicans elected

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in 1889, right as the state was admitted. Their

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electoral security was incredibly fragile. Moody

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barely made it two years, losing his seat in

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1891. And his replacement introduces one of the

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most dynamic figures of the era, Senator James

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H. Kyle. Kyle is essentially the chameleon senator

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of the 1890s. Totally. When he is first elected

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in 1891, his party affiliation is listed as independent.

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Which is rare enough for a U .S. senator. Very

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rare. But as you track his tenure into the 53rd

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and 54th Congresses, his label shifts to populist.

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He even wins reelection in 1897 under that populist

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banner. Right. Then, by the 55th Congress, his

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label shifts yet again to silver Republican.

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That progression from independent to populist

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to silver Republican is such a vivid snapshot

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of a fractured political landscape. If we connect

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this to the bigger picture, we have to remember

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what the 1890s looked like in places like the

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Dakotas. It wasn't about abstract ideological

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purity. No, not at all. It was about sheer economic

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survival. The country was locked in a bitter

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debate over the gold and silver standards. Farmers

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in rural states were being absolutely crushed

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by debt and deflation. Right. The economic pressure

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was immense. Exactly. Aligning with the silver

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movement meant supporting bimetallism, essentially

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pushing for policies that would cause inflation,

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making those massive agricultural debts easier

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to pay off. So Kyle wasn't just casually changing

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teams. Not at all. He was aggressively chasing

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the immediate economic interests of his constituents.

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Politicians were abandoning broad national party

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platforms to align with highly specific existential

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monetary policies. It shows just how fluid voter

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coalitions were. You couldn't just rely on a

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party machine. You had to adapt to the shifting

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economic winds. And Kyle continued to navigate

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those turbulent waters until his tenure was cut

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short. He died in office in 1901. That tragic

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end actually introduces a rather grim but persistent

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theme in the historical record. He does. Between

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the early 20th century and the 1960s, there is

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a morbid streak of sudden vacancies. James H.

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Kyle dies in 1901. Peter Norbeck dies in 1936.

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Harlan J. Bushfield in 1948. Francis Case in

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1962. It creates these sudden chaotic breaks

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in the timeline, jarring the entire system. It

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is a stark reminder of the fragile human element

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underpinning this rigid federal machine. When

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a senator dies in office, it triggers a scramble.

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Right, because the seat can't just stay empty.

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Exactly. The state governor typically appoints

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someone to temporarily fill the vacancy. Yeah.

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But what is so striking about these succession

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chains is how poorly these appointed incumbents

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fared. when they tried to hold on to the power

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permanently. It seems like being the appointed

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incumbent actually offered a disadvantage. It

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really did. Take Herbert Hitchcock, for example.

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He was appointed in December 1936 to continue

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Peter Norbeck's term. But when it came time to

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try and win the seat outright, he lost the nomination

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for a full term. You see the exact same pattern

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decades later with Joe Bottom, appointed in July

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1962 to finish Francis Case's term, but subsequently

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lost it. bid for a full term. They had the title,

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but they hadn't earned the mandate from the voters.

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The electorate seemed to view them as placeholders

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rather than legitimate successors. That makes

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a lot of sense. And that dynamic of temporary

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placeholders occasionally opened the door for

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female representation, which was exceedingly

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rare during those decades. Right. Two specific

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names emerged from these tragedies, Gladys Pyle

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and Vera C. Bushfield. Gladys Pyle, a Republican,

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was elected in 1938 specifically to finish the

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remainder of Peter Norbeck's vacant term. She

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served a very brief transitional period just

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from November 1938 to January 1939 before retiring

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as the newly elected senator took over for the

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full term. Ten years later, we see another instance.

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Vera C. Bushfield, also a Republican, was appointed

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to finish her husband Harlan's term after his

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sudden death. She served for just a few months,

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from October to December 1948, and then actually

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resigned early once her elected successor was

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ready, simply to give him a slight jump on Senate

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seniority. What stands out to you when you examine

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that era, the political establishment often relied

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on these highly pragmatic short term solutions,

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electing a transitional candidate or appointing

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a grieving spouse just to maintain the constitutional

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balance of power and keep the seat warm. It feels

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like a holding pattern. The system was terrified

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of a vacuum, so it prioritized immediate stability

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over long term ambition during those transition

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periods. Exactly. Keep the seat filled. Keep

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the votes counting. Right. And stability is something

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that was incredibly hard to come by in the state's

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political history, with one massive exception.

