WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. Today we are looking

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at something that honestly at first glance might

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just seem like a well like a pretty standard

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piece of administrative record keeping. Right.

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A dry historical document. Exactly. Our focus

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today is a comprehensive Wikipedia article and

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it is simply titled List of United States Senators

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from Texas. And I know what you're thinking.

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You're thinking, why are we reading a spreadsheet?

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Yeah. If you are just looking at this plain list

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of names, dates, party affiliations, it is so

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easy to let your eyes just sort of glaze over.

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Absolutely. But if you read between the lines

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here, looking at these specific terms, these

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really sudden vacancies and the massive shifts

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in power, what you are actually looking at is,

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well, it's a perfect seismograph for American

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political upheaval. That is a great way to put

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it. It functions as this. Timeline of institutional

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stress tests. Right. Because a legislative roster

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doesn't exist in a vacuum. You know, every single

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time a seat changes hands unexpectedly or sits

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empty for a prolonged period or flips from a

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century of one party rule to another. Which we

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see happen here. Right. Which we absolutely see.

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It reflects these massive tectonic shifts in

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the broader culture and the economy. The whole

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drama of American history is basically written

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right there in the margins of these dry tables.

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And that is the mission for today's deep dive.

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We are going to look past the dates and extract

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the actual stories of how Texas's representation

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in Washington has evolved since the state was

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admitted to the union in 1845. It is quite the

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ride. It really is. Now. Before we get into the

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actual mechanics of these seats, we do need to

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make one thing absolutely clear to you, our listeners.

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Yes, very important point here. We are going

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to be discussing political tardies heavily today.

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specifically the Democrats and the Republicans,

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along with major ideological shifts that have

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redefined the country over the last century and

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a half. Right. It's unavoidable with this topic.

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Completely unavoidable. But we want to assure

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you that we are strictly reporting the factual

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history exactly as it is laid out in the historical

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record from our source. We aren't taking any

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sides. Not at all. And we are not endorsing any

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political viewpoints from the left or the right.

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Our objective is simply to impartially convey

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the historical realities that are contained in

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this data. Exactly. We are just tracing the historical

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timeline and the strategic maneuvers of the people

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who held these offices. The data itself provides

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the narrative, and we are just mapping it out

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to understand how representation functions in

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practice. Okay, let's unpack this, starting right

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at the very beginning of Texas's statehood. Because

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even the initial entry into the United States

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Senate comes with this built in logistical delay.

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It's actually kind of funny when you look at

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the dates. It is. Texas officially became a state

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on December 29th, 1845. But if you look at the

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congressional record, they didn't actually elect

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their first two senators until nearly two months

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later. Right. Thomas Jefferson Ruskin, Sam Houston.

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Exactly. They weren't elected until February

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21st, 1846. So for almost two entire months,

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those two Senate seats. Class one and class two,

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they just sat completely empty. And that class

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one and class two designation is a really crucial

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piece of legislative machinery to understand

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right off the bat. Let's break that down for

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a second. Sure. So the framers of the Constitution

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didn't want the entire Senate turning over all

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at once. You know, they didn't want a situation

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where every single senator could be replaced

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in one single election cycle. That would be chaotic.

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Total chaos. So they divided the seats into three

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staggered classes. When a new state joins the

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union, their two senators are randomly assigned

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to two different classes so their elections won't

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overlap in the future. Oh, that makes total sense.

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Yeah. So in this case, Thomas Jefferson Rusk

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drew the class one seat and Sam Houston drew

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the class two seat. But there was still that

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two -month gap. Right, because the logistical

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reality of the 1840s meant that even after the

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momentous occasion of statehood, just organizing

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a new state legislature and physically dispatching

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two men to Washington, it took significant time.

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You couldn't just hop on a flight. Exactly. The

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transition of power is rarely instantaneous.

