WEBVTT

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Welcome back. We're just so glad you could join

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us today. Yeah, really glad to be here with you.

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Because, well, when you think of a thrilling

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edge -of -your -seat read, a massive data -heavy

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Wikipedia table probably isn't the first thing

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that jumps to mind, right? No, definitely not.

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Usually people run the other way. Exactly. But

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for you, our favorite learner, we've got something

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special today. We really do. We're looking at

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a document that... You know, on the surface,

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it's just rows and columns. It's the complete

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list of United States senators from New York.

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And it goes all the way back. All the way back

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to the very first Congress in 1789, right up

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to the current delegation today. It's just a

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remarkable piece of documentation. And while

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it might masquerade as this dry administrative

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record, tracking these dates, the names, the

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footnotes. The footnotes are wild. They really

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are. It reveals a deeply human ledger. I mean,

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it is a chronicle of political evolution, fierce

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ambition, sudden tragedies, and really the fundamental

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mechanics of how power is transferred in this

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country. OK, let's unpack this. But before we

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jump into the timeline. I think we need to establish

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the ground rules for our deep dive today. Definitely.

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A crucial disclaimer here. Right. Because this

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is a history of politicians, which means we are

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inevitably going to be talking about political

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parties. You can't avoid it. You can't. Yeah.

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The source text mentions Democrats, Republicans,

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conservatives, Whigs, and a slew of other factions

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that, frankly. Don't even exist anymore. Completely

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gone. So we want to explicitly remind you of

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our golden rule for this show. We are absolutely

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not taking any sides here. None at all. We are

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simply acting as your impartial guides to the

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historical data provided in this text. Exactly.

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We are analyzing the mechanics of the system

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and the historical trajectory completely neutral.

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Just following the data. Right. And we'll be

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tracing this timeline chronologically, starting

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with the surprisingly chaotic early days of the

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Senate. Very chaotic. Then watching the bizarre

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evolution of political party labels, examining

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the intense vulnerabilities and deadlocks that

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left the office completely vacant. Which is fascinating.

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It really is. And finally arriving at the highly

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structured modern day delegation we see now.

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We'll start right at the beginning. 1789. Let's

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do it. Because the very first thing that. jumps

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off the page when you look at this early era

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is a shocking turnover rate. It's jarring. It

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really is. When we think of U .S. senators today,

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we usually think of individuals who spent decades

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in Washington, right? Yeah. Building influence,

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seniority. Exactly. Yeah. But from 1789 through

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the mid -1800s, this delegation was essentially

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a revolving door. A revolving door is the perfect

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way to describe it. The sheer volume of the word

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resigned. in the electoral history column is

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just staggering. It paints a picture of a vastly

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different political landscape. Right. If we connect

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this to the bigger picture, it reveals something

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fundamental about how early American government

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was viewed. How so? Well, today, a seat in the

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U .S. Senate is widely considered the pinnacle

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of a political career. Sure. But this pattern

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of departure shows that in the early republic,

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the Senate was frequently treated as a mere stepping

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stone. See, I'd actually push back on the idea

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that they saw. as just a stepping stone to something

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higher. Okay. Why is that? When you look at the

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specific jobs they were leaving the Senate to

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take, it almost feels like the Senate was viewed

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as a lesser, almost temporary gig. Interesting.

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Give me an example from the text. Okay. I'm looking

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at John Sloss Hobart. Right. Elected in early

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1798. Exactly. He serves for literally a few

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months and then resigns. To do what? To become

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a federal judge. Okay. A lifetime appointment.

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That makes some sense. Sure. But then you have

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Rufus King. He's elected in 1789, re -elected,

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and then he just resigns to become the U .S.

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minister to Great Britain. Oh, right. And John

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Armstrong Jr. does the exact same thing a few

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years later to become the U .S. minister to France.

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Right. But those diplomatic posts were incredibly

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vital at the time. You think so? Absolutely.

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Arguably more critical to the survival of the

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young nation than casting a vote in a developing

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legislative body. That's a fair point. But your

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point about it being a lesser gig becomes even

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more apparent when you look at the domestic appointments

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in the data. Oh, you're talking about the port.

