WEBVTT

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Welcome to the deep dive. We are really thrilled

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you could join us today. Yeah, absolutely. Thrilled

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to have you listening in. So I want you to picture

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a scenario. You're doing some research or maybe

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you're just, you know, falling down one of those

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late night Internet rabbit holes and you land

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on a Wikipedia page. We have all been there.

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Right. And at first glance, it is. Well, it's

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the most dry, standard looking page imaginable.

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It's simply titled List of United States Senate

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Elections in Wyoming. Which, I mean, doesn't

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exactly sound like a thriller. No, not at all.

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You see standard navigation menus, a chronological

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list of dates, a grid of raw numbers. Your first

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instinct might be to just close the tab and move

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on to something flashier. And honestly, nobody

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would blame you. It looks like a sterile spreadsheet.

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Exactly. But hold on. Today, we're going to show

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you how that seemingly sterile spreadsheet is

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actually a roadmap of human behavior. It's entirely

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too easy to look at a data table and see nothing

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but statistics. But numbers on a page, especially,

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you know, voting records, they're the footprints

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of a society making decisions over time. They

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really are. When you look closely at the architecture

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of a page like this, it reveals patterns that

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are entirely invisible if you're just skimming

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for a single fact. And that is exactly the mission

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for this deep dive. We're going to look beneath

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the surface of this specific data set. We want

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to uncover the hidden stories of political momentum.

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Right. The things hiding behind the percentages.

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Yes. We're going to look at the sheer, undeniable

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power of incumbency. And we're going to see how

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the very rules of American democracy shifted

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in a massive way over a century ago. All of which

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is hiding in plain sight on this one single page.

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OK, let's unpack this. Where exactly are we starting

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with this document? Well, our core timeline centers

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on the primary data table provided by the source.

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That table tracks the United States Senate election

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results in Wyoming from 1988 up through 2020.

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So that's really the meat of the data. Exactly.

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It details the candidates, their party affiliations,

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the total raw votes they received, and of course,

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the percentage breakdown of the race. But there's

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something else before we even get to that table,

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right? Yeah, before digging into that late 20th

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century data, the source presents a set of navigational

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clues in the sidebar menus. I love those sidebars.

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They're so easy to miss. Right. But these menus

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situate our 30 -year snapshot within a much broader

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institutional framework. one that actually dates

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all the way back to the 1700s. And that historical

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framework frames the modern table perfectly.

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It really does. If you look at the navigation

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sidebar under the heading United States Senate

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Elections, the page neatly divides the entire

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history of these elections into two distinct

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eras. Which is a very subtle formatting choice

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by the editors. It's just a couple of dates and

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parentheticals, but it represents a fundamental

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constitutional pivot. The division in the sidebar

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is stark. The first era is listed as spanning

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from 1788 to 1913. And right beneath those dates,

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there's this brief parenthetical note. It reads,

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elected by state legislatures. Right. Then there's

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a hard break in the timeline. The second era

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begins in 1914 and runs to the present day. And

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the parenthetical note for that era shifts to

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a new phrase. It says popular election. As a

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modern voter, it's almost jarring to read that.

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It really is. You just assume that going to the

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ballot box and picking your senator is this baked

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in feature of the system from day one. Right.

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Like it's just always been that way. But this

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sidebar is explicitly documenting that for a

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massive chunk of American history, that direct

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line between the citizen and the Senate simply

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did not exist. If we connect this to the bigger

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picture, it completely reorients how we interpret

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the data that follows. We take casting a ballot

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for a senator as an absolute given today. Oh,

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totally. But for the first 125 years of U .S.

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history, from 1788 all the way to 1913, everyday

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citizens in Wyoming and everywhere else in the

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country, for that matter, did not directly vote

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for their senators. The state legislatures held

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that power. Exactly. The source highlights this

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shift starting in 1914 as the foundational rule

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change of modern Senate elections. It marks the

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transition of the Senate from a body chosen by

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local lawmakers to a body chosen directly by

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the general public. And that transition to the

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popular vote is what makes the 1988 to 2020 data

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table so compelling to analyze. Because now we

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have a direct measurement of the public's will.