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It sets this precedent that the machinery of

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government can be slow to start. But honestly,

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that initial two month delay looks like an absolute

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blink of an eye compared to what happens next

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on this list. Oh, yeah. The next big gap is,

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well, it's staggering. It really is. If you follow

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this timeline down into the 1860s, the normal

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rhythm of terms and elections hits a massive

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catastrophic wall. Here's where it gets really

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interesting. The Civil War era. Yes. In 1861,

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Senators Louis Wigfall and John Hemphill didn't

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lose an election. And they didn't resign. No,

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they did not. The historical record explicitly

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shows they were expelled. They were outright

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removed from the United States Senate following

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Texas's secession from the union. What's fascinating

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here is the sheer scale of the institutional

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void that followed those expulsions. I mean,

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when a state secedes and goes to war against

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the federal government, the legislative ties

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are obviously severed. Right. You're not sending

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delegates to a government you're actively fighting.

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Exactly. But looking at the timeline from the

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source, the class one seat was entirely vacant.

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from March 1861 all the way until March 1870.

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Wow. And the Class II seat was vacant from July

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1861 to March 1870. That is an astonishing nine

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-year gap. For almost an entire decade, Texas

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had absolutely no representation in the United

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States Senate. Nine years is an eternity in politics.

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I mean, think about the legislation being passed

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during the 1860s. Monumental legislation. You

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have the funding of the Civil War itself. You

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have the passage of the 13th, 14th, and 15th

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Amendments. The entire framework of Reconstruction.

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And all of that was happening in a chamber where

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Texas and millions of people living there had

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zero voice. And that gap wasn't just a matter

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of the Civil War itself. At all. Because the

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war ended in 1865. Oh, right. So why does the

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vacancy stretch all the way to 1870? Because

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of the Reconstruction. After the war, the former

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Confederate states weren't just automatically

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welcomed back into the halls of Congress with

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open arms. They had to earn their way back in.

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Essentially, yes. They were placed under military

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districts and they had to meet very strict conditions

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for readmission. That included drafting new state

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constitutions that recognize those sweeping new

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federal amendments you just mentioned. Right.

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So the congressional table simply read vacant.

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for those nine years. But that single word encapsulates

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a period where the state was effectively suspended

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from the federal legislative process. It wasn't

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until Texas was formally readmitted to representation

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in 1870 that J .W. Flanagan and Morgan C. Hamilton

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were elected to finally close that gap. Yes,

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exactly. It just paints such a vivid picture

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of a broken country trying to stitch itself back

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together. One day you have two senators, the

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next day they are expelled in absentia, and then

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there is just a blank space on the record for

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nearly a decade. It's chilling when you really

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think about it. It is. Now, once representation

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did resume in 1870, the history of these seats

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turns into something of a high stakes game of

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political musical chairs. Let's look at the overarching

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numbers for a moment from our source. Out of

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all the senators who have ever represented Texas,

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there have been 27 Democrats, seven Republicans

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and precisely one liberal Republican. We have

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to pause on that one anomaly. Yeah. Morgan C.

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Hamilton. Yeah, that stood out to me immediately.

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He is the only person in the entire history of

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Texas Senate representation to serve under that

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specific liberal Republican Party label, which

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he did during the 43rd Congress in the 1870s.

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It's such a unique outlier. It really is. In

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a historical data set that is overwhelmingly

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dominated by just two main columns, Democrat

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and Republican, that single entry is a perfect

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snapshot of a highly fragmented era. So who are

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the liberal Republicans? They were a very specific

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short -lived faction that emerged right after

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the Civil War. They were primarily organized

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to oppose the re -election of President Ulysses

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S. Grant and his administration's approach to

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Reconstruction. Oh, interesting. Yeah, it was

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a brief rebellion within the ranks that managed

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to permanently carve its name into the Texas

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congressional record. It is a great reminder

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that the two -party system we know today has

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had these fascinating, chaotic offshoots throughout

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history. Absolutely. And speaking of fascinating

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deviations, as you read through the electoral

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history column of these Senate seats, you start

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to notice some really unexpected reasons for

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people leaving office. The resignations. The

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resignations are wild. Today, we generally view

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the United States Senate as the ultimate destination,

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like it's the absolute peak of a political career.

