WEBVTT

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Welcome to the deep dive. We are we're really

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thrilled to have you with us today. Absolutely.

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Glad to be here and dig into this. Yeah. So usually

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when you think of political thrillers, you know,

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your mind probably goes straight to intense backdoor

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meetings, dramatic betrayals, massive sweeping

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shifts in power. You probably don't think of

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a Wikipedia table, right? A spreadsheet isn't

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exactly a blockbuster movie. Exactly. But our

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mission for this deep dive is to take what looks

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like a completely dry chronological list of United

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States senators from the state of Maine. Just

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rows of names, dates and party affiliations and

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extract the incredible narrative hiding right

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beneath the surface. Which is such a great premise.

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We are going to show you how a simple ledger

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of elected officials can actually reveal fascinating

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stories of raw political ambition. Drastically

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evolving power structures and some truly bizarre

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historical courts. It's entirely too easy to

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look at a data set of politicians and see nothing

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but trivia, just factoids. But if you take a

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step back, a list like this actually serves as

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a mirror. A mirror, yeah. It reflects the broader

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changes in American history over the last two

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centuries. It shows us how the very nature of

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political power has fundamentally shifted from

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the early days of the republic right up to the

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modern era. So to set the stage for you, we have

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to establish our starting line. Maine officially

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became a state on March 15th, 1820. Over 200

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years ago. Right. Over 200 years of political

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history to cover. But to really appreciate how

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far the state's political identity has evolved

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since the 1820s, we actually need to start by

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looking at right now. OK, let's unpack this.

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If you look at the present day political landscape

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of Maine, as of our 2026 data, you see something

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that is incredibly rare in modern American politics.

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Very rare. Maine has a split U .S. Senate delegation.

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That is right. You have Susan Collins, a Republican

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who was first elected in 1996, serving alongside

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Angus King, an Independent who was first elected

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in 2012. And Maine is currently one of only four

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states in the entire country to have a split

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delegation. Just four. Just four out of 50? That

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alone tells you so much about the voting base

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in Maine. It points to a highly independent streak,

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a political culture where voters are clearly

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evaluating the individual person rather than

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just checking a single party box down the entire

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ballot. Yeah, they're willing to split their

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tickets. Right. But there is another amazing

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piece of modern political trivia hiding in this

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current delegation. Maine is in a relatively

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small club of states where the senior senator,

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in this case, Susan Collins is actually physically

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younger than the junior senator, Angus King.

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Which always strips people up. It totally does.

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I actually have the list here. Maine is one of

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14 states where this happens. The others are

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California, Colorado, Georgia, Hawaii, Idaho.

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It's a surprisingly geographically diverse list.

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Yeah, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri,

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Nevada, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Utah.

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What's fascinating here is that these modern

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quirks set Maine apart. But they also serve as

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a perfect lesson in how the actual mechanics

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of the Senate operate. These facts demonstrate

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how seniority and age don't always align. And

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it all comes down to the Senate's class one and

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class two electoral cycles. Right. Because people

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hear class one, class two and assume it's some

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sort of hierarchy or ranking system. Like class

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one is the boss. Exactly. And it isn't at all.

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A senator's class has absolutely nothing to do

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with their importance or their power. It purely

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dictates which specific election cycle their

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seat falls into. The founders designed the Senate

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so that only about a third of the chamber is

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up for reelection every two years. Providing

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a buffer against sudden sweeping populist movements.

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So in Maine, Susan Collins holds a class two

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seat and Angus King hold a class one seat. I

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see. Because Collins won her election back in

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1996 and King didn't arrive in the Senate until

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2012, she holds the institutional seniority.

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Completely, regardless of the fact that King

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was born earlier. The Senate calendar only cares

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about when you took the oath of office, not your

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beef year. That modern stability we see with

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Collins and King is fascinating, especially because

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if you rewind to Maine's early days, stability

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is the absolute last word you would use to describe

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its politicians. Oh, without a doubt. It was

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the Wild West. Let's look at the 1820s and 1830s.

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First of all, the party affiliations listed for

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these early senators sound like they belong in

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a completely different country. You see names

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attached to the Democratic Republican Party,

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the Jacksonian Party, the National Republican

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Party and the Whig Party. It really highlights

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how fluid the American political system was in

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those early decades. The rigid two party system,

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as you and I know it today, simply had not solidified

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yet. I have to imagine it was incredibly chaotic

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for the voters to keep track of. Oh, absolutely.

