WEBVTT

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Welcome to the deep dive. We are spending our

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time today unpacking a piece of source material

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that might not seem at first glance like a pulse

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pounding thriller. No, it really doesn't sound

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like one. Right. We are actually looking at a

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Wikipedia article titled List of United States

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Senators from Rhode Island. So, you know, you're

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looking at rows, columns, names, dates, political

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party affiliations. Just a lot of raw data. Exactly.

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And there's this. very unassuming column on the

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far right labeled electoral history. But our

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mission today is to show you how this seemingly

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straightforward table is actually a hidden ledger

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of American political history. It really is.

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The formatting of a spreadsheet often. It masks

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the human drama behind the data. Yeah, when you

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start tracking the timeline and actually reading

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the footnotes, you uncover a story about political

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musical chairs, deeply entrenched family dynasties,

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unexpected tragedies. And highly calculated strategic

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gamesmanship. Yes. Rhode Island is a particularly

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compelling case study for this because the state

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has been part of the congressional record since

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the very earliest days of the nation. Which means

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looking at this single state's delegation over

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time provides a perfect microcosm of the entire

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American population. So let's set the stage by

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looking at the very top of our source document.

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The text notes that Rhode Island ratified the

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United States Constitution on May 29th, 1790.

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But they didn't elect their first U .S. senators

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until over a week later. Right. On June 7, 1790.

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Yep. Which is when Theodore Foster and Joseph

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Stanton Jr. officially took office. And from

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that June day in 1790 all the way down to the

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present day, this list tracks two completely

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distinct columns of political power. The class

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one Senate seat and the class two Senate seat.

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And understanding the architecture of those two

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classes is essential before we even look at the

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people who filled them. Because it wasn't an

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accident. No. The founders deliberately divided

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the United States Senate into staggered classes.

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They wanted to ensure that the chamber was never

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entirely replaced in a single election cycle.

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Makes sense. By creating Class 1, Class 2, and

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Class 3 seats across the country, they guaranteed

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that only a third of the Senate would ever face

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reelection at a time. So our source tracks the

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individuals who held Rhode Island's class one

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seat and then completely separately tracks the

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individuals who held the class two seat over

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the span of centuries. And when you track them

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side by side, the data reveals a massive shift

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in how American politicians actually treat the

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job. OK, let's unpack this, because the first

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major theme jumping out of this table is the

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sheer unadulterated chaos of the late 1700s and

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the 1800s. Chaos is definitely the right word

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for it. I mean, looking at the modern. rows,

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you see solid multi -decade blocks of service.

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A modern senator gets elected, serves their six

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years and usually runs again. But scanning the

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early years of this list reveals a total revolving

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door. Between 1793 and the 1820s, almost no one

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wanted to stay in this job. What's fascinating

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here is when you look purely at the data, the

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attrition rate in the early republic is just

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staggering. Following the timeline row by row,

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you realize how exceptionally rare it was for

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an early politician to actually complete a standard

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six -year term. It's just a repetitive string

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of the words resigned and died in that electoral

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history column. Exactly. It paints a picture

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of a role that was incredibly turbulent. You

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have a cascade of figures all throwing in the

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towel. Just looking at class two, William Bradford

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was elected in 1793, but the table notes he resigned

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in October 1797. So Ray Green is elected to finish

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that term, gets reelected in 1798, and then he

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resigns in 1801. And he just keeps going. Yeah.

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James Fenner resigns in 1807. Christopher G.

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Champlin resigns in 1811. Over in class one,

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James D. Wolfe takes office in 1821, and he's

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gone by 1825. It really makes you wonder if the

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commute to Washington on horseback was just that

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miserable, or if the political... climate was

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already that toxic? Well, it was likely a combination

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of both, alongside the reality of what the federal

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government actually was at that time. Serving

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as a senator in the early 1800s was not the pinnacle

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of a lifelong career that it's often considered

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today. Right. Washington, D .C. was basically...