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Oh, here we go. Amidst all this turnover, tragedy

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and temporary appointments, South Dakota did

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produce an absolute marathon runner Republican,

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Carl E. Munt. He holds the record as the longest

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serving senator in the state's history, holding

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a seat from 1948 all the way to 1973. That spans

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from the 81st Congress entirely through the 92nd

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Congress. 25 years of unbroken institutional

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endurance. It is a massive block of continuity.

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But what makes Munt's longevity so incredible

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is just how brutal the electoral meat grinder

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was for almost everyone else. This raises an

00:12:16.370 --> 00:12:18.570
important question about how secure an incumbent

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seat really is. We often assume that once a politician

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reaches the U .S. Senate, they are practically

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invincible until they face a charismatic challenger.

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from the opposing party. Yeah, that's the standard

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assumption. But the history here reveals a startling

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pattern of senators failing to even secure their

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own party's nomination for reelection. Wait,

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if they are losing renomination, that completely

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shifts how we view incumbency. It changes everything.

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It means the threat wasn't coming from across

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the aisle. It was coming from inside the House.

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You see it over and over again. Alfred B. Kittredge

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in 1908 lost renomination. Yep. Coe Crawford

00:12:52.299 --> 00:12:55.539
in 1914 lost renomination. William J. Boulot

00:12:55.539 --> 00:12:59.259
in 1942 lost renomination. Chan Gurney in 1950

00:12:59.259 --> 00:13:01.259
lost renomination. They couldn't even make it

00:13:01.259 --> 00:13:03.980
to the general election ballot. It suggests that.

00:13:04.440 --> 00:13:07.100
the local party machine or the grassroots base

00:13:07.100 --> 00:13:10.500
was arguably more lethal than the general election.

00:13:10.700 --> 00:13:14.000
Definitely. The party faithful were fiercely

00:13:14.000 --> 00:13:17.100
critical and absolutely not content to just rubber

00:13:17.100 --> 00:13:19.440
stamp an incumbent. Yeah. If you fell out of

00:13:19.440 --> 00:13:21.600
favor with the local power brokers or the primary

00:13:21.600 --> 00:13:24.080
voters in South Dakota, your federal career was

00:13:24.080 --> 00:13:26.080
terminated before the national campaign even

00:13:26.080 --> 00:13:28.539
began. It paints a picture of a fiercely competitive,

00:13:28.840 --> 00:13:32.220
highly engaged environment. And that competitiveness

00:13:32.220 --> 00:13:34.980
creates this incredibly rich tapestry of names

00:13:34.980 --> 00:13:37.759
that shaped the modern era. It really does. When

00:13:37.759 --> 00:13:39.399
you move through the latter half of the 20th

00:13:39.399 --> 00:13:41.379
century and into the 21st, you see this constant

00:13:41.379 --> 00:13:44.759
dynamic back and forth swing in both the class

00:13:44.759 --> 00:13:47.100
two and class three seats. You have significant

00:13:47.100 --> 00:13:50.559
Democratic mainstays serving long, highly influential

00:13:50.559 --> 00:13:54.200
tenures. George McGovern serving from 1963 to

00:13:54.200 --> 00:13:58.659
1981. James Aberesk in the 1970s. Tim Johnson

00:13:58.659 --> 00:14:02.840
serving from 1997 all the way to 2015. And interspersed

00:14:02.840 --> 00:14:05.340
right alongside them, you have prominent Republicans

00:14:05.340 --> 00:14:07.740
capturing and holding those very same seats.

00:14:07.919 --> 00:14:11.100
Larry Pressler, who served from 1979 to 1997.

00:14:12.250 --> 00:14:14.870
James Abnor in the 1980s. Right. The state's

00:14:14.870 --> 00:14:17.370
voters clearly never treated either Senate seat

00:14:17.370 --> 00:14:19.750
as a guaranteed monopoly for one party or the

00:14:19.750 --> 00:14:22.330
other. It functioned as a true battleground where

00:14:22.330 --> 00:14:24.809
institutional endurance had to be earned election

00:14:24.809 --> 00:14:27.149
by election. And to fully grasp the weight of

00:14:27.149 --> 00:14:29.110
these Senate seats, we have to look at the broader

00:14:29.110 --> 00:14:31.850
congressional picture. Today, those two senators

00:14:31.850 --> 00:14:34.309
are joined by exactly one representative in the

00:14:34.309 --> 00:14:37.110
U .S. House. Republican Dusty Johnson. Because

00:14:37.110 --> 00:14:39.269
of the Sturt's population size, they only get

00:14:39.269 --> 00:14:42.070
a single at -large congressional district. Exactly.

