WEBVTT

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Welcome to the Deep Dive. We are so glad you

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can join us today because we are taking a really

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fascinating statistical journey. through just

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a single document. Yeah, literally one single

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Wikipedia list. Right. It is a comprehensive

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Wikipedia list of United States Senate elections

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in Alabama. And today we are going to look past

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the dry tables and uncover the dramatic story

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of how voting pools expanded, you know, how political

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monopolies shifted. And we'll look at the statistical

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anomalies hidden in over a century of state election

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data. It is a wild ride when you actually look

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at the math. It really is. But before we get

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into it, because our source material spans over

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a century of political data covering both Democratic

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and Republican victories, we want to be absolutely

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clear with you. We're not taking any sides here.

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Right. Exactly. We're not endorsing any of the

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left wing or right wing viewpoints or candidates

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mentioned in these historical records. Our goal

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is strictly to impartially report on the factual

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data provided in the source material. And convey

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the statistical shifts as they occurred. Yeah,

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we are just looking at the numbers. And to lay

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the foundation for those numbers, we should explain

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how the Senate works based on the text here.

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Go for it. So each state gets two senators. They

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serve staggered six -year terms. And those seats

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are divided into three classes. Right, which

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creates a really unique data set. Exactly. When

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Alabama joined the union back in 1819, it was

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assigned class two and class three seats. So

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the data we are looking at tracks those two specific

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overlapping electoral cycles. But there is a

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massive systemic change we have to highlight

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right up front. The 17th Amendment. Yes. Before

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1913, senators were selected by state legislatures.

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You don't see direct voter turnout numbers in

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the early tables because the voters weren't directly

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making the choice. It was the 17th. Amendment

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that finally gave the power directly to the voters.

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That is the moment the tables switch from appointments

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to actual raw voter data. Exactly. Okay, let's

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unpack this. Because the numbers are crazy. They

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really are. When we look at the earliest data

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on the list, the margins are shocking. You know,

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you and I are used to modern elections where

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someone wins by a couple of percentage points,

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right? Yeah, 55 % win today is a huge landslide.

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But look at the data from 1918. We have the class

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two Democrat, John H. Bankhead. He won his election

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with literally 100 % of the vote. One hundred

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percent. One hundred percent. The table says

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he got exactly fifty four thousand eight hundred

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eight hundred eighty votes. Zero opposition on

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the board. Just a total shutout. And it wasn't

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a one time fluke either. If you scroll down the

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class two table to 1942, you see John H. Bankhead

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the second. The second. Right. Yeah. And he also

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won with one hundred percent. It is just an unbroken

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wall of single party dominance in that era. And

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you see it in class three too. Jay Lister Hill.

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Right. Jay Lister Hill won with one hundred percent

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in a 1938 special election. And then he does

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it again in the 1956 regular election. He pulled

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in 330 ,182 votes and again captured 100 percent

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of the electorate. Which is just staggering to

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think about. What's fascinating here is the absolute

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dominance of the Democratic Party during this

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era. Republicans were barely making a dent in

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the data. For instance, in 1936, you have Republican

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H .E. Burke's stressor running against Bankhead

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II. And what did he get? Only 12 .24%. Wow. Yeah,

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that was the entire footprint of the opposition.

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You know, when we talk about these percentages,

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I want to direct your attention to the sheer

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volume of the voting pool. The raw numbers are

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just as important as the percentages. The denominator.

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Right, the denominator. In 1918, a 100 % victory

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meant capturing just 54 ,880 votes. Which is

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tiny. It's incredibly tiny. Think about that

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from a modern perspective. Fifty four thousand

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people is essentially the capacity of a mid -sized

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college football stadium. Yeah. You just had

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to convince one stadium's worth of voters and

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you secured a 100 percent monopoly on the United

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States Senate seat. The voting base was so extremely

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small compared to the state's population today.

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It makes every single individual vote carry so

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much mathematical weight. It does. But here's

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where it gets really interesting. Because even

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in this era of small voting pools and 100 % sweeps,

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there are these totally unexpected statistical

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anomalies. Oh, the third party intruders? Yes.