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Largely an undeveloped swamp. Yeah. The travel

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was arduous. The living conditions away from

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home were poor. And the federal government simply

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didn't yield the kind of localized day -to -day

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power that state -level politics did. So it was

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more of a burden. For many of these men, going

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to Washington was a grueling duty, not a glamorous

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prize. Once they felt they had done their part...

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Or when the physical toll became too much, they

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simply walked away. And that physical toll is

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the other massive factor driving this early turnover.

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It wasn't just men deciding they were done with

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the job. It was men dying in office at an alarming

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rate. The list of deaths is notable. Samuel J.

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Potter took office in 1803 and died in October

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1804. Francis Malbone took office in March 1809,

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and the source notes he died in June 1809. Just

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three months into his term. Three months. James

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Burrell Jr. died on Christmas Day, 1820. Nathan

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F. Dixon I died in January 1842. When we see

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a cluster of deaths like Potter and Malbone dying

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within months of taking office, it serves as

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a stark reminder of the actual health hazards

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of the era. The environment was notoriously disease

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-ridden. And practically speaking, this constant

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stream of death and resignation meant Rhode Island's

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representation was heavily fragmented. Very much

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so. The state was constantly scrambling to fill

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vacant seats. You see these short gaps in the

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dates on the table. A seat left vacant for a

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month or sometimes just a few days before someone

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new is quickly appointed or elected to patch

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the hole. It prevented the state from building

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any kind of long -term leverage or seniority

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in the chamber. Precisely. And while the personnel

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was constantly changing, so were the political

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parties. Oh, the party labels are wild. Today,

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the columns are a solid wall of Democrats and

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Republicans. But scanning the 1700s and 1800s,

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it looks like a primordial soup of political

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factions. That's a great way to put it. Right

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at the beginning, Theodore Foster and Joseph

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Stanton Jr. are listed not with modern party

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names, but simply as pro -administration and

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anti -administration. That terminology really

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highlights how the country was trying to figure

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out what a political faction even was in those

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initial years. There wasn't a formal national

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party infrastructure yet. You were just either

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for the president or against him. Exactly. Politicians

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were largely defined by whether they supported

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the current executive administration's agenda.

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or opposed it. As you scroll down the decades,

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you can literally watch the modern party system

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slowly organize itself out of those broad alliances.

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We shift from those administration labels into

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the Federalist and Democratic Republican eras.

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The Democratic Republicans become incredibly

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dominant on this list by the 1820s. And then

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the National Republican label emerges. Followed

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by the Whig Party, which really takes a stronghold

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in Rhode Island politics in the 1830s and 40s.

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But mixed in with these broader movements are

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incredibly specific. The anomalies are always

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the most revealing. The most striking example

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is John Brown Francis. The source shows he was

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elected in 1844 to finish a vacant term, and

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his party affiliation is listed as Law and order.

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A label like law and order in 1844 is a massive

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clue about the local political climate of Rhode

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Island at that exact moment. Yeah. It reminds

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us that the two party system we consider so foundational

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today was highly fluid. It wasn't locked in yet.

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Not at all. Yeah. When a state experienced extreme

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internal turmoil or specific crisis, localized

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parties would spring up to address that single

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issue. You didn't always need a national platform

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to win a Senate seat. Sometimes you just needed.

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to represent the prevailing mood of the local

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power brokers who were making the decisions.

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And if the localized power game was already that

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intense, it sets the stage perfectly for the

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next era of this list. Because as we move into

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the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the chaos

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of people resigning and dying is replaced by

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a completely different kind of institutional

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breakdown. A mechanical breakdown. I want to

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draw your attention to a wildly intriguing anomaly

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from the year 1907 in the class one seat. George

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P. Wetmore was the Republican senator holding

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that seat. His term ended on March 3, 1907. But

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for the next row on the table, spanning from

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March 4, 1907 to January 22, 1908, the seat is

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simply listed as vacant. And the electoral history

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column provides the reason. It says, legislature

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failed to elect. That five -word phrase. legislature