00:14:42.250 --> 00:14:43.970
So you have a total congressional delegation

00:14:43.970 --> 00:14:46.009
of three individuals representing the entire

00:14:46.009 --> 00:14:47.970
state in Washington. Which places an enormous

00:14:47.970 --> 00:14:50.950
amount of focus, resources, and pressure on every

00:14:50.950 --> 00:14:53.509
single one of those federal campaigns. So what

00:14:53.509 --> 00:14:56.620
does this all mean? We started today with what

00:14:56.620 --> 00:14:59.299
looked like a simple, unadorned list of names

00:14:59.299 --> 00:15:01.620
and dates. It's a table on Wikipedia. Just a

00:15:01.620 --> 00:15:04.940
table. But by taking the time to truly read between

00:15:04.940 --> 00:15:07.299
the lines, we've traveled from the state's inception

00:15:07.299 --> 00:15:11.480
in 1889 to the present day. We watch desperate

00:15:11.480 --> 00:15:14.279
farmers force their politicians to morph into

00:15:14.279 --> 00:15:17.639
silver Republicans just to survive an economic

00:15:17.639 --> 00:15:21.529
crisis. We tracked the bizarre quirks of age

00:15:21.529 --> 00:15:24.370
versus seniority, witnessed the sheer historical

00:15:24.370 --> 00:15:27.409
drama of a future majority leader unseating a

00:15:27.409 --> 00:15:29.990
former majority leader, and uncovered the brutal

00:15:29.990 --> 00:15:32.750
reality of a primary system where incumbents

00:15:32.750 --> 00:15:34.409
are constantly looking over their shoulders,

00:15:34.570 --> 00:15:37.070
terrified of their own party's voters. It is

00:15:37.070 --> 00:15:40.009
a remarkable historical footprint that challenges

00:15:40.009 --> 00:15:41.889
a lot of assumptions about political stability.

00:15:42.129 --> 00:15:44.549
It really does. And before we wrap up, I want

00:15:44.549 --> 00:15:46.110
to leave you with the final thought to mull over

00:15:46.110 --> 00:15:49.039
on your own. We just discussed how South Dakota's

00:15:49.039 --> 00:15:51.879
entire federal delegation consists of only three

00:15:51.879 --> 00:15:54.720
people, two senators and one House representative.

00:15:54.759 --> 00:15:57.240
In a state where the Senate holds such an outsized

00:15:57.240 --> 00:16:00.220
proportion of the region's overall national power.

00:16:00.720 --> 00:16:03.399
Does that structural imbalance fundamentally

00:16:03.399 --> 00:16:06.820
change the type of politician who survives the

00:16:06.820 --> 00:16:10.179
grueling primary battles we explored? When the

00:16:10.179 --> 00:16:12.360
mathematical value of a single Senate seat is

00:16:12.360 --> 00:16:15.059
so intensely concentrated, it begs the question,

00:16:15.220 --> 00:16:17.620
does the system inherently select for a more

00:16:17.620 --> 00:16:20.320
ruthless, highly adaptable political survivor

00:16:20.320 --> 00:16:22.840
than you might find in a state with 50 House

00:16:22.840 --> 00:16:25.460
representatives padding the delegation? It is

00:16:25.460 --> 00:16:28.690
a structural puzzle waiting to be solved. A perfect

00:16:28.690 --> 00:16:31.450
question to ponder until our next stack of sources

00:16:31.450 --> 00:16:34.370
awaits. Thank you so much for joining us for

00:16:34.370 --> 00:16:36.970
this custom -tailored deep dive. We hope it gave

00:16:36.970 --> 00:16:38.929
you a whole new perspective on the hidden mechanics

00:16:38.929 --> 00:16:42.289
of American politics. Keep asking questions and

00:16:42.289 --> 00:16:42.990
stay curious.