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Right. You fight your whole life to get there

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and you stay as long as you can. Exactly. But

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in the late 19th century, that wasn't always

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the case. Take John H. Reagan. In 1891, he voluntarily

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resigned from the United States Senate. And not

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for a promotion, by today's standards. Oh, right.

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He didn't leave for the president's cabinet.

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He didn't leave for the Supreme Court. He resigned

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to become the chairman of the Railroad Commission

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of Texas. Which tells you everything you need

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to know about the economic realities of the 1890s.

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Explain that because it sounds crazy today. To

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modern ears, leaving the federal Senate to join

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a state regulatory commission sounds like a massive

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demotion. But if we look at the context of the

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Gilded Age, railroads were the absolute lifeblood

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of the American economy. And they wielded monopolistic

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power. They were the tech giants of their day.

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Even bigger. Arguably. In Texas, the farmers

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and the agrarian populist movements were fighting

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a bitter battle against price gouging and unfair

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freight rates. Because if you couldn't afford

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to ship your crops, you were ruined. Exactly.

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So the creation of the Railroad Commission of

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Texas by Governor James Stephen Hogg was a monumental

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attempt to rein in the most powerful corporations

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on Earth. OK, I'm starting to see it. Yeah. So

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when John H. Reagan stepped down from the Senate

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to lead that commission, it wasn't a step backward

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at all. He was stepping into a role that controlled

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the economic levers of the entire region. It

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was a massive power move. That reframes it completely.

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He traded legislative prestige for raw, immediate

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economic authority. Precisely. Now, alongside

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the power players like Reagan, you also have

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the placeholders. The caretakers. Yes, the individuals

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whose terms really highlight the unpredictable

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human element of government. The record surrounding

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Bill Blakely is just incredible trivia. Such

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a unique political career. He was a Democrat

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who was appointed to the Senate twice, both times

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specifically to fill vacancies. and both times

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his tenure was incredibly brief. Right. First,

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in 1957, he stepped in when Price Daniel resigned,

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likely served for a few months, and then just

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opted not to run in the special election, completely

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allowing his successor to take over. He just

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walked away. Yeah. Then, in 1961, he is appointed

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again, this time to sit in Lyndon B. Johnson's

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seat. He actually runs in that special election,

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but he loses to finish out the term. He basically

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operates as the ultimate political understudy.

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It's fascinating. He was a very wealthy businessman,

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often referred to as a cowboy billionaire. And

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his appointments really highlight how gubernatorial

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machinery handles sudden vacancies. How so? Well,

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when a senator leaves unexpectedly, the state's

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governor has to appoint someone to keep the seat

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warm until a special election can be held. Sometimes

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governors specifically look for someone who has

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no ambition to hold the seat long term. Why would

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they want that? So as not to disrupt the upcoming

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electoral primary, they don't want to give someone

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an unfair incumbent advantage if the party already

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has chosen a successor in mind. Blackley fit

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that caretaker role perfectly in 1957. That makes

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a lot of sense. You just need someone to cast

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votes for a few months without shaking up the

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political landscape. Exactly. And we see an even

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more extreme and tragic example of the unpredictable

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nature of these terms with Andrew J. Houston.

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Oh, right. He is appointed to a vacant seat in

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April 1941, but the record shows he died just

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two months later in June of that same year. Oh,

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wow. Yeah. The Senate isn't just a theoretical

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body. It's made up of mortal people, and the

00:12:04.240 --> 00:12:06.840
logistical framework is constantly having to

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adapt to sudden illness, death, or career changes.

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Looking at some of these other career changes

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in the data, there seems to be a real pattern

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of using the Texas Senate seats as a launchpad

00:12:18.450 --> 00:12:21.190
for executive power. Like we said earlier, it

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wasn't always the final stop. If we connect this

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to the bigger picture, the Senate has frequently

00:12:25.950 --> 00:12:28.529
served as a strategic talent pool for the highest

00:12:28.529 --> 00:12:30.870
levels of both state and federal executive government.