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failed to elect, carries a massive amount of

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historical and mechanical weight. I mean, for

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almost an entire year, Rhode Island only had

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one senator in Washington, D .C., because the

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state couldn't figure out who to put in the other

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chair. The gears of government just completely

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ground to a halt. They do. And the resolution

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to this nearly year -long deadlock is perfectly

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ironic. On January 20, 1908, they finally managed

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to elect someone to fill the term. And who was

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it? George P. Wetmore, the exact same guy whose

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turn had ended the year before. He essentially

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waited out the gridlock. and returned to the

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seat he had vacated. But the critical detail

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to examine here is the word legislature itself.

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It explicitly says the state legislature failed

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to elect him. Which feels weird to a modern voter.

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Right. If you are accustomed to how senators

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are chosen today by the general public going

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to the ballot box and voting directly, that phrasing

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doesn't make sense. The general public doesn't

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fail to elect someone. They just count the votes

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and declare a winner. This detail highlights

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that originally, the power to choose U .S. senators

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belonged entirely to state legislatures. So if

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the politicians in the state capitol become paralyzed

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by infighting, the state simply loses half its

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voice in Washington. Wow. And this wasn't just

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a Rhode Island problem. These types of state

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-level deadlocks were happening across the country.

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A state legislature would fracture into factions,

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no candidate could get a majority, and the Senate

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seat would sit empty for months, sometimes years.

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That's a huge flaw in this system. When you see

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that year -long vacancy sitting on the spreadsheet,

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you are looking at the exact mechanical friction

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that eventually drove the country to pass the

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17th Amendment in 1913. That amendment stripped

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the legislatures of this power and gave the vote

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directly to the citizens. The system was breaking

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down, and this footnote is the proof. Right after

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the Wetmore deadlock and that... eventual shift

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to direct elections, the electoral history column

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gives us another fantastic narrative, the ultimate

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comeback kid, Peter G. Jerry. Oh, his timeline

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is fascinating. It requires you to bounce back

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and forth between the two columns on the page.

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Peter G. Jerry, a Democrat. Gets elected to the

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class one seat in 1916. He takes office in 1917,

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serves his six years and gets reelected in 1922.

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So he's building a solid career. But the table

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shows he loses reelection in the next cycle and

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his term ends in March 1929. Which is usually

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where the story ends. Normally, yeah. When a

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politician loses reelection after 12 years, that

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is the end of their story on a list like this.

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But if you scan down the class two column five

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years later, there he is again. He pops right

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back up. Peter G. Jerry managed to get himself

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elected to the other Senate seat for Rhode Island

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in 1934, and he served in that seat until 1947.

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It's a very unusual trajectory for a political

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career in this era. He essentially got fired

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from one side of the Senate floor, waited out

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a single election cycle, and got hired back on

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the other side. That takes some serious maneuvering.

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It speaks volumes about the sheer political persistence

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required in that era. To pull off a return like

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that across different electoral classes, you

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had to maintain incredible name recognition and

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a deeply loyal political apparatus within the

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state, even while you were out of office. And

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that concept of deep -rooted name recognition

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brings us to another huge theme hidden in the

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text. You start seeing the same names repeating,

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just with different Roman numerals attached to

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them. The political dynasties. Exactly. We mentioned

00:11:53.009 --> 00:11:55.710
Nathan F. Dixon I earlier, the Whig senator who

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died in office in 1842. Well, scrolling down

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the list to the late 1800s, from 1889 to 1895,

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you see Nathan F. Dixon III, serving in the Senate.

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Keeping in the family. Then you have Williams

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Bragg III, who served from 1842 to 1844. And

00:12:11.220 --> 00:12:14.000
a few decades later, Williams Bragg IV, who served

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from 1863 to 1875. These repeating names illustrate

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the reality of political networks in a geographically

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small state like Rhode Island. Influence was

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highly concentrated and deeply entrenched. These

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families were clearly treating the Senate seats

00:12:30.000 --> 00:12:32.259
almost like heirlooms. Like it belonged to them.