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Yeah. You see parties like. the Whigs, who were

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essentially formed as a coalition just to oppose

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Andrew Jackson's expansion of presidential power,

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or the Jacksonians themselves. It was an era

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defined largely by personality politics and regional

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factions rather than the strict comprehensive

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party platforms we expect today. Just constant

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shifting. Constant. It was a time of intense,

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constant political realignment. And it wasn't

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just the party names that were fluid. It was

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the actual jobs the politicians are willing to

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do. I was going through the historical timeline,

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and there is a pattern in the 1820s and 30s that

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absolutely blew my mind. The resignations. Yes.

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These early senators just kept quitting. They

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would get elected to Washington and then walk

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away. Look at Albion Paris. He is elected to

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the U .S. Senate in 1827. By August of 1828,

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barely a year later, he resigns. This packs up

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and leaves. And his reason. He left to become

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a judge on the Maine Supreme Judicial Court.

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And he wasn't a one -off. A few years later,

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Ether Shepley gets elected to the Senate in 1833.

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By 1836, he also resigns. His reason is exactly

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the same, to become a justice of the Maine Supreme

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Judicial Court. If we connect this to the bigger

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picture, it completely flips our modern understanding

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of political ambition upside down. How so? Well,

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today, serving in the United States Senate is

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widely considered the absolute pinnacle of a

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political career. People spend tens of millions

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of dollars and decades of their lives just trying

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to secure a single term. But in the 1820s and

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30s, the federal government was drastically smaller.

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So they were just quitting because Washington

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didn't matter as much? Not necessarily that it

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didn't matter, but you have to consider the immediate

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impact of the roles. Prior to the Civil War,

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the federal government had significantly less

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direct influence on the daily lives of citizens.

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A seat on a state Supreme Court was viewed as

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an equally, if not more, desirable and powerful

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position than a seat in the U .S. Senate. That

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makes sense. The local power. Exactly. The real,

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tangible power to shape laws, commerce, and daily

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life resided much closer to home at the state

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level. Giving up a Senate seat for a state judgeship

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wasn't a demotion. In many ways, it was a major

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promotion in terms of actual localized influence.

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That is just incredible to think about, given

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how Washington -centric our political media is

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today. But if we are talking about ambition and

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navigating this chaotic early system, there is

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one name in Maine's history that completely steals

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the show. We have to talk about Hannibal Hamlin.

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Oh, yes. Hamlin is a fascinating figure. I was

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looking at his timeline and it looks less like

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a political career and more like a chaotic game

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of musical chairs. His resume is truly something

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to behold. It reflects a relentless level of

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ambition. Here's where it gets really interesting,

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because you almost have to hear his career path

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sequentially to believe it. Hamlin starts out

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his Senate career as a Democrat, getting elected

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in 1848. He serves for a while, but then in 1856,

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he completely changes parties and becomes a Republican.

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A huge shift. Right. So that is already a massive

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move. Then in early 1857, he resigns from the

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U .S. Senate entirely to become the governor

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of Maine. But he doesn't stay in the governor's

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mansion. Just weeks later, in March of 1857,

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he comes right back to the U .S. Senate as a

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Republican. What exactly was happening there?

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To understand Hamlin's maneuvering, you have

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to look at the massive tidal waves sweeping the

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country in 1856. His party switch from Democrat

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to Republican perfectly illustrates the intense

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political realignment happening right before

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the Civil War. It was a chaotic time. Very. The

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Republican Party had just been formed primarily

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as a powerful anti -slavery coalition and was

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rapidly drawing in politicians from various other

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fractured parties in the North. Hamlin's switch

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was a major, highly visible indicator of where

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the political winds were blowing regarding the

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expansion of slavery. So he was riding this massive

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ideological wave and it essentially let him play

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hopscotch with the highest offices in the state.