00:12:31.129 --> 00:12:33.490
We weren't surprised Daniel resigning in 1957.

00:12:34.029 --> 00:12:36.389
He left the Senate specifically to become the

00:12:36.389 --> 00:12:39.129
governor of Texas. A huge step up in direct state

00:12:39.129 --> 00:12:41.820
authority. Exactly. And Lyndon B. Johnson is

00:12:41.820 --> 00:12:43.740
perhaps the most famous example on this list.

00:12:43.779 --> 00:12:46.080
The record shows he actually won reelection to

00:12:46.080 --> 00:12:48.940
his Senate seat in 1960. But he was simultaneously

00:12:48.940 --> 00:12:51.440
on the presidential ticket with JFK. Wait, you

00:12:51.440 --> 00:12:53.980
can do that? Run for both at the same time? Usually

00:12:53.980 --> 00:12:57.220
no. But a special law was passed, sometimes literally

00:12:57.220 --> 00:13:00.039
called the LBJ law, that allowed him to run for

00:13:00.039 --> 00:13:02.960
both offices at once in Texas. Talk about covering

00:13:02.960 --> 00:13:05.860
your bases. Right. When the Kennedy -Johnson

00:13:05.860 --> 00:13:08.980
ticket won, Johnson resigned his newly won Senate

00:13:08.980 --> 00:13:12.279
seat in January 1961 to become the U .S. Vice

00:13:12.279 --> 00:13:14.779
President. Leaving the seat for Bill Blakely

00:13:14.779 --> 00:13:18.419
to keep warm again. Exactly. And decades later,

00:13:18.519 --> 00:13:21.519
you see Lloyd Benson, who had a formidable tenure

00:13:21.519 --> 00:13:25.840
spanning from 1971 to 1993. He resigned his seat

00:13:25.840 --> 00:13:27.519
to become the U .S. Secretary of the Treasury

00:13:27.519 --> 00:13:30.120
under Bill Clinton. Another massive executive

00:13:30.120 --> 00:13:32.980
role. Yes. These politicians viewed the Senate

00:13:32.980 --> 00:13:35.799
as a formidable base of power, sure, but they

00:13:35.799 --> 00:13:38.240
absolutely leveraged it as a stepping stone to

00:13:38.240 --> 00:13:40.399
executive authority. It really is a who's who

00:13:40.399 --> 00:13:42.399
of political titans passing through these two.

00:13:42.409 --> 00:13:44.490
two specific desks on the Senate floor. Yes.

00:13:44.769 --> 00:13:46.929
But as we move closer to the present day in our

00:13:46.929 --> 00:13:49.230
historical timeline, we hit what might be the

00:13:49.230 --> 00:13:51.570
most dramatic shift of all. The grand realignment.

00:13:51.629 --> 00:13:53.990
Yes. Earlier, we established that historically,

00:13:54.230 --> 00:13:57.269
Texas has been represented by 27 Democrats. And

00:13:57.269 --> 00:13:59.210
for a very long time, that Democratic hold was

00:13:59.210 --> 00:14:01.860
absolute. Rock solid. The record highlights Morris

00:14:01.860 --> 00:14:04.379
Shepard as the longest serving senator in Texas

00:14:04.379 --> 00:14:07.240
history. He was a Democrat who served continuously

00:14:07.240 --> 00:14:11.679
from 1913 until his death in 1941. That is almost

00:14:11.679 --> 00:14:14.580
three decades of unbroken representation by one

00:14:14.580 --> 00:14:17.200
man. Which perfectly reflects the solid South

00:14:17.200 --> 00:14:19.940
era. That was a time when the Democratic primary

00:14:19.940 --> 00:14:22.399
was the only election that truly mattered in

00:14:22.399 --> 00:14:24.879
the state. If you won the primary, you won the

00:14:24.879 --> 00:14:27.360
seat. But when you look at the modern era on

00:14:27.360 --> 00:14:30.519
this Wikipedia list, the data completely flips.