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Yes. Once the power is handed over to the voters,

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we get this clear mathematical record of how

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those voters behave, how their preferences solidify,

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and how a state's political identity evolves

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over decades. Which takes us right to the top

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row of our main data table. Right. The year is

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1988. We are looking at a race between Democrat

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John Vinnich and the Republican incumbent Malcolm

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Wallop. That 1988 race actually serves as the

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perfect baseline for us. Why is that? Largely

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because it's the statistical outlier of the entire

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modern data set provided. Let's look at that

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1988 row. The raw vote totals are almost identical.

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John Vinnich, the Democrat, pulled in 89 ,821

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votes. Which gave him 49 .6 % of the vote. Right.

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And Malcolm Wallop, the Republican, brought in

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91 ,143 votes. That gave him 50 .4%. That is

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a difference of barely 1 ,300. votes. In a statewide

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federal election, that is a razor -thin margin.

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It's a 1 ,322 vote difference, to be exact. It

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is effectively a fraction of a percent coin toss.

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A complete toss -up. It really represents a moment

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of peak competitive tension within the state's

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electorate. We're just reporting what the numbers

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say here impartially, but that is a highly competitive

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race by any metric. You could probably fit the

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deciding margin of voters into a large high school

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gymnasium. Easily. But here's where it gets really

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interesting. Look at the immediate trajectory

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of the data following that race. You might expect

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that after a nail -biter like that in 1988, the

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subsequent election cycles would feature similar

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down -to -the -wire battles. Right, like the

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state is just evenly divided and it's going to

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be a battleground every time. But the data shows

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the exact opposite trajectory. When we trace

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the numbers from 1990 onward, that competitive

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tension completely evaporates. It vanishes. Let's

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look at just two years later in 1990. The Democratic

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candidate, Kathy Helling, receives roughly 36

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% of the vote. And the Republican incumbent,

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Al Simpson, wins with 64%. The gap between the

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candidates widens from roughly 1 ,300 votes to

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a margin of tens of thousands. Instead of a fractional

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difference, we suddenly see a candidate pulling

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ahead by nearly 30 points. And the trend lines

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only accelerate from there as we move down the

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table. They do. By the time we reach the year

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2000, Democratic candidate Mel Logan receives

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just 22 % of the vote. Now? Yeah. The Republican

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incumbent, Craig L. Thomas, hits 74%, securing

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over 157 ,000 votes. So it's not just a trend,

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it's becoming a landslide. And as we move further

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down the timeline into 2008 and 2012, Republican

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candidates Mike Enzi and John Barrasso both hit

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an astonishing 76 % of the vote against their

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respective Democratic challengers. The ceiling

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for the challenger drops dramatically, cycle

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after cycle. Look at these names in the table.

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You have candidates like Joyce Corcoran in 2002

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getting 27%. Dale Groutage in 2006 getting 30%.

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And Charlie Hardy in 2014 dropping to just 17

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% of the vote. Looking purely at the trajectory

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of the numbers, you see a rapid solidification

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of voting patterns. A completely different picture

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from 1988. Exactly. Within a single decade. Wyoming

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Senate races transitioned from that fraction

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of a percent coin toss to commanding leads for

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the Republican candidates in the 70 percentile

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range. Again, just looking impartially at the

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data in the source, the shift is undeniable.

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The data documents a shift from a highly volatile

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electoral environment to an environment of absolute

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mathematical certainty. It is a profound shift

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in a relatively short window of time. But as

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I was tracking this unbroken streak of victories

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down the table, another distinct pattern emerged

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in the winners column. Oh, the three little letters.

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Yes. Almost every single winning name from 1988

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onward has the ink tag right next to it, standing

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for incumbent. Looking at this table. The incumbent

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tag might as well be an invincibility cloak.

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It really is. It is perhaps the most powerful

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force documented in this entire source. Out of

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the 13 total races detailed between 1988 and

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2020, nine were won by sitting incumbents. Nine

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out of 13. You see the exact same names locking

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in their positions cycle after cycle. Malcolm

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Wallop defends his seat in 1988. Al Simpson defends

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in 1990. Craig L. Thomas wins in 1994 and then

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defends that seat as an incumbent in 2000 -2006.

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Mike Enzi wins in 1996 and defends it in 2002

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-2008 and 2014. And John Barrasso wins in 2008

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and defends in 2012 and 2018. It's clockwork.

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It is. But wait, you mentioned 9 out of 13 races

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went to incumbents. That leaves a few gaps in

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the timeline where the seat was entirely open.