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Yes. That's the one that really caught my eye.

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James Watson. Right. He gets elected to the Senate

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in August of 1798. Okay. By March of 1800, he

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resigns. And his reason. It's right there in

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the footnotes. He leaves to become the naval

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officer of the Port of New York. It sounds crazy

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today. It does. You are leaving the United States

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Senate to go manage a port. Why would anyone

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make that trade today? Well, they wouldn't. But

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in 1800, managing the Port of New York meant

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you were sitting at the absolute epicenter of

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American commerce. And the federal revenue, I

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assume. Exactly. Tariffs and customs were the

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lifeblood of the early economy. Wow. So that

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position likely offered far more immediate, tangible

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power and perhaps personal financial stability

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than sitting in a nascent federal legislature.

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That was still trying to figure out its own procedural

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rules. Right. And a swampy, half -built capital

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city. It really highlights a time when federal

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legislative power was highly decentralized. And

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the real influence was often kept at the local

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ports and state capitals. Yes. That state -level

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gravity is incredibly obvious when you look at

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the gubernatorial data in the table. The governors.

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Yeah. Martin Van Buren. Right. William L. Marcy.

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Silas Wright Jr. Yeah. The data shows... All

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of them resigned their U .S. Senate seats to

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become the governor of New York. They willingly

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gave up a federal position to go run their home

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state. Which tells us that executive power at

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the state level was simply viewed as more significant.

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Or at least more immediately impactful on the

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daily lives of citizens. Exactly. You had to

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give up your Senate seat to go be governor, and

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they gladly made that trade. Because the federal

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government was a remote concept for many. Right.

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The state was where the real action was. So if

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the job itself was considered that fluid, it

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makes sense that the political factions trying

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to control it were just as unstable. Oh, absolutely.

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The data shows that the early party labels were

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completely chaotic. Highly experimental. Look

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at the first two senators, Philip Schuyler and

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Aaron Burr. Right. They aren't listed as Republicans

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or Democrats. They are listed as prey administration

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and anti -administration. It's a purely binary

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system. Right. You were defined entirely by whether

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you supported the current executive government

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or opposed it. There wasn't even a pretense of

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a sprawling multi -issue party platform yet.

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No, it was just, are you with the president or

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against him? And as you scroll down the decades

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in this table, you watch the terminology morph

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in real time. You see the federalist label emerge.

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Right. Then Democratic, Republican. Yeah. By

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the late 1820s and 1830s, the data introduces

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the Jacksonian label. Yes. For senators like

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Charles E. Dudley and Nathaniel P. Tallmadge.

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They literally branded their political affiliation

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after a single prominent figure, Andrew Jackson.

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It feels less like a modern political party and

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more like a massive personality cult acting as

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a governing coalition. It perfectly illustrates

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the experimental nature of American political

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identity during that era. They were constantly

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recalibrating how to group themselves structurally

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to maintain power. Definitely. But here's where

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it gets really interesting, though. OK. It's

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one thing for party platforms to evolve over

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generations. It's another thing entirely for

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a sitting senator to change parties right in

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the middle of their career. Oh, the party switchers.

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Yes. The footnotes in this table expose some

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serious midstream political maneuvering. Give

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the listener an example. Take William H. Seward,

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for example. He is reelected in 1855 as a member

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of the Whig Party. Right. But a footnote casually

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mentions he became a Republican shortly thereafter.

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Just swapped. He just swapped his entire political

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identity while holding the seat. That kind of

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fluidity points to a broader trend. When a major

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political coalition like the Whigs begins to

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collapse, the politicians don't necessarily leave

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with it. Right. They simply rebrand to survive

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in the new ecosystem. Revive in advance. Exactly.

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And we shouldn't assume that kind of volatility

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was confined to the 19th century. Oh, definitely

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not. Look at James L. Buckley's run in the 1970s.

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That is a wild timeline. It is. He is elected

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in 1970 as a member of the Conservative Party.