00:14:30.759 --> 00:14:33.539
It is a profound transition. You have this long,

00:14:33.539 --> 00:14:35.639
solid block of Democratic representation that

00:14:35.639 --> 00:14:37.580
defines the first century of Texas statehood.

00:14:37.759 --> 00:14:40.059
But the pivotal moment of transition recorded

00:14:40.059 --> 00:14:43.120
here is the election of John Tower. Right. In

00:14:43.120 --> 00:14:46.399
1961. Yes. After LBJ vacated his seat for the

00:14:46.399 --> 00:14:48.820
vice presidency and after Bill Blakely's brief

00:14:48.820 --> 00:14:51.659
caretaker appointment, John Tower, a Republican,

00:14:51.860 --> 00:14:54.419
won the special election in 1961 to finish out

00:14:54.419 --> 00:14:56.399
the term. And that broke the monopoly. That broke

00:14:56.399 --> 00:14:58.320
the Democratic monopoly. Tower held onto that

00:14:58.320 --> 00:15:01.340
seat for over two decades. And his election signaled

00:15:01.340 --> 00:15:03.220
the beginning of a massive realignment in Southern

00:15:03.220 --> 00:15:05.539
politics. That realignment eventually became

00:15:05.539 --> 00:15:08.440
total. When we look at the current state of affairs

00:15:08.440 --> 00:15:11.039
on this list today, the Texas Senate delegation

00:15:11.039 --> 00:15:14.759
is entirely Republican. Entirely. You have John

00:15:14.759 --> 00:15:17.080
Cornyn holding the class two seat, serving since

00:15:17.080 --> 00:15:19.919
2002. And you have Ted Cruz holding the class

00:15:19.919 --> 00:15:23.419
one seat, serving since 2013. The party flip

00:15:23.419 --> 00:15:26.360
in statewide Senate elections over the last few

00:15:26.360 --> 00:15:29.159
decades is complete. It's a night and day difference

00:15:29.159 --> 00:15:31.559
from the Morris Shepard era. But the transition

00:15:31.559 --> 00:15:33.460
of power isn't just about winning the election.

00:15:33.480 --> 00:15:35.500
election is it it's also about how you leverage

00:15:35.500 --> 00:15:38.500
your exit there is a brilliant strategic move

00:15:38.500 --> 00:15:41.559
detailed here in the exit of Phil Graham a Republican

00:15:41.559 --> 00:15:44.460
who served from 1985 to 2002. oh this is one

00:15:44.460 --> 00:15:46.759
of my favorite details the mechanics of Phil

00:15:46.759 --> 00:15:49.539
Graham's exit are an absolute master class in

00:15:49.539 --> 00:15:51.960
institutional leverage break it down for us so

00:15:51.960 --> 00:15:54.740
in 2002 Graham didn't just retire at the end

00:15:54.740 --> 00:15:56.919
of his term in January like most senators do.

00:15:57.320 --> 00:16:00.279
He officially resigned a few weeks early. Just

00:16:00.279 --> 00:16:02.620
a few weeks. Just a few weeks. Specifically to

00:16:02.620 --> 00:16:05.259
give his successor, John Cornyn, preferential

00:16:05.259 --> 00:16:07.759
seniority. Why does a few weeks matter so much?

00:16:07.980 --> 00:16:10.620
Because in the United States Senate, power isn't

00:16:10.620 --> 00:16:13.820
just about the party majority. It is heavily

00:16:13.820 --> 00:16:17.500
dictated by seniority. Your rank. determines

00:16:17.500 --> 00:16:20.200
your committee assignments, your ability to chair

00:16:20.200 --> 00:16:22.419
those committees, and even your physical desk

00:16:22.419 --> 00:16:25.000
placement on the Senate floor. It is literally

00:16:25.000 --> 00:16:28.000
a game of inches played with the calendar. A

00:16:28.000 --> 00:16:30.039
few weeks head start sounds trivial, but it has

00:16:30.039 --> 00:16:32.159
massive implications, right? Absolutely massive.