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Right, where there was no incumbent. I would

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assume those open years without a sitting politician

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defending the office would look more like that

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1988 nail biter. But the numbers here tell a

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slightly different story. We can isolate those

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specific open seat elections in the data set.

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They happened in 1994, 1996 and 2020. OK, let's

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look at 1994. Mike Sullivan ran against Craig

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L. Thomas for an open seat. And Thomas won with

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59 percent of the vote. Then in 1996, Kathy Karpin

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ran against Mike Enzi. Enzi won with 54%. And

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skipping ahead to 2020, Marav Ben -David ran

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against Cynthia Loomis. Where Loomis secured

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the seat with 72 % of the vote. So even without

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the built -in advantage of already holding the

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office, the candidates from the dominant party

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still comfortably secured the seats. They did.

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But those numbers do highlight a fascinating

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nuance in the momentum. What do you mean? Well,

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look at 94 and 96. Those open seat margins are

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in the mid -50s. That's noticeably lower than

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the incumbent victories in the 70s that immediately

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follow them. Ah, I see. That makes me think of

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an analogy to help visualize the sheer force

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of this data. I want you to think of incumbency

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like a moving freight train. A freight train.

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Okay, the physics of that actually map quite

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well to electoral momentum. Right. Getting an

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open seat is like trying to get a massive train

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moving from a dead stop. It takes an incredible

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amount of energy, resources, and fuel. The slightly

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lower margins of victory, like that 54 or 59

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percent, show that it is a heavier lift to win

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when you're starting from zero. Exactly. But

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once that politician is in the seat, they become

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the incumbent. The train is moving down the track.

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We have the machinery of the office, the established

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donor networks, the universal name recognition.

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And trying to unseat them is like trying to stand

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on the tracks and push a moving freight train

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backward. It's nearly impossible. The repetitive

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streak of incumbent victories in this source

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hitting 70, 73, 76 percent cycle after cycle

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clearly demonstrates how hard it is to stop that

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train once it has reached cruising speed. The

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incumbent advantage operates as a compounding

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force in this data set. It does. However, this

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established predictability introduces a fascinating

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paradox regarding voter behavior. Oh, a paradox.

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Yeah. If the percentages become so stable, if

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the electorate knows the freight train is going

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to keep rolling with Sully. 70 % of the vote

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standard political theory might suggest that

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voter interest would decline. Right. People might

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start showing up to the polls if the outcome

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feels predetermined. Why bother voting if you

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already know the results? Exactly. But standing

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down the raw vote totals, I noticed an anomaly

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that proves the exact opposite is happening here.

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Let's isolate the year 2008. 2008 is a very interesting

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year in this table. There's a strange formatting

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choice. There are actually two distinct elections

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listed for the exact same year. The source explains

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this 2008 double feature quite clearly, actually.

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One of the 2008 entries is explicitly marked

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as a special election. Right, so special, right

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in parenthesis. This special election was won

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by John Barrasso. He secured 73 % of the vote

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against Nick Carter's 27%. But then the very

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next line is the regular 2008 election. Correct.

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Where incumbent Mike Enzi secured 76 percent

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of the vote against Chris Rothfuss's 24 percent.

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And the source's navigation sidebar is designed

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to explicitly track these even year specials

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alongside the regular election cycles. Seeing

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two massive statewide federal races happening

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side by side on the same ballot is a highly unique

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data point. It is. But the element that truly

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stands out to me about 2008 and the years that

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follow it is. The sheer volume of participation.

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The raw numbers. Yes. The percentage spreads

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might look identical year after year, just hovering

00:12:48.870 --> 00:12:51.710
in that 70 -30 split. But the raw numbers tell

00:12:51.710 --> 00:12:54.629
a story of massive undeniable growth. Let's rewind

00:12:54.629 --> 00:12:57.529
back to that 1988 baseline for a second. Okay.

00:12:57.590 --> 00:13:00.070
If you add the raw votes together for Vinnich

00:13:00.070 --> 00:13:04.429
and Wallop, you get roughly 180 ,000 total votes

00:13:04.429 --> 00:13:09.230
cast in the state. 180 ,964 total votes in 1988,

00:13:09.629 --> 00:13:11.750
to be precise. No. Fast forward to the bottom

00:13:11.750 --> 00:13:14.429
of our table, the year 2020. This is the open

00:13:14.429 --> 00:13:16.649
seat race between Murat Ben -David and Cynthia

00:13:16.649 --> 00:13:20.490
Loomis. Ben -David pulled in roughly 72 ,700

00:13:20.490 --> 00:13:24.889
votes. Loomis brought in over 198 ,000 votes.