00:12:32.320 --> 00:12:34.019
You weren't just running as an individual candidate

00:12:34.019 --> 00:12:36.639
with a platform. You were running as the manifestation

00:12:36.639 --> 00:12:39.299
of a multi -generational legacy. Here's where

00:12:39.299 --> 00:12:41.779
it gets really interesting, though, because as

00:12:41.779 --> 00:12:44.200
we move out of the early 20th century and into

00:12:44.200 --> 00:12:47.299
the mid to late 20th century, the entire visual

00:12:47.299 --> 00:12:50.259
complexion of this Wikipedia table changes dramatically.

00:12:50.259 --> 00:12:52.879
You no longer see the fragmented, chaotic rows

00:12:52.879 --> 00:12:55.940
of the 1800s. Exactly. The narrow rows of men

00:12:55.940 --> 00:12:58.580
serving one or two years disappear. We enter

00:12:58.580 --> 00:13:01.210
the era of the long haul. The modern rows become

00:13:01.210 --> 00:13:04.389
massive, unbroken blocks of time. It is the era

00:13:04.389 --> 00:13:07.149
of the career incumbent. And no one exemplifies

00:13:07.149 --> 00:13:09.669
this shift more than Claiborne Pell. He was a

00:13:09.669 --> 00:13:12.090
Democrat who took office on January 3rd, 1961.

00:13:12.490 --> 00:13:15.549
If you follow his row, it just keeps going. Re

00:13:15.549 --> 00:13:20.789
-elected in 1966, 1972, 1978, 1984, and 1990.

00:13:22.000 --> 00:13:25.159
He served until January 3rd, 1997. That is 36

00:13:25.159 --> 00:13:27.879
straight years. The source notes he is the longest

00:13:27.879 --> 00:13:30.559
serving senator in the state's history. The contrast

00:13:30.559 --> 00:13:32.820
between Pell's massive block of time and those

00:13:32.820 --> 00:13:35.200
early politicians dying after three months is

00:13:35.200 --> 00:13:37.740
staggering. It represents a fundamental stabilization

00:13:37.740 --> 00:13:40.539
of the institution. Medical advancements, better

00:13:40.539 --> 00:13:43.120
travel, and the professionalization of politics

00:13:43.120 --> 00:13:46.419
made the Senate a highly desirable lifelong career

00:13:46.419 --> 00:13:49.240
rather than a hazardous temporary duty. It became

00:13:49.240 --> 00:13:51.659
a destination. But it also highlights the rising,

00:13:51.779 --> 00:13:54.179
almost unshakable power of modern incumbency.

00:13:54.600 --> 00:13:56.980
Once a senator secured a seat and built a political

00:13:56.980 --> 00:13:59.240
machine in this modern era, they were exceptionally

00:13:59.240 --> 00:14:01.539
difficult to dislodge. But even with all that

00:14:01.539 --> 00:14:04.019
modern stability, there is still incredible strategic

00:14:04.019 --> 00:14:06.279
gamesmanship happening behind the scenes. The

00:14:06.279 --> 00:14:08.080
source gives us a brilliant example of it with

00:14:08.080 --> 00:14:09.720
the exit of John Pastore. Well, this is a great

00:14:09.720 --> 00:14:13.080
detail. Pastore, a Democrat, was a titan in his

00:14:13.080 --> 00:14:16.019
own right. He served from 1950 all the way to

00:14:16.019 --> 00:14:20.340
1976, another very long, stable tenure. But if

00:14:20.340 --> 00:14:22.299
you look closely at the electoral history column

00:14:22.299 --> 00:14:24.720
for his exit, it doesn't just say he retired.