00:16:32.440 --> 00:16:35.080
When a new class of freshman senators is sworn

00:16:35.080 --> 00:16:37.720
in on January 3rd, they're all essentially tied

00:16:37.720 --> 00:16:40.620
for seniority. Okay. But by resigning early during

00:16:40.620 --> 00:16:43.240
the lame duck session, Graham allowed the governor

00:16:43.240 --> 00:16:45.659
of Texas to formally appoint John Cornyn to the

00:16:45.659 --> 00:16:48.919
equity immediately. Oh. This meant Cornyn entered

00:16:48.919 --> 00:16:51.139
the Senate slightly ahead of the entire incoming

00:16:51.139 --> 00:16:54.580
freshman class of 2003 nationwide. That is incredibly

00:16:54.580 --> 00:16:57.580
clever. It is. That tiny bump in the hierarchy

00:16:57.580 --> 00:17:00.679
translates directly into better committee placements,

00:17:00.759 --> 00:17:03.179
which in turn translates into more influence

00:17:03.179 --> 00:17:05.740
over federal legislation and more federal dollars

00:17:05.740 --> 00:17:08.579
directed back to Texas. Wow. It was a highly

00:17:08.579 --> 00:17:11.000
calculated maneuver to ensure the incoming Republican

00:17:11.000 --> 00:17:13.240
didn't start at the very bottom of the ladder.

00:17:13.609 --> 00:17:16.150
It just goes to show that the exact dates listed

00:17:16.150 --> 00:17:18.369
next to these names aren't just arbitrary markers

00:17:18.369 --> 00:17:20.869
of time. They are fiercely negotiated political

00:17:20.869 --> 00:17:23.930
weapons. Without a doubt. Now, while the statewide

00:17:23.930 --> 00:17:26.589
Senate delegation for Texas is currently all

00:17:26.589 --> 00:17:29.170
Republican, it is important to balance this with

00:17:29.170 --> 00:17:31.750
the other half of Congress. The historical data

00:17:31.750 --> 00:17:34.230
we are reviewing also includes a breakdown of

00:17:34.230 --> 00:17:36.650
Texas's current delegation to the United States

00:17:36.650 --> 00:17:39.150
House of Representatives. Right. Which provides

00:17:39.150 --> 00:17:42.089
crucial context. It does, because that list paints

00:17:42.089 --> 00:17:44.980
a much more complex picture of the state's modern

00:17:44.980 --> 00:17:47.460
political geography. It really highlights the

00:17:47.460 --> 00:17:50.140
difference between a statewide winner -take -all

00:17:50.140 --> 00:17:52.220
election and district -level representation.

00:17:52.779 --> 00:17:55.599
The Senate gives you the macro consensus of the

00:17:55.599 --> 00:17:57.990
state. Because senators are elected by the entire

00:17:57.990 --> 00:18:00.609
voting population of Texas. Exactly. And the

00:18:00.609 --> 00:18:02.849
sheer numerical advantage of Republican voters

00:18:02.849 --> 00:18:06.069
statewide has kept those two seats red for decades.

00:18:06.509 --> 00:18:08.869
But the House of Representatives reflects the

00:18:08.869 --> 00:18:12.450
micro regional variations across a massive geographic

00:18:12.450 --> 00:18:16.470
area. And Texas is massive. Huge. Texas has 38

00:18:16.470 --> 00:18:19.329
congressional districts. And while Republicans

00:18:19.329 --> 00:18:22.029
certainly hold a majority of those seats with

00:18:22.029 --> 00:18:24.450
representatives like Nathaniel Moran, Dan Crenshaw

00:18:24.450 --> 00:18:27.750
and Michael McCaul. There is a very... prominent

00:18:27.750 --> 00:18:30.390
and entrenched Democratic presence as well. Right.