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OK. Six years later. The text notes he changes

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parties to become a Republican. Right. And then

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he ultimately loses his reelection bid running

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under the Liberal Party banner. So conservative

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to Republican to liberal. All within a single

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decade. It's a staggering individual trajectory.

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It really is. But it reflects the deeply fractured,

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complex political machine of New York. A politician

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like Buckley was navigating shifting alliances,

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trying to find the exact right lever to pull

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to stay in office. Speaking of levers of power.

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Yeah. I want to draw your attention back to the

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1800s to a highly specific footnote regarding

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Edwin D. Morgan in 1875. Oh, the caucus vote.

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breakdown. Yes. This might be my favorite data

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point in the entire document. It is incredibly

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revealing. Walk us through it. So the source

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material cites a Rochester newspaper from January

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1875. Right. And it details the exact breakdown

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of the Republican caucus vote to nominate their

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candidate for the Senate. The tally reads Morgan

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40, Dix 13, Wheeler 2, Fenton 2, Blank 5. The

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five blank votes. Yes. That is such a cinematic

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detail. Think about what that represents in the

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context of the era. Before the 17th Amendment

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established the popular election of senators,

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these seats were chosen by state legislature.

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Right. The voters weren't directly picking these

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senators. Exactly. So this footnote captures

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the intense backroom brokering process of that

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system. 40 votes for Morgan, 13 for Dix, a handful

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for others. But those five blank votes are the

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most fascinating part of the data. Why cast a

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blank ballot in a room where everyone is openly

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tallying influence? It's pure leverage. Really?

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Oh, yeah. A blank ballot in a smoke -filled room

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is a profound political statement. Like what?

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It might represent whole mouths waiting for a

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specific patronage promise. Oh, holding out for

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a better deal. Right. It might be cowardice politicians

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unwilling to publicly alienate a powerful faction

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by committing to a name. That makes sense. Or

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it could be a deliberate stall tactic to force

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a brokered convention. What this tiny footnote

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exposes is that early senators weren't accountable

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to millions of voters. They were accountable

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to a few dozen men in a room holding blank pieces

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of paper. Exactly. Which completely explains

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the high turnover rate we talked about earlier.

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How so? If your entire job depends on keeping

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a fragile coalition of 60 local politicians happy,

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the moment that coalition fractures, you're out.

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Yeah, you lose the backing. And the data shows

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us exactly what happens when those backroom deals

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completely break down. The system stalls entirely.

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Right. You look at the columns for the early

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1800s and you start seeing this chilling phrase.

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Legislature failed to elect. Yes, it happens

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in 1813. It happens again in 1825. What's fascinating

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here is the sheer duration of the consequences.

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Right. Look at 1819. In 1819, the table shows

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a vacancy stretching from March 4th all the way

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to January 25th of 1820. That is nearly a full

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year where one of New York's two seats in the

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United States Senate was simply left empty. Just

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completely vacant because the state legislature

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couldn't cut a deal. It's mind boggling today.

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It highlights a massive Democratic deficit in

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the early republic's design. The system was incredibly

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fragile. Right. If the state level politicians

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deadlocked, if those guys with the blank ballots

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refused to cave, the state simply lost half of

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its representation in the upper chamber of the

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federal government. The mechanics of democracy

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didn't just bend, they broke. They absolutely

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broke. And political gridlock wasn't the only

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thing leaving these seats empty. No, not at all.

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As we move into the 20th century, the document

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chronicles some profound human tragedies that

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threw the entire delegation into chaos. Yeah,

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the mid -century transition. The timeline from

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1949 is almost difficult to track because of

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how fast the seat changes hands. The transition

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of power during that specific window was incredibly

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turbulent. I'm looking at the data for Robert

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F. Wagner. Okay. He serves for... over two decades,

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starting in 1927. A long, stable run. Right.

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But in June of 1949, he resigns due to ill health,

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and the table indicates he passes away shortly

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after. Creating a sudden vacancy. Suddenly, you

00:12:44.210 --> 00:12:47.509
have a massive power vacuum. To fill it, John

00:12:47.509 --> 00:12:50.789
Foster Dulles is appointed in July of 1949. Okay.