00:14:25.220 --> 00:14:28.480
The footnote reads, retired and resigned early

00:14:28.480 --> 00:14:31.700
to give successor preferential seniority. If

00:14:31.700 --> 00:14:34.320
we connect this to the bigger picture, that single

00:14:34.320 --> 00:14:37.019
footnote is a masterclass in how the internal

00:14:37.019 --> 00:14:39.320
rules of the United States Senate are played

00:14:39.320 --> 00:14:42.480
like a highly calculated game of chess. Preferential

00:14:42.480 --> 00:14:45.220
seniority sounds like deep insider jargon. I

00:14:45.220 --> 00:14:47.159
mean, why does resigning early matter if he was

00:14:47.159 --> 00:14:49.639
already planning to leave anyway? Because in

00:14:49.639 --> 00:14:52.220
the ecosystem of the Senate, seniority is the

00:14:52.220 --> 00:14:54.960
ultimate currency. The longer you have continuously

00:14:54.960 --> 00:14:57.379
served in the chamber, the more power you wield.

00:14:57.460 --> 00:14:59.179
It dictates everything. Almost everything of

00:14:59.179 --> 00:15:01.259
value. Which powerful committees you get assigned

00:15:01.259 --> 00:15:02.899
to, whether you get to chair those committees,

00:15:03.100 --> 00:15:05.259
and even physical perks like choosing the best

00:15:05.259 --> 00:15:07.659
office space. The traditional transition of power

00:15:07.659 --> 00:15:10.039
happens in January, when all the newly elected

00:15:10.039 --> 00:15:12.159
senators from across the country are sworn in

00:15:12.159 --> 00:15:14.220
together. So they are all tied at the starting

00:15:14.220 --> 00:15:16.820
line. Exactly. They all essentially start with

00:15:16.820 --> 00:15:18.740
the exact same amount of seniority on that day.

00:15:18.879 --> 00:15:22.019
But when John Pastor decides to retire in 1976...

00:15:23.580 --> 00:15:35.480
Okay. Okay. brief vacancy. This allowed his successor

00:15:35.480 --> 00:15:37.700
to be officially appointed by the governor and

00:15:37.700 --> 00:15:39.620
sworn into the Senate before the new Congress

00:15:39.620 --> 00:15:42.740
began in January. Wow. So by stepping down a

00:15:42.740 --> 00:15:45.480
few days early, Pastore essentially let his replacement

00:15:45.480 --> 00:15:48.779
cut in line ahead of the entire freshman class

00:15:48.779 --> 00:15:51.100
of senators elected that year. It gave the new

00:15:51.100 --> 00:15:53.840
senator an immediate, permanent leg up in the

00:15:53.840 --> 00:15:56.080
seniority rankings over everyone else in their

00:15:56.080 --> 00:15:58.559
incoming class. That translates to immediate,

00:15:58.759 --> 00:16:00.899
tangible power and influence for the state of

00:16:00.899 --> 00:16:07.490
Rhode Island. It is an incredible And the beneficiary

00:16:07.490 --> 00:16:09.470
of that strategic early resignation was Republican

00:16:09.470 --> 00:16:11.490
named John Chafee, who was appointed on December

00:16:11.490 --> 00:16:14.870
29, 1976. And Chafee's own story on this list

00:16:14.870 --> 00:16:17.090
brings together several of the historical themes

00:16:17.090 --> 00:16:19.690
we've been tracking. He gets that seniority boost,

00:16:19.909 --> 00:16:21.950
and he goes on to serve for decades, getting

00:16:21.950 --> 00:16:25.970
reelected in 1982, 1988, and 1994. He becomes

00:16:25.970 --> 00:16:28.490
an absolute institution. He really does. But

00:16:28.490 --> 00:16:30.669
as his final term was coming to an end, the source

00:16:30.669 --> 00:16:32.149
notes he announced, announced his retirement,

00:16:32.370 --> 00:16:35.169
yet he didn't make it to the finish line. John

00:16:35.169 --> 00:16:38.250
Chafee died in office on October 24th, 1999.