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Precisely. And regarding that rapid -fire career

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path in 1857, I invite you to just imagine a

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politician trying to pull that off today. Imagine

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a modern senator switching parties, resigning

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to be governor, and then instantly jumping back

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to the Senate just weeks later. The modern news

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cycle would implode. It would be wall -to -wall

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coverage of just sheer confusion. And he still

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wasn't done. After jumping back into the Senate

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in 1857, he stays until 1861. at which point

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he resigns again. This time, it is to become

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the vice president of the United States under

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Abraham Lincoln. An incredible promotion. And

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after serving as vice president, he eventually

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returns to the U .S. Senate yet again, serving

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from 1869 all the way to 1881. The sheer stamina

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required to manage that kind of career is staggering.

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It really is. It highlights a time when political

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institutions were perhaps a bit more malleable,

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but also a figure who knew exactly how to navigate

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the absolute peak of American political turmoil.

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Hamlin wasn't the only Mainer being headhunted

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for the executive branch either. As we move through

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the 19th and into the 20th century, the historical

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record shows a distinct pattern of upward mobility.

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You have Lott M. Morrill resigning from his Senate

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seat to become the U .S. Secretary of the Treasury.

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A huge role. James G. Blaine resigned to become

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the U .S. Secretary of State. And jumping forward

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quite a bit to 1980, Edmund Muskie also resigned

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to become the U .S. Secretary of State. It shows

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that Maine, despite its relatively small population

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and geographic isolation up in the corner of

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New England, was consistently producing politicians

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who were viewed as national heavyweights. These

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were individuals trusted by presidents to run

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major, complex federal departments. So what does

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this all mean? We see these high profile cabinet

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appointments, this incredible upward mobility

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and national influence. But the historical data

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also reveals a much darker, much more fragile

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side to serving in this era. It does. The contrast

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is actually quite stark. While you have these

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individuals ascending to the highest levels of

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the executive branch, the raw timeline also shows

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a sobering number of senators who simply died

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in office. Yeah, quite a few. It was a very harsh

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reality of the era. If you read through the historical

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ledger, you see John Fairfield, William P. Fry,

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Edwin C. Burley, and Bert M. Fernald. All four

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of these men passed away while actively serving

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the state of Maine in the Senate. It is a heavy

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reminder that these weren't just names on a page.

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They were real people dealing with the realities

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of life, health. And medicine at the time. Exactly.

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The sheer physical toll of the job was vastly

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different back then. You have to factor in the

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grueling travel conditions between Maine and

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Washington, D .C., before commercial flights,

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the stress of the era, and the limitations of

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19th and early 20th century medicine. Serving

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in Washington was a genuine physical burden.

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But we should definitely highlight one of those

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names you just mentioned, William P. Fry. Even

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though he died in office, if you look at the

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historical record, William P. Fry actually holds

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the title as Maine's longest serving U .S. senator.

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30 years. 30 years. He served for three solid

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decades from 1881 right up until his death in

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1911. Three decades in the chamber. That kind

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of tenure is remarkable, especially given the

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physical toll we just discussed. And Fry's 30

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-year run actually serves as a perfect narrative

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bridge for us. How so? Because as we move into

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the 20th century, we see a massive fundamental

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shift in how politicians treat the job. The constant

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resignations, the party switching, the short

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localized stints we saw in the 1800s with people

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like Paris and all the quitting. Right. All the

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quitting. It begins to completely give way to

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an era of immense stability and long term service.

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You can really see it clearly as you look at

00:12:19.740 --> 00:12:22.320
the modern era in Maine politics. It becomes

00:12:22.320 --> 00:12:24.460
dominated by these absolute heavyweights who

00:12:24.460 --> 00:12:26.460
treat the Senate not as a stepping stone, but

00:12:26.460 --> 00:12:28.940
as a lifelong career. You have Frederick Hale,

00:12:29.039 --> 00:12:32.580
who served from 1917 to 1941. Then there is.

00:12:32.620 --> 00:12:35.399
Margaret Chase Smith, a truly legendary figure

00:12:35.399 --> 00:12:39.419
who served from 1949 to 1973. Incredible tenures.

00:12:39.519 --> 00:12:42.659
William Cohen held his seat from 1979 to 1997.