00:12:51.149 --> 00:12:53.669
But Dulles only holds the seat for a few months

00:12:53.669 --> 00:12:56.230
before facing a special election to finish the

00:12:56.230 --> 00:12:58.600
term. Which he loses. He loses that election

00:12:58.600 --> 00:13:01.059
to Herbert H. Lehman, who takes the seat in November

00:13:01.059 --> 00:13:04.980
1949. What exactly is happening to the political

00:13:04.980 --> 00:13:06.919
stability here? Well, think about it. In a span

00:13:06.919 --> 00:13:09.720
of just five months, from June to November 1949,

00:13:10.360 --> 00:13:13.860
a single, highly influential Senate seat was

00:13:13.860 --> 00:13:16.519
occupied by three completely different individuals.

00:13:16.899 --> 00:13:19.879
Wagner, then Dulles, then Lehman. Right. And

00:13:19.879 --> 00:13:22.559
consider the broader historical context of 1949.

00:13:23.470 --> 00:13:25.610
The world is navigating the immediate aftermath

00:13:25.610 --> 00:13:28.690
of World War II. The Cold War is freezing into

00:13:28.690 --> 00:13:31.190
place. Global stakes are unimaginably high. And

00:13:31.190 --> 00:13:33.409
one of the most important legislative seats in

00:13:33.409 --> 00:13:35.690
the country is playing musical chairs. Exactly.

00:13:35.750 --> 00:13:38.169
You see a similar, deeply tragic upheaval in

00:13:38.169 --> 00:13:41.990
the 1960s. The Kennedy seat. Yes. Robert F. Kennedy

00:13:41.990 --> 00:13:45.669
is elected in 1964. But his term ends abruptly

00:13:45.669 --> 00:13:50.289
on June 6, 1968, marked by the single word in

00:13:50.289 --> 00:13:52.960
the electoral history column, died. Following

00:13:52.960 --> 00:13:55.279
his assassination, the seat is marked vacant

00:13:55.279 --> 00:13:58.820
for three months, a silent gap in the data representing

00:13:58.820 --> 00:14:01.379
a national trauma. It's heavy to see it just

00:14:01.379 --> 00:14:04.860
listed as a data point. It is. In September 1968,

00:14:05.379 --> 00:14:07.419
Charles Goodell is appointed to finish Kennedy's

00:14:07.419 --> 00:14:09.879
term. Right. But Goodell eventually loses the

00:14:09.879 --> 00:14:12.460
election for a full term to James Buckley. The

00:14:12.460 --> 00:14:14.360
same Buckley, who would later run under three

00:14:14.360 --> 00:14:16.879
different party labels. The very same. Put yourself

00:14:16.879 --> 00:14:18.960
in the shoes of a New York voter during those

00:14:18.960 --> 00:14:21.330
periods. Right. For you. The learner listening

00:14:21.330 --> 00:14:23.990
to this, imagine that context. The person you

00:14:23.990 --> 00:14:27.230
elected is suddenly gone. The governor appoints

00:14:27.230 --> 00:14:29.990
a replacement you had no immediate say in. Then

00:14:29.990 --> 00:14:32.129
months later, there's a special election and

00:14:32.129 --> 00:14:34.409
someone entirely new takes the seat. It must

00:14:34.409 --> 00:14:36.830
have felt incredibly disenfranchising, even if

00:14:36.830 --> 00:14:38.889
the system was functioning exactly as designed

00:14:38.889 --> 00:14:41.490
for a crisis. It's the ultimate whiplash. It

00:14:41.490 --> 00:14:44.129
really reminds us that no matter how structured

00:14:44.129 --> 00:14:47.309
a political system appears on paper, it is always

00:14:47.309 --> 00:14:50.870
vulnerable to sudden uncontrollable human events.