00:16:38.809 --> 00:16:41.789
It's a sudden and tragic end to a decades -long

00:16:41.789 --> 00:16:44.789
tenure, echoing those unexpected vacancies of

00:16:44.789 --> 00:16:47.730
the 1800s, but happening in the modern era. And

00:16:47.730 --> 00:16:49.730
the way that sudden vacancy was handled brings

00:16:49.730 --> 00:16:51.870
us right back to the theme of family dynasties.

00:16:52.009 --> 00:16:54.610
The seat was empty for just a little over a week.

00:16:55.070 --> 00:16:57.990
On November 7, 1999, the person appointed to

00:16:57.990 --> 00:17:00.389
finish out John Chafee's term was his own son,

00:17:00.669 --> 00:17:03.529
Lincoln Chafee. The torch was passed quite literally

00:17:03.529 --> 00:17:06.009
from father to son in the Senate chamber. The

00:17:06.009 --> 00:17:08.089
political network and the name recognition were

00:17:08.089 --> 00:17:10.529
simply transferred to the next generation, proving

00:17:10.529 --> 00:17:12.690
that the concept of the political heirloom didn't

00:17:12.690 --> 00:17:14.970
disappear in the 19th century. Lincoln Chafee

00:17:14.970 --> 00:17:17.029
finished out his father's term, and then, as

00:17:17.029 --> 00:17:19.430
the source shows, he went on to win a full term

00:17:19.430 --> 00:17:21.730
of his own in the 2000 election, keeping the

00:17:21.730 --> 00:17:24.759
family name in that seat until 2007. It is a

00:17:24.759 --> 00:17:26.920
striking moment of continuity in the face of

00:17:26.920 --> 00:17:29.240
sudden loss. And that modern stability brings

00:17:29.240 --> 00:17:32.200
us right up to the present day delegation. Which

00:17:32.200 --> 00:17:34.420
looks remarkably different from the chaotic,

00:17:34.559 --> 00:17:37.759
fragmented timeline we started with in 1790.

00:17:37.940 --> 00:17:40.019
Completely different. Rhode Island's current

00:17:40.019 --> 00:17:43.000
senators are both Democrats. Jack Reed has been

00:17:43.000 --> 00:17:45.720
holding the class two seat since 1997. He actually

00:17:45.720 --> 00:17:48.299
succeeded Clyburn Pell. And Sheldon Whitehouse

00:17:48.299 --> 00:17:50.400
has been holding the class one seat since 2007,

00:17:50.700 --> 00:17:53.200
having defeated Lincoln Chafee. So when you look

00:17:53.200 --> 00:17:55.420
at the very bottom of this table, the chaos of

00:17:55.420 --> 00:17:58.279
the 1800s is completely gone. There are no sudden

00:17:58.279 --> 00:18:00.799
resignations, no deadlocks, no localized third

00:18:00.799 --> 00:18:03.079
parties like law and order. It is just long,

00:18:03.140 --> 00:18:07.220
stable, multi -decade tenures. The rows are thick

00:18:07.220 --> 00:18:09.660
blocks of time once again. So what does this

00:18:09.660 --> 00:18:12.339
all mean? We started this deep dive looking at

00:18:12.339 --> 00:18:15.799
what appeared to be a dry, boring Wikipedia table,

00:18:15.960 --> 00:18:19.680
just lines of text and dates. But by tracking

00:18:19.680 --> 00:18:22.299
the timeline and reading the footnotes, we've

00:18:22.299 --> 00:18:24.380
taken a comprehensive journey through the evolution

00:18:24.380 --> 00:18:27.000
of American politics. We really have. We have

00:18:27.000 --> 00:18:29.559
gone from an era where the system was so hazardous

00:18:29.559 --> 00:18:31.960
and chaotic that senators constantly died or

00:18:31.960 --> 00:18:34.720
quit after a year or two, to an era of political

00:18:34.720 --> 00:18:37.559
gridlock where state legislatures simply failed

00:18:37.559 --> 00:18:40.119
to elect anyone at all. Which led directly -

00:18:40.140 --> 00:18:42.759
to a change in the Constitution. Exactly. And

00:18:42.759 --> 00:18:45.779
finally, we arrived at the modern era where politicians

00:18:45.779 --> 00:18:48.019
served for decades and strategically managed

00:18:48.019 --> 00:18:50.279
their retirements down to the exact day just

00:18:50.279 --> 00:18:53.160
to game the chamber's internal seniority system.