00:12:43.419 --> 00:12:47.399
Olympia Snow served from 1995 to 2013. And of

00:12:47.399 --> 00:12:49.139
course, Susan Collins, who has been in office

00:12:49.139 --> 00:12:51.879
since 1997. This raises an important question,

00:12:51.940 --> 00:12:53.720
and it is something I encourage you, the listener,

00:12:53.820 --> 00:12:56.480
to think about regarding modern politics. How

00:12:56.480 --> 00:12:59.460
do these decades -long tenures impact a state's

00:12:59.460 --> 00:13:02.190
influence on the national stage? especially compared

00:13:02.190 --> 00:13:04.629
to the revolving door we saw in the 1800s. It

00:13:04.629 --> 00:13:06.629
has to completely change the math for a smaller

00:13:06.629 --> 00:13:09.090
state, right? Right. Absolutely. In the U .S.

00:13:09.110 --> 00:13:12.450
Senate, power is heavily, almost exclusively,

00:13:12.570 --> 00:13:15.649
tied to seniority. Committee chairmanships, elite

00:13:15.649 --> 00:13:18.210
leadership roles, the ability to steer massive

00:13:18.210 --> 00:13:20.669
amounts of federal funding back home, these things

00:13:20.669 --> 00:13:22.950
usually go to the people. who've been walking

00:13:22.950 --> 00:13:24.889
the halls the longest. So stability literally

00:13:24.889 --> 00:13:28.250
pays off. Exactly. By shifting from politicians

00:13:28.250 --> 00:13:31.009
who constantly quit for state jobs to politicians

00:13:31.009 --> 00:13:33.350
who stayed for 20 or 30 uninterrupted years,

00:13:33.629 --> 00:13:36.370
a relatively small state like Maine was able

00:13:36.370 --> 00:13:38.590
to exponentially increase its footprint and its

00:13:38.590 --> 00:13:41.350
influence in Washington, D .C. They accumulated

00:13:41.350 --> 00:13:44.549
immense institutional power simply by staying

00:13:44.549 --> 00:13:47.159
put. It really is the ultimate long game. And

00:13:47.159 --> 00:13:49.639
before we move off this modern era of stability,

00:13:50.000 --> 00:13:52.440
there is one last great piece of trivia that

00:13:52.440 --> 00:13:54.519
shows how this long game plays out in real time.

00:13:54.679 --> 00:13:56.960
It is about a sort of domino effect of appointments.

00:13:57.200 --> 00:13:59.379
Oh, this is a great one. Remember how we mentioned

00:13:59.379 --> 00:14:02.179
Edmund Muskie resigning in 1980 to become secretary

00:14:02.179 --> 00:14:05.169
of state? Well, when he left, the governor had

00:14:05.169 --> 00:14:07.470
to appoint someone to fill his seat temporarily.

00:14:08.110 --> 00:14:10.769
George J. Mitchell was appointed to finish Muskie's

00:14:10.769 --> 00:14:13.330
term. And Mitchell didn't just keep the seat

00:14:13.330 --> 00:14:16.149
warm. He used that initial appointment as a springboard.

00:14:16.250 --> 00:14:18.850
A massive springboard. Right. He got elected

00:14:18.850 --> 00:14:21.230
to full terms in his own right and ended up serving

00:14:21.230 --> 00:14:24.110
until 1995, eventually becoming the Senate majority

00:14:24.110 --> 00:14:27.429
leader. One resignation essentially birthed another

00:14:27.429 --> 00:14:31.019
15 -year powerhouse career. It is a perfect example

00:14:31.019 --> 00:14:34.139
of how an unexpected vacancy can alter the trajectory

00:14:34.139 --> 00:14:37.019
of a state's political history for decades. And

00:14:37.019 --> 00:14:39.159
that brings us to the end of our timeline today.

00:14:39.360 --> 00:14:42.019
We have covered so much ground just by looking

00:14:42.019 --> 00:14:44.960
closely at one comprehensive list of names and

00:14:44.960 --> 00:14:47.519
dates. We tracked a journey that started with

00:14:47.519 --> 00:14:49.559
the party switching Jacksonians and judicial

00:14:49.559 --> 00:14:52.860
appointees of the 1820s, navigated the chaotic,

00:14:52.960 --> 00:14:55.519
relentless ambition of the Civil War era with

00:14:55.519 --> 00:15:01.620
Hannibal incredibly long -sleeving senators of

00:15:01.620 --> 00:15:03.820
the modern era. It's quite a ride. It really

00:15:03.820 --> 00:15:06.240
proves the point we made at the start. What looks

00:15:06.240 --> 00:15:08.480
like a dry data set actually holds the entire

00:15:08.480 --> 00:15:10.799
narrative arc of American political evolution.