00:13:25.110 --> 00:13:27.629
So if you add those together. Total turnout surged

00:13:27.629 --> 00:13:31.049
to over 270 ,000 votes. What's fascinating here

00:13:31.049 --> 00:13:34.210
is the duality of the data. How so? On one hand,

00:13:34.210 --> 00:13:36.070
the political outcome demonstrates incredible

00:13:36.070 --> 00:13:39.000
stability. The percentage margin stayed remarkably

00:13:39.000 --> 00:13:41.620
stable in the 70 percentile range during the

00:13:41.620 --> 00:13:43.519
later years of the data set. Very predictable.

00:13:43.659 --> 00:13:45.580
But beneath that static percentage, the dynamic

00:13:45.580 --> 00:13:47.960
reality is that the raw number of citizens participating

00:13:47.960 --> 00:13:50.399
grew by leaps and bounds. An increase from roughly

00:13:50.399 --> 00:13:53.799
180 ,000 to over 270 ,000. That is a surge of

00:13:53.799 --> 00:13:56.679
nearly 100 ,000 voters in a state with a historically

00:13:56.679 --> 00:14:00.200
small population. It's massive. It is. The narrative

00:14:00.200 --> 00:14:02.799
that mathematically predictable elections automatically

00:14:02.799 --> 00:14:07.039
lead to widespread voter apathy is directly contradicted

00:14:07.039 --> 00:14:10.120
by the source material. Civic engagement actually

00:14:10.120 --> 00:14:12.820
deepened as the margins widened. It really forces

00:14:12.820 --> 00:14:15.580
you to rethink the relationship between competitiveness

00:14:15.580 --> 00:14:18.159
and turnout. People aren't just voting because

00:14:18.159 --> 00:14:20.480
they think their single ballot will be the tiebreaker.

00:14:20.700 --> 00:14:22.100
Right. They aren't waiting for another 1988.

00:14:22.500 --> 00:14:24.659
Exactly. They are voting to participate in the

00:14:24.659 --> 00:14:26.799
established momentum of their state. It's about

00:14:26.799 --> 00:14:29.799
being part of the process. So we have covered

00:14:29.799 --> 00:14:32.740
a massive amount of ground here, from a century

00:14:32.740 --> 00:14:35.320
-old constitutional rule change and a 1 ,300

00:14:35.320 --> 00:14:37.960
-vote cliffhanger. To the unstoppable freight

00:14:37.960 --> 00:14:40.879
train of incumbency. And a massive counterintuitive

00:14:40.879 --> 00:14:43.139
surge in voter turnout. So what does this all

00:14:43.139 --> 00:14:45.500
mean? If we synthesize this entire deep dive,

00:14:45.700 --> 00:14:48.360
the overarching takeaway is that this single

00:14:48.360 --> 00:14:51.720
Wikipedia table transcends being just a list

00:14:51.720 --> 00:14:53.899
of names and numbers. It's far more than a spreadsheet.

00:14:54.360 --> 00:14:57.340
It functions as a clear empirical timeline of

00:14:57.340 --> 00:14:59.759
political evolution. It shows us the precise

00:14:59.759 --> 00:15:02.980
window where a state's political identity rapidly

00:15:02.980 --> 00:15:06.600
solidifies over a 30 -year period. And it mathematically

00:15:06.600 --> 00:15:10.080
proves the undeniable compounding advantage of

00:15:10.080 --> 00:15:12.519
holding an office once you win it. And perhaps

00:15:12.519 --> 00:15:15.759
most importantly, it maps a complex evolution

00:15:15.759 --> 00:15:18.960
of voter turnout, showing a populace that became

00:15:18.960 --> 00:15:21.379
increasingly engaged in the democratic process.