00:18:30.490 --> 00:18:32.769
Looking at the list, you see districts represented

00:18:32.769 --> 00:18:35.049
by Democrats like Lizzie Fletcher, Al Green,

00:18:35.329 --> 00:18:38.190
Veronica Escobar, Joaquin Castro and Lloyd Doggett.

00:18:38.250 --> 00:18:41.369
Yes. And these districts often correspond to

00:18:41.369 --> 00:18:44.750
the massive, rapidly growing urban centers like

00:18:44.750 --> 00:18:48.349
Houston, Austin, Dallas and El Paso, as well

00:18:48.349 --> 00:18:50.329
as regions along the southern border. Exactly.

00:18:50.549 --> 00:18:52.430
The House delegation reflects the demographic

00:18:52.430 --> 00:18:54.890
or geographic polarization of modern American

00:18:54.890 --> 00:18:57.680
politics. You have massive expanses of rural

00:18:57.680 --> 00:19:00.079
and suburban areas that vote overwhelmingly conservative,

00:19:00.480 --> 00:19:03.480
contrasted with densely populated urban centers

00:19:03.480 --> 00:19:05.660
that vote reliably progressive. It's two different

00:19:05.660 --> 00:19:09.359
worlds in one state. It is. District lines and

00:19:09.359 --> 00:19:12.720
the complex, often controversial process of gerrymandering

00:19:12.720 --> 00:19:15.619
dictate exactly how those populations are grouped.

00:19:16.190 --> 00:19:19.569
So while the Senate data might suggest a monolithic

00:19:19.569 --> 00:19:22.250
political culture, the House delegation proves

00:19:22.250 --> 00:19:26.130
that modern Texas is incredibly diverse politically

00:19:26.130 --> 00:19:29.069
and demographically at the local level. It is

00:19:29.069 --> 00:19:31.289
a necessary counterbalance to keep in mind so

00:19:31.289 --> 00:19:33.450
we don't oversimplify the electorate. Definitely.

00:19:33.470 --> 00:19:36.960
So what does this all mean? We started with a

00:19:36.960 --> 00:19:39.980
simple list of names and dates. We traced the

00:19:39.980 --> 00:19:43.599
delayed start of a new state in 1845. We looked

00:19:43.599 --> 00:19:46.039
at the profound void of the Civil War expulsions.

00:19:46.039 --> 00:19:48.759
We saw politicians trade federal seats for railroad

00:19:48.759 --> 00:19:51.420
monopolies. Yes. We watched vice presidents use

00:19:51.420 --> 00:19:53.740
the chamber as a stepping stone. And we analyzed

00:19:53.740 --> 00:19:55.920
the strategic calendar math of modern Senate

00:19:55.920 --> 00:19:58.779
seniority. Why should you, our listener, care

00:19:58.779 --> 00:20:01.099
about the intricacies of this congressional history?

00:20:01.380 --> 00:20:03.559
You should care because analyzing a state's congressional

00:20:03.559 --> 00:20:06.440
record is one of the most effective ways to realize

00:20:06.440 --> 00:20:09.079
that political landscapes are never static. That's

00:20:09.079 --> 00:20:11.299
a great point. It is a natural human instinct

00:20:11.299 --> 00:20:14.079
to assume that the reality we live in today is

00:20:14.079 --> 00:20:17.500
the permanent state of affairs. But the data

00:20:17.500 --> 00:20:21.069
unequivocally proves otherwise. We're looking

00:20:21.069 --> 00:20:23.210
at a state that was so thoroughly dominated by

00:20:23.210 --> 00:20:26.329
the Democratic Party that a single senator could

00:20:26.329 --> 00:20:28.930
serve for almost 30 continuous years without

00:20:28.930 --> 00:20:32.349
a serious challenge. More Shepard. Yes. And yet,

00:20:32.369 --> 00:20:34.890
over the span of just a few decades, the political

00:20:34.890 --> 00:20:37.670
culture shifted so dramatically that the opposing

00:20:37.670 --> 00:20:40.190
party now holds that same absolute advantage

00:20:40.190 --> 00:20:44.000
state -wide. Change is the only constant. These

00:20:44.000 --> 00:20:46.920
seemingly dry tables of terms and vacancies are

00:20:46.920 --> 00:20:49.019
actually a testament to the evolving, restless

00:20:49.019 --> 00:20:51.839
will of the voters over generations. That is

00:20:51.839 --> 00:20:54.680
the core takeaway. Democracy is not a fixed object.

