WEBVTT

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You know there is a very specific kind of joy

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in taking something that looks completely mundane

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on the surface and realizing it's actually hiding

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an absolute soap opera. Oh absolutely. It's the

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best feeling. Right. And since you are joining

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us for this deep dive today I just know you're

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exactly the kind of lifelong learner who you

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know lives for those moments. You're always looking

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for the hidden stories behind the dry facts.

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You want to know how the gears of history actually

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turn not just the dates. Exactly. Well, today

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we have a mission. We are looking at a historical

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roster. Specifically, we're looking at the chronological

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list of United States senators from Alabama.

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A very detailed list, I might add. Yeah, it stretches

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from the state's admission to the union. That

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was December 1819 all the way up to the present

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day in 2026. And on the surface, I mean, it is

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literally just a sequence of names, dates and

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party affiliations. It looks like a spreadsheet.

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But if you look closely, if you really dig into

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it, you will see a perfect blueprint of American

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historical eras. A blueprint full of drama. So

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much drama. We are going to uncover surprising

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political maneuvering, dramatic vacancies, spouses,

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appointing spouses and shifting party dynamics

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across two entire centuries. It's a lot of ground

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to cover. It is. OK, let's unpack this. Starting

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with the basic architecture of the Senate itself.

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Before we even get to the people, we have to

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understand the seats they're actually sitting

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in. Right. The mechanics of it. Yeah, because

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Alabama elects senators to what the text calls

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class. class two and class three seats. What

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exactly does that mean for the state's electoral

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cycle? Well, it's actually a brilliant bit of

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constitutional engineering. It's designed to

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prevent total turnover. The United States Senate

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has 100 seats in total. And those seats are divided

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into three overarching classes. The goal is to

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stagger the elections so that only about one

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third of the entire Senate is up for reelection

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in any given cycle. Oh, I see. Yeah. And because

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a single state only has two senators, those senators

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will always belong to two different classes.

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That ensures both of the state's seats are typically

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never up for election at the exact same time.

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For Alabama, those seats fall into class two

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and class three. So rather than a scenario where

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the entire government gets fired on the same

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day, which, let's be honest, could cause absolute

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chaos. Total chaos. It operates a lot more like

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a corporate board of directors, staggered terms.

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And the historical timeline shows that the class

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two seat has its next election coming up in 2026,

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while the class three seat will be contested

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next in 2028. It creates this built in sense

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of continuity. It creates institutional stability

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on paper. On paper. Exactly. Because the reality

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of the early 1800s was. anything but stable.

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When you trace the actual individuals holding

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these early feats you realize how little continuity

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there truly was. The early era of the Senate

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functioned much more like a game of musical chairs

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than a permanent destination. I noticed that

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immediately when looking at the early 19th century

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timelines. We tend to think of the Senate today

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as the ultimate peak of a political career. You

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know, people spend their whole lives trying to

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get there and decades trying to stay there. Oh,

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yeah. Today it's the pinnacle. But someone like

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John McKinley has a trajectory that completely

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shatters that modern assumption. He wins the

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class two seat in 1826, serves for a few years,

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but loses his reelection bid in 1831. Right.

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Then somehow he just pops back up in 1837. Does

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he just run a massive comeback campaign? He does

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reclaim a spot, but this time he captures the

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class three seat. He manages to maneuver his

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way back into the federal legislature. But his

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return is incredibly short -lived. He barely

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unpacks his bags in Washington before he resigns

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that very same year. That same year. What could

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possibly pull a senator away from an... newly

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won seats so quickly. A lifetime appointment

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to the United States Supreme Court. Oh, wow.

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Yeah, he was nominated to be a justice and he

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took it without hesitation. What's fascinating

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here is how the Senate, during this formative

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era of the country, was frequently used as a

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stepping stone. A stepping stone. Yeah, it was

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a holding pen for ambition rather than the final

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peak of a political career. McKinley pivots to

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the Supreme Court, and he was far from the only

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one using the Senate as a launchpad for other

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federal roles. That makes me think of Arthur

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P. Bagby. Oh, perfect example. Looking at his

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timeline, he gets elected in 1841. He is successfully

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reelected in 1842. And then midway through 1848,

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his tenure just abruptly ends. There isn't an

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election loss listed. He simply resigns. Just

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packs up. Yeah. Where did he go? He resigned

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to become the U .S. minister to Russia. He gave

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up a sitting U .S. Senate seat to be an ambassador?