00:15:21.740 --> 00:15:24.940
A popular vote process that... As the sidebar

00:15:24.940 --> 00:15:26.960
reminded us at the very beginning, they were

00:15:26.960 --> 00:15:30.139
entirely excluded from for the first 125 years

00:15:30.139 --> 00:15:32.379
of the nation's history. It gives you a profound

00:15:32.379 --> 00:15:35.100
appreciation for the meticulous cataloging happening

00:15:35.100 --> 00:15:37.779
in these databases. It really does. The structure

00:15:37.779 --> 00:15:40.299
of the page tells the story just as loudly as

00:15:40.299 --> 00:15:42.440
the numbers do. But before we wrap up, I want

00:15:42.440 --> 00:15:44.799
to leave you with a final thought. Yeah, drawn

00:15:44.799 --> 00:15:47.580
directly from one last very subtle detail tucked

00:15:47.580 --> 00:15:49.379
away in the source material. There is always

00:15:49.379 --> 00:15:51.519
one more detail hiding in the architecture of

00:15:51.519 --> 00:15:53.990
the page. Always. Think back to that navigation

00:15:53.990 --> 00:15:56.289
box we discussed at the very beginning, the one

00:15:56.289 --> 00:15:58.610
that split history into the legislative era and

00:15:58.610 --> 00:16:02.029
the popular vote era. Right. 1788 to 1913 and

00:16:02.029 --> 00:16:04.690
then 1914 to present. Underneath the section

00:16:04.690 --> 00:16:07.649
for 1914 present, there is a whole separate category

00:16:07.649 --> 00:16:10.629
listed. It is simply titled odd year specials.

00:16:10.629 --> 00:16:13.330
The source lists a specific cadence of them.

00:16:14.100 --> 00:16:19.240
Years like 1913, 1921, 1925, 1931. And skipping

00:16:19.240 --> 00:16:23.100
ahead, you see 1974, 75, 2013, and 2017. And

00:16:23.100 --> 00:16:25.580
I want you to... Ponder this. We just spent this

00:16:25.580 --> 00:16:29.159
entire deep dive analyzing how incredibly stable

00:16:29.159 --> 00:16:32.139
and predictable the regular even year incumbent

00:16:32.139 --> 00:16:34.659
victories are in this data set. The freight train

00:16:34.659 --> 00:16:37.179
just keeps rolling on a reliable six year schedule.

00:16:37.379 --> 00:16:39.940
Protected by the power of incumbency and a highly

00:16:39.940 --> 00:16:42.279
engaged voting base. Exactly. But that list of

00:16:42.279 --> 00:16:44.700
odd year specials is sitting right there in the

00:16:44.700 --> 00:16:46.840
sidebar, proving that the schedule is fragile.

00:16:47.039 --> 00:16:49.620
What kind of sudden unexpected event causes a

00:16:49.620 --> 00:16:51.840
United States Senate seat to abruptly open up

00:16:51.840 --> 00:16:54.100
in an odd year? Completely. bypassing the normal

00:16:54.100 --> 00:16:56.220
predictable election cycle. Right. And how does

00:16:56.220 --> 00:16:59.120
that sudden injection of chaos disrupt the very

00:16:59.120 --> 00:17:01.159
political momentum and mathematical certainty

00:17:01.159 --> 00:17:02.879
we just spent all this time exploring? It is

00:17:02.879 --> 00:17:04.940
a stark reminder that no matter how stable and

00:17:04.940 --> 00:17:07.440
unyielding the data looks on a screen, the real

00:17:07.440 --> 00:17:09.640
world is always capable of throwing a wrench

00:17:09.640 --> 00:17:12.119
into the gears. It's a critical question to reflect

00:17:12.119 --> 00:17:15.529
on. Data perfectly captures the solidifying trends

00:17:15.529 --> 00:17:18.470
of the past, but the architecture of the system

00:17:18.470 --> 00:17:21.410
always leaves room for the unpredictable disruptions

00:17:21.410 --> 00:17:23.789
of the future. Thank you so much for joining

00:17:23.789 --> 00:17:25.930
us on this deep dive today. It's been a fascinating

00:17:25.930 --> 00:17:28.289
look at the numbers behind the names. We hope

00:17:28.289 --> 00:17:30.109
we've changed the way you look at a simple table

00:17:30.109 --> 00:17:32.769
of numbers and the sidebars that surround them.

00:17:32.869 --> 00:17:35.289
Keep questioning the data, keep looking for the

00:17:35.289 --> 00:17:38.250
hidden momentum, and most importantly, keep exploring.

00:17:38.829 --> 00:17:40.309
We will catch you next time.