00:15:11.139 --> 00:15:13.360
It absolutely does. The history is all there

00:15:13.360 --> 00:15:15.240
if you know how to read between the lines. Yeah.

00:15:15.320 --> 00:15:17.320
But before we wrap up, I want to leave you with

00:15:17.320 --> 00:15:20.320
a final lingering thought. There's one hidden

00:15:20.320 --> 00:15:22.679
detail in this timeline that we haven't discussed

00:15:22.679 --> 00:15:25.940
yet, and it is arguably the most bizarre entry

00:15:25.940 --> 00:15:28.799
on the entire page. What did we miss? If you

00:15:28.799 --> 00:15:31.240
look closely at Maine's Class II Senate seat

00:15:31.240 --> 00:15:33.480
right in the middle of the 19th century, there

00:15:33.480 --> 00:15:37.440
is a glaring gap. From March 4, 1853, all the

00:15:37.440 --> 00:15:40.539
way to February 10, 1854, the seat sat completely

00:15:40.539 --> 00:15:42.899
empty. It was vacant for almost a full year.

00:15:43.100 --> 00:15:45.740
An entire year in the middle of the 1850s. What

00:15:45.740 --> 00:15:48.039
caused that? The official reason listed in the

00:15:48.039 --> 00:15:50.539
historical record is remarkably brief. It simply

00:15:50.539 --> 00:15:53.299
says, legislature failed to elect. To understand

00:15:53.299 --> 00:15:56.120
this, you have to remember that before the 17th

00:15:56.120 --> 00:15:59.269
Amendment was ratified in 1913, Everyday citizens

00:15:59.269 --> 00:16:02.610
did not vote for their U .S. senators. Your local

00:16:02.610 --> 00:16:04.710
state representatives held the power to choose

00:16:04.710 --> 00:16:08.210
them. So in 1853, the Maine state legislature

00:16:08.210 --> 00:16:11.350
was so bitterly divided by internal factions,

00:16:11.649 --> 00:16:14.129
arguments over slavery, prohibition, and regional

00:16:14.129 --> 00:16:16.590
power, that they literally could not agree on

00:16:16.590 --> 00:16:18.950
a single candidate for an entire year. They were

00:16:18.950 --> 00:16:21.309
so stubborn, they just left the seat empty. Exactly.

00:16:21.309 --> 00:16:24.090
I want you to mull this over. We complain endlessly

00:16:24.090 --> 00:16:26.690
today about modern political gridlock in Washington.

00:16:27.159 --> 00:16:29.759
But imagine the sheer behind -the -scenes dysfunction,

00:16:30.100 --> 00:16:32.960
the intense, unyielding stubbornness it must

00:16:32.960 --> 00:16:35.299
have taken for a state legislature to simply

00:16:35.299 --> 00:16:37.720
fail to elect a representative. It's almost unimaginable

00:16:37.720 --> 00:16:40.100
today. At a pure partisan spite in gridlock,

00:16:40.259 --> 00:16:42.559
they willingly left their own state with only

00:16:42.559 --> 00:16:44.899
half a voice in the United States Senate for

00:16:44.899 --> 00:16:48.059
nearly an entire year. It makes you wonder, are

00:16:48.059 --> 00:16:50.580
we really any worse off today? Or is intense

00:16:50.580 --> 00:16:52.919
political gridlock just a feature of the system

00:16:52.919 --> 00:16:55.620
that has been there all along? Imagine how a

00:16:55.620 --> 00:16:58.779
year -long vacancy due to pure legislative stubbornness

00:16:58.779 --> 00:17:01.320
would be received by the public today. Half a

00:17:01.320 --> 00:17:03.500
voice for a whole year. That is an incredible

00:17:03.500 --> 00:17:05.900
image and a fascinating bit of perspective to

00:17:05.900 --> 00:17:08.180
end on. Thank you so much for joining us on this

00:17:08.180 --> 00:17:10.359
deep dive. We hope you've enjoyed unpacking the

00:17:10.359 --> 00:17:12.339
hidden histories of the U .S. Senate with us,

00:17:12.339 --> 00:17:13.720
and we will catch you next time.