00:14:51.070 --> 00:14:54.389
Yeah. A single tragedy rewrites the entire ledger,

00:14:54.490 --> 00:14:57.289
forcing millions of people to adapt to a reality

00:14:57.289 --> 00:14:59.289
they didn't vote for. But as we keep scrolling

00:14:59.289 --> 00:15:02.190
down this massive table moving past the turbulence

00:15:02.190 --> 00:15:05.929
of the 60s and 70s, the visual rhythm of the

00:15:05.929 --> 00:15:08.549
document fundamentally changes. It really smooths

00:15:08.549 --> 00:15:11.570
out. We enter the 1980s and the chaos seems to

00:15:11.570 --> 00:15:13.809
evaporate. Completely. The revolving doors slam

00:15:13.809 --> 00:15:16.470
shut and we enter an era of intense stability.

00:15:16.789 --> 00:15:19.509
The contrast with the 1700s couldn't be sharper.

00:15:19.669 --> 00:15:22.250
Right. We transition from politicians resigning

00:15:22.250 --> 00:15:24.470
after six months to run a port to individuals

00:15:24.470 --> 00:15:26.429
who treat the Senate as their ultimate career

00:15:26.429 --> 00:15:28.850
destination. Holding these seats for decades.

00:15:29.049 --> 00:15:31.269
Decades. The data for Daniel Patrick Moynihan

00:15:31.269 --> 00:15:34.710
shows him serving from 1977 all the way to 2001.

00:15:35.309 --> 00:15:38.809
24 years. Aldamato serves from 1981 to 1999.

00:15:39.529 --> 00:15:41.909
Decades of continuous service. It's a completely

00:15:41.909 --> 00:15:44.149
different era of Senate mechanics. The power

00:15:44.149 --> 00:15:46.210
has clearly shifted from the state level back

00:15:46.210 --> 00:15:48.470
to the federal level. And this modern stability

00:15:48.470 --> 00:15:51.070
brings us to the mechanical structure of the

00:15:51.070 --> 00:15:53.909
current Senate. The classes. Right. The table

00:15:53.909 --> 00:15:57.429
divides the senators into classes. Specifically...

00:15:57.580 --> 00:16:00.259
New York holds a Class 1 seat and a Class 3 seat.

00:16:00.500 --> 00:16:02.559
Let's focus on the strategic impact of that.

00:16:02.700 --> 00:16:04.559
Sure. We know the Senate is divided into three

00:16:04.559 --> 00:16:07.080
classes so that only about a third of the chamber

00:16:07.080 --> 00:16:09.120
is up for election every two years. Right, to

00:16:09.120 --> 00:16:12.100
prevent total turnover. But what does it actually

00:16:12.100 --> 00:16:15.200
mean for a state to hold Class 1 and Class 3?

00:16:15.440 --> 00:16:18.000
It dictates the entire rhythm of the state's

00:16:18.000 --> 00:16:20.299
political infrastructure. How so? Because New

00:16:20.299 --> 00:16:22.759
York holds class one and class three seats, their

00:16:22.759 --> 00:16:25.679
delegation was effectively split during the 2022

00:16:25.679 --> 00:16:29.799
and 2024 cycles. This means this single state's

00:16:29.799 --> 00:16:32.139
political machine has to gear up for massive

00:16:32.139 --> 00:16:34.720
multi -million dollar Senate campaigns almost

00:16:34.720 --> 00:16:36.919
back to back. Let's trace the current delegation

00:16:36.919 --> 00:16:40.159
data. The class three seat was recently contested

00:16:40.159 --> 00:16:43.200
in 2022. Right. That seat is held by Chuck Schumer.

00:16:43.600 --> 00:16:46.279
And according to the text, his next election

00:16:46.279 --> 00:16:49.700
is set for 2028. Chuck Schumer's data profile

00:16:49.700 --> 00:16:52.419
is really the epitome of the modern era's stability.