00:18:53.259 --> 00:18:55.640
The real takeaway for you listening is that a

00:18:55.640 --> 00:18:57.940
simple table of names and dates is never just

00:18:57.940 --> 00:19:01.200
a simple table. It is actually a map. In this

00:19:01.200 --> 00:19:03.640
case, it is a map of how American political representation

00:19:03.640 --> 00:19:07.539
stabilized, professionalized, and evolved over

00:19:07.539 --> 00:19:09.420
more than two centuries. Well, right there in

00:19:09.420 --> 00:19:12.819
the data. The specific data points, the clusters

00:19:12.819 --> 00:19:15.920
of resignations, the year -long gaps, the repeating

00:19:15.920 --> 00:19:19.460
family names, the strategic early exits, they

00:19:19.460 --> 00:19:22.420
all tell the story of a governmental system trying

00:19:22.420 --> 00:19:24.920
to find its footing and eventually hardening

00:19:24.920 --> 00:19:27.500
into the powerful institution we recognize today.

00:19:27.869 --> 00:19:30.569
It truly is a masterclass in how much dramatic

00:19:30.569 --> 00:19:33.069
history is hiding in plain sight if you just

00:19:33.069 --> 00:19:35.049
take the time to look closely at the source material

00:19:35.049 --> 00:19:37.970
and ask why the data looks the way it does. This

00:19:37.970 --> 00:19:39.750
raises an important question, though, and I want

00:19:39.750 --> 00:19:41.430
to leave you with a final thought to ponder as

00:19:41.430 --> 00:19:44.150
we wrap up our analysis. We discussed how the

00:19:44.150 --> 00:19:46.630
original system of class one and class two senators

00:19:46.630 --> 00:19:50.049
was designed back in 1790 with staggered terms.

00:19:50.250 --> 00:19:52.549
Right. Looking at the data from those early decades,

00:19:52.750 --> 00:19:55.690
that system was clearly designed in and for a

00:19:55.690 --> 00:19:58.230
high turnover world. It was an era where seats

00:19:58.230 --> 00:20:01.210
constantly flipped due to resignations, unexpected

00:20:01.210 --> 00:20:04.130
deaths and extreme political turbulence. The

00:20:04.130 --> 00:20:06.309
turnover was built into the reality of the time.

00:20:06.490 --> 00:20:10.049
Exactly. The staggered classes were a necessary

00:20:10.049 --> 00:20:12.950
mechanism to ensure at least some continuity

00:20:12.950 --> 00:20:16.170
when everything else was in constant flux. But

00:20:16.170 --> 00:20:19.490
now we live in an era where modern senators like

00:20:19.490 --> 00:20:23.109
Pell, Reed and Whitehouse serve for 20. 30 or

00:20:23.109 --> 00:20:25.049
almost 40 years at a time. It's a completely

00:20:25.049 --> 00:20:27.250
different landscape. So when the turnover completely

00:20:27.250 --> 00:20:30.650
stops, incumbency becomes nearly permanent. How

00:20:30.650 --> 00:20:32.589
does that fundamentally change the rhythm of

00:20:32.589 --> 00:20:34.529
representation the founders originally envisioned

00:20:34.529 --> 00:20:36.869
when they drew up those two distinct columns

00:20:36.869 --> 00:20:40.049
in 1790? That is a phenomenal question to think

00:20:40.049 --> 00:20:41.829
about and a perfect place for us to leave it

00:20:41.829 --> 00:20:43.890
for today. Thank you so much for exploring this

00:20:43.890 --> 00:20:46.210
historical ledger with us. Until next time, keep

00:20:46.210 --> 00:20:47.130
digging into the details.