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They just pop up in the tables and completely

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disrupt the map. The 1930 class two race is the

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perfect example of this. You track James Thomas

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Heflin in the tables. The data shows he won the

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seat as a Democrat in 1920. He wins it again

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as a Democrat in 1924. He is part of that dominant

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monopoly. Exactly. But then you look at the 1930

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data and Heflin suddenly appears as an inattentive

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runner up. And he doesn't just get a handful

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of votes. No, he pulls in a massive 40 .07 %

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of the vote. That is 100 ,952 votes. He ran against

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Democrat John H. Bankhead II, and an independent

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just casually walks away with 40 % of the electorate.

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A huge fracture in that 100 % wall. Totally.

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And you see it again in the 1950 Class III race.

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You have independent John G. Cromlin. He captured

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23 .46 % of the vote against Jay Lister Hill.

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So even when one party is sweeping the board,

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There are these massive chunks of the voter base

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willing to cast a protest vote. Right. It proves

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the electorate was never a pure monolith. But

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my absolute favorite anomaly in this data set,

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and I know you love this one too, is the Prohibition

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Party. It is so bizarre to see them there. Right.

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You think of the Prohibition Party as a movement

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from the 1920s. But look at the data in the 1970s.

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They are still on the board. Very much on the

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board. In the 1974 Class 3 election, a candidate

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named Alvin Abercrombie took 4 .16 % of the vote

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running for the Prohibition Party. In 1974. Yes.

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And then four years later, in the 1978 Class

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2 race, Jerome B. Couch ran for the Prohibition

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Party and secured 6 .01 % against Howell Heflin.

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When you look closely at that raw data, you realize

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what that percentage actually means. It's a lot

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of people. It is. A 6 % poll in that 1978 race

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means tens of thousands of individual voters

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went to the polls and actively voted for a prohibitionist.

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You find entire movements still registering massive

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data points decades after you expect them to

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vanish entirely from the tables. They just linger

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as statistical ghosts. They really do. But as

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we keep scrolling down the Wikipedia list into

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the 1960s and 1980s, you start to notice a creeping...

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change in the core numbers, the era of the 100

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% shutout starts to dissolve. The great party

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shift. Exactly. The margins just start compressing.

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Look at the 1962 class three race. This is a

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huge tipping point in the data. It really is.

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You have Jay Lister Hill, the same guy who won

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with 100 % in 1956. But in 1962, Republican James

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D. Martin nearly unseats him. The gap practically

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vanishes. Martin captures 49 .14 % of the vote.

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That's 195 ,134 votes. Hill barely holds on with

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50 .86%. Out of nearly 400 ,000 votes cast, they

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are separated by roughly 6 ,800 votes. Going

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from 100 % sweet to a 1 .something percent margin

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in just a few cycles is incredibly rapid statistical

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decay. And the pressure keeps building until

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the dam finally breaks in 1980. Right, the 1980

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Class III election. Republican Jeremiah Denton

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wins the seat. gets 50 .15 % of the vote against

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Democrat Jim Folsom Jr. If we connect this to

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the bigger picture, Denton's win is the catalyst

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for one of the most fascinating electoral sequences

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we have in this entire document. The Richard

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Shelby phenomenon. The Richard Shelby phenomenon.

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If you want to see how fluid party labels can

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be while maintaining absolute statistical stability,

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you just trace Shelby's data points. Let's do

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it. Let's trace it chronologically. Okay, so

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start in 1986. Richard Shelby runs as a Democrat

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for that class three seat against the Republican

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incumbent, Jeremiah Denton. And Shelby wins,

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but it is incredibly close. Razor thin. Shelby

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beats Denton 50 .28 % to 49 .7%. That is a difference

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of less than 7 ,000 votes. Very fragile margin.