00:16:52.940 --> 00:16:56.600
Definitely. He was elected in 1998, serving continuously

00:16:56.600 --> 00:17:00.059
since 1999. Furthermore, the text specifically

00:17:00.059 --> 00:17:02.340
notes he has been serving as the Senate Democratic

00:17:02.340 --> 00:17:05.980
leader since 2017. He is an institutional fixture

00:17:05.980 --> 00:17:09.099
in a way that would have been unimaginable to

00:17:09.099 --> 00:17:11.440
the politicians of the 1790s. They wouldn't even

00:17:11.440 --> 00:17:13.740
comprehend it. And then there's the class one

00:17:13.740 --> 00:17:17.460
seat. recently contested in 2024, with its next

00:17:17.460 --> 00:17:20.599
election in 2030. The Gillibrand seat. Right,

00:17:20.680 --> 00:17:23.000
currently held by Kirsten Gillibrand. But the

00:17:23.000 --> 00:17:24.920
path to Gillibrand, sitting in that seat today,

00:17:25.119 --> 00:17:27.960
is its own fascinating chain of events. It is.

00:17:28.319 --> 00:17:30.500
Triggered by a very high -profile resignation

00:17:30.500 --> 00:17:33.740
that echoes the sudden changes of the past, but

00:17:33.740 --> 00:17:36.059
handles them with modern precision. The Hillary

00:17:36.059 --> 00:17:38.660
Clinton ripple effect. Yes. If you look at the

00:17:38.660 --> 00:17:40.660
bottom of the table, Hillary Clinton is elected

00:17:40.660 --> 00:17:43.619
to the Senate in 2000. Okay. She's reelected

00:17:43.619 --> 00:17:47.000
in 2006, but she doesn't finish that second term.

00:17:47.099 --> 00:17:49.519
Right. In January 2009, she resigns to become

00:17:49.519 --> 00:17:51.900
U .S. Secretary of State. This creates a sudden

00:17:51.900 --> 00:17:54.079
vacancy, much like the ones we saw in the early

00:17:54.079 --> 00:17:56.640
1800s when politicians left for diplomatic posts.

00:17:56.720 --> 00:17:58.359
Right, like Rufus King going to Great Britain.

00:17:58.660 --> 00:18:01.380
Exactly. Yeah. But notice how differently the

00:18:01.380 --> 00:18:04.420
modern system absorbs the shock. Oh, it's night

00:18:04.420 --> 00:18:07.859
and day. There is no year -long deadlock. There

00:18:07.859 --> 00:18:11.519
is a brief vacancy of just five days. From January

00:18:11.519 --> 00:18:16.180
21 to January 26, 2009. Five days. Kirsten Gillibrand

00:18:16.180 --> 00:18:18.559
is swiftly appointed to continue Clinton's term.

00:18:19.079 --> 00:18:21.380
Gillibrand then wins a special election in 2010

00:18:21.380 --> 00:18:23.799
to finish out that term. And the data shows her

00:18:23.799 --> 00:18:25.759
winning reelection ever since, holding the seat

00:18:25.759 --> 00:18:28.299
to this day. One high -level executive appointment

00:18:28.299 --> 00:18:31.460
ripples out, creates a five -day gap, and ultimately

00:18:31.460 --> 00:18:33.640
installs a new senator who ends up holding the

00:18:33.640 --> 00:18:36.119
position for over a decade. It is the butterfly

00:18:36.119 --> 00:18:38.779
effect, perfectly captured in the columns of

00:18:38.779 --> 00:18:41.279
a Wikipedia table. It's incredible. So what does

00:18:41.279 --> 00:18:43.220
this all mean? That's the big question. When

00:18:43.220 --> 00:18:45.180
we zoom out from all these dates, the shifting

00:18:45.180 --> 00:18:47.799
party labels, the backroom caucuses and the modern

00:18:47.799 --> 00:18:50.250
campaigns. What is the big takeaway for you,

00:18:50.289 --> 00:18:52.410
our listener? If we synthesize everything we've

00:18:52.410 --> 00:18:54.670
analyzed today, it is clear that the single document