00:20:54.819 --> 00:20:57.380
It is an ongoing, turbulent process that we are

00:20:57.380 --> 00:20:59.619
all currently participating in. The current names

00:20:59.619 --> 00:21:01.440
on that list are just the latest chapter in a

00:21:01.440 --> 00:21:04.220
very long, very unpredictable book. And as we

00:21:04.220 --> 00:21:06.460
reflect on all of this history, this raises an

00:21:06.460 --> 00:21:08.240
important question. What's that? We spent time

00:21:08.240 --> 00:21:11.799
discussing the 1861 expulsions, which left Texas

00:21:11.799 --> 00:21:13.940
completely unrepresented in the Senate for nine

00:21:13.940 --> 00:21:16.200
whole years. We talked about the Reconstruction

00:21:16.200 --> 00:21:19.279
Acts and the legislative void. But it makes you

00:21:19.279 --> 00:21:22.299
wonder. How did everyday citizens navigate nearly

00:21:22.299 --> 00:21:25.119
a decade without a voice in the Senate during

00:21:25.119 --> 00:21:27.539
the most tumultuous, violent, and transformative

00:21:27.539 --> 00:21:30.579
period in American history? That is intense to

00:21:30.579 --> 00:21:32.400
think about. When the federal government was

00:21:32.400 --> 00:21:34.819
fundamentally rewriting the social contract and

00:21:34.819 --> 00:21:37.920
the Constitution itself, the millions of people

00:21:37.920 --> 00:21:40.059
living in that region had no one in the room

00:21:40.059 --> 00:21:43.200
to advocate for them, to negotiate, or to push

00:21:43.200 --> 00:21:46.670
back. Beyond the politics of secession, What

00:21:46.670 --> 00:21:48.710
does it truly mean to be a citizen of a state

00:21:48.710 --> 00:21:50.930
that has entirely lost its say in the federal

00:21:50.930 --> 00:21:53.569
machinery? That is a staggering thought to leave

00:21:53.569 --> 00:21:56.230
on. Imagine watching the news today knowing that

00:21:56.230 --> 00:21:58.410
monumental legislation was being drafted that

00:21:58.410 --> 00:22:00.410
would alter the trajectory of your life, your

00:22:00.410 --> 00:22:03.069
economy, and your rights, and knowing your state

00:22:03.069 --> 00:22:05.789
had zero representation in the chamber where

00:22:05.789 --> 00:22:07.809
the votes were being cast. It changes your perspective

00:22:07.809 --> 00:22:10.269
completely. It really strips away the political

00:22:10.269 --> 00:22:12.950
theater and reminds us of the raw, fundamental

00:22:12.950 --> 00:22:16.480
privilege of having a seat at the table. Well,

00:22:16.539 --> 00:22:18.420
that is all the time we have for today. We want

00:22:18.420 --> 00:22:20.480
to thank you for joining us on this deep dive

00:22:20.480 --> 00:22:22.900
into the hidden narratives of the Texas Senate

00:22:22.900 --> 00:22:25.660
delegation. Thanks for listening. We hope we've

00:22:25.660 --> 00:22:27.940
demonstrated that even the most clinical administrative

00:22:27.940 --> 00:22:30.680
records hold some of the most compelling stories

00:22:30.680 --> 00:22:33.480
of American history, provided you take the time

00:22:33.480 --> 00:22:36.119
to read between the lines, keep exploring the

00:22:36.119 --> 00:22:38.539
context behind the data, and most importantly,

00:22:38.660 --> 00:22:40.660
keep questioning the history behind the facts.

00:22:40.839 --> 00:22:42.299
We will see you next time.