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But then look at his next row in the table. In

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1992, Shelby runs again as a Democrat and his

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margin explodes. He wins with 64 .82%. So the

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data is telling us, OK, the Democrats have solidly

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reclaimed this class three seat. Right. The math

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looks totally settled. But then you drop down

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to the very next election cycle for that seat

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in 1998. The data shows a wild twist. A complete

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anomaly. Richard Shelby is listed as winning

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the exact same seat, retaining almost the exact

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same percentage of the voter pool, but he is

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listed as a Republican. He wins with 63 .24 %

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of the vote. As a Republican, the primary variable,

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the party label, completely flips, but his share

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of the electorate barely moves. And once that

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label flips, the table shows him... dominating

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that seat as a Republican for decades. He just

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locks it down. He wins in 2004, 2010 and 2016,

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consistently pulling in those mid to high 60

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percent margins. The label changed, but the math

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stayed relentlessly stable. That really ushers

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the data set into its modern era. We are looking

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at the 1990s through the 2020s now, and it becomes

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a period of. Deep Republican dominance. Definitely.

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Look at Jeff Sessions in the class two seat.

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He establishes absolute dominance. He wins in

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96, 2002 and 2008. By 2014, his hold on the numbers

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is so strong that he runs unopposed. Which takes

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us right back to the beginning of the list. Exactly.

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He wins that 2014 race with 97 .25 percent against

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just scattered write ins. It is the closest thing

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to those 1920s bank head margins we've seen in

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the modern era. The table projects this totally

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unshakable Republican stability. But then. You

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get these sudden jolts of volatility. The special

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elections. Yes. Look at the 2017 special election

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for that exact same class two seat. Out of nowhere,

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we see a razor thin Democratic victory. It completely

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disrupts the trend. Democrat Doug Jones edges

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out Republican Roy Moore. The distribution is

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incredibly tight. Jones gets 49 .97 % with 673

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,896 votes. Moore gets 48 .34 % with 651 ,972

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votes. A difference of barely 20 ,000 votes out

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of over 1 .3 million cast. But the data also

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shows how incredibly brief that disruption was.

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By the 2020 regular election, the math aggressively

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snaps back to the established trend line. Republican

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Tommy Tuberville reclaims the seat. With a massive...

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60 .9 % majority. He pulls in 1 ,392 ,076 votes

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over Jones's 39 .74%. So what does this all mean?

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When you zoom out and look at the entire arc

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of this table, the most shocking thing isn't

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just the party shifts. It is the sheer scale

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of the math. The expansion of the pool. Yes.

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Think back to that 1918 row. 100 % victory required

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exactly 54 ,880 votes. That stadium -sized pool.

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Right. Now contrast that with the 2020 Tuberville

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versus Jones race. That single election featured

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over 2 .3 million combined votes. The effort

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required to capture a majority has just scaled

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exponentially. And the 2022 data confirms that

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massive pool is the new normal. Republican Katie

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Britt won the Class 3 seat with 66 .62%. That

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percentage translated to 942 ,154 raw votes for

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a single candidate. Confirming that massive modern

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voter pool and current Republican dominance,

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we really just traced a 100 -year arc straight

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through the numbers. From 54 ,000 votes to almost

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a million for a single candidate. We started

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in a time of single -party Democratic sweeps.

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We watched the emergence of independents and

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prohibitionists fracturing the data. We saw razor

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-thin transitions of power. And we finally arrived

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at these massive multi -million vote modern Republican

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majorities. It is an incredible mathematical

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journey. This raises an important question for

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you to think about. How quickly can data that

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feels totally permanent just flip over a few

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cycles? It really makes you wonder. We've seen

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the 17th Amendment change senators from being

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appointed by a legislature to being elected directly

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by the people. We've watched total votes surge

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from 50 ,000 to over 2 .3 million. So with technology

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and demographics changing faster than ever, what

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were the voting mechanism or even the definition

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of a majority look like in the statistical tables

00:12:10.690 --> 00:12:14.129
of 2126? It is definitely something to ponder.

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Thank you so much for joining us as we unpack

00:12:16.009 --> 00:12:18.509
the numbers today. We will see you on the next

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Deep Dive.