00:18:54.670 --> 00:18:57.990
tracing names from Philip Schuyler in 1789 down

00:18:57.990 --> 00:19:00.690
to Chuck Schumer today acts as a perfect mirror

00:19:00.690 --> 00:19:03.569
for the nation's broader structural shifts. We

00:19:03.569 --> 00:19:07.190
began by looking at a decentralized, weak federal

00:19:07.190 --> 00:19:10.109
system where the Senate was a temporary gig for

00:19:10.109 --> 00:19:12.609
men who would rather govern a state or manage

00:19:12.609 --> 00:19:16.160
a local port. We watched the chaotic, experimental

00:19:16.160 --> 00:19:19.619
birth of new political identities. We saw the

00:19:19.619 --> 00:19:22.259
absolute vulnerabilities of a system prone to

00:19:22.259 --> 00:19:25.660
legislative deadlocks and tragic, sudden changes.

00:19:25.900 --> 00:19:28.299
And we observed how pre -popular election mechanics

00:19:28.299 --> 00:19:31.240
meant a few men with blank ballots could stall

00:19:31.240 --> 00:19:34.079
the democratic process entirely. Exactly. And

00:19:34.079 --> 00:19:36.519
finally, we saw the evolution into the highly

00:19:36.519 --> 00:19:39.220
structured, long -tenured powerhouse delegation

00:19:39.220 --> 00:19:42.359
that defines the modern era. The history of the

00:19:42.359 --> 00:19:45.440
country's Centralization of power is quite literally

00:19:45.440 --> 00:19:47.859
written in the turnover rates of these two seats.

00:19:48.039 --> 00:19:51.119
It's amazing how much profound human drama and

00:19:51.119 --> 00:19:54.000
systemic evolution is hidden in plain sight inside

00:19:54.000 --> 00:19:56.779
a data table. It truly is. But before we go,

00:19:56.859 --> 00:19:59.200
this analysis raises an important question. Something

00:19:59.200 --> 00:20:00.960
we haven't touched on yet, but that the text

00:20:00.960 --> 00:20:03.359
directly provokes. Let's hear it. We spent a

00:20:03.359 --> 00:20:05.839
lot of time analyzing those early 19th century

00:20:05.839 --> 00:20:08.420
entries where the data simply says legislature

00:20:08.420 --> 00:20:11.960
failed to elect, leaving major Senate seats entirely

00:20:11.960 --> 00:20:15.440
vacant for months, sometimes nearly a year due

00:20:15.440 --> 00:20:18.000
to procedural gridlock. Right. Those massive

00:20:18.000 --> 00:20:20.839
gaps in representation that disenfranchise the

00:20:20.839 --> 00:20:23.299
entire state. Precisely. So we leave you with

00:20:23.299 --> 00:20:27.829
this to ponder. In today's era of intense, hyper

00:20:27.829 --> 00:20:30.710
-polarized political gridlock, could we ever

00:20:30.710 --> 00:20:34.049
see a return to those early days? Wow. The modern

00:20:34.049 --> 00:20:37.109
system feels stable now, but if certain procedural

00:20:37.109 --> 00:20:39.769
fail -safes were to break down, say a governor

00:20:39.769 --> 00:20:42.170
and a state legislature completely deadlocking

00:20:42.170 --> 00:20:44.210
over appointment rules during a contested cycle,

00:20:44.430 --> 00:20:47.269
could we once again see a scenario where a state's

00:20:47.269 --> 00:20:49.809
major Senate seat sits completely empty for an

00:20:49.809 --> 00:20:52.609
extended period, just as it did in 1819? That

00:20:52.609 --> 00:20:54.549
is a chilling thought to end on, but a fascinating

00:20:54.549 --> 00:20:56.740
one to explore. Definitely something to think

00:20:56.740 --> 00:20:58.599
about. Thank you so much for joining us on this

00:20:58.599 --> 00:21:00.460
journey through the ledger of history. We love

00:21:00.460 --> 00:21:02.359
doing this for you, the learner. Please keep

00:21:02.359 --> 00:21:04.660
bringing us these incredible forces and we will

00:21:04.660 --> 00:21:06.539
see you on the next deep dive. Thank you for

00:21:06.539 --> 00:21:07.720
listening. Keep exploring.