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He did. It tells us an enormous amount about

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the shifting prestige of federal roles at the

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time. Being a diplomatic envoy to the Russian

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Empire, representing the young United States

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on the global stage of European monarchies, was

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seen by Bagby as a much more compelling or perhaps

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much more prestigious post than remaining in

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the Senate chamber. That is wild to think about

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today. The early decades are really defined by

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this constant turn of resignations, temporary

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appointments, and short interrupted terms as

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politicians jockeyed for better positions within

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the expanding federal government. That atmosphere

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of constant political maneuvering is fascinating.

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But it all comes to a very sudden, very dark

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halt. Yes, it does. Scrolling through the chronological

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progression of the 19th century, you inevitably

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hit a massive glaring gap in the data. There

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is a seven -year void where the state has zero

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representation. From March 1861 all the way to

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July 1868, both of Alabama's Senate seats are

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completely empty. That void represents one of

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the most solemn and consequential periods in

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American history. On January 21, 1861, Senators

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Clement Claiborne Clay and Benjamin Fitzpatrick

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stood before the Senate and formally announced

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their withdrawal from the body. I just walked

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out. They walked out. Alabama had made the decision

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to secede from the union, precipitating the American

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Civil War. How does the federal government even

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handle the paperwork for something like that?

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When a state declares it is no longer part of

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the country, do the senators just leave or is

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there a formal firing process? The institutional

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handling of that fracture was actually quite

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methodical. And it differed slightly for both

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men, depending on the timing of their terms.

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Oh, really? Yeah. Benjamin Fitzpatrick's term

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was already naturally scheduled to end on March

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4, 1861. The Senate simply allowed the clock

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to run out, and his seat became officially vacant

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upon expiration. Just a technicality for him,

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then. Right. Clement Claiborne Clay, however,

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was right in the middle of his term. For him,

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the Senate had to officially step in, passing

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a resolution on March 14, 1861, declaring his

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seat officially vacant. That is so procedural

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for such a dramatic moment. If we connect this

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to the bigger picture, that seven -year block

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of empty space perfectly encapsulates the literal

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fracturing of the country. You can almost visualize

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those two empty desks sitting in the Senate chamber

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year after year. Gathering dust through the entirety

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of the Civil War. It is a profound physical reminder

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of a divided nation hiding inside a timeline

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of dates and terms. It is history visualized

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through the strict mechanisms of bureaucracy.

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Those seats remain unoccupied through the unimaginable

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violence of the war and well into the tumultuous

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beginnings of Reconstruction. They aren't filled

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again until July 13th, 1868. When the state is

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readmitted to representation and when those seats

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are finally filled again, the political makeup

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is entirely transformed. The men who take the

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oaths in 1868 are Willard Warner and Georgie

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Spencer, and the demographic shift here is staggering.

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It's a completely new reality. Before the 1861

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walkout, the seats were held entirely by Democrats

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and politicians belonging to the Jacksonian faction.

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The Jacksonian movement, named for Andrew Jackson,

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was a populist precursor. to the modern Democratic

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Party. It dominated Southern politics in the

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antebellum period, fiercely advocating for state

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sovereignty and the interests of the agrarian

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South. For decades, that was the exclusive political

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voice emerging from those Senate seats. But when

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Warner and Spencer arrive in 1868... they are

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both Republicans. It is a complete inversion

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of the political map. A total flip. And it is

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really worth noting for you, the listener, as

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we track these massive shifts in party representation

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from the antebellum Jacksonians to the post -war

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Republicans and later realignments, we are simply

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observing the factual chronological data points

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that define the eras. We aren't taking any political

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sides or endorsing any platforms here. Absolutely.

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We are strictly maintaining a neutral look at

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the historical timeline, which just objectively

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shows a stark immediate transition in party representation

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the moment the seats are reoccupied following

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the war. The entire political foundation of the

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region had been upended. Warner and Spencer stepping

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into those long vacant seats effectively reopened

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the state's presence in the federal legislative

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branch under a completely new paradigm. So we

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move from the chaotic stepping stone era of the

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early 1800s into the devastating institutional

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rupture of the Civil War. But the history continues

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to evolve. As we push into the 20th century,

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the types of conflicts begin to change. They

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get much more internal. Yes. The tension shifts

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from literal civil war to fierce internal bureaucratic

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rebellion. Here's where it gets really interesting.

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Let's look at the vacancy drama of 1913. The

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events of 1913 are arguably among the most bizarre

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procedural anomalies you will find in American

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legislative history. It centers around a sudden

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vacancy. Senator Joseph F. Johnston dies in office

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in August of that year, leaving an empty seat

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that urgently needs to be filled. And the standard

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procedure in many states is for the governor

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to appoint someone to temporarily fill the seat

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until an election can be held, right? That's

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the standard playbook. The timeline shows a man

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named Henry Delamar Clayton Jr. is initially

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appointed to continue the term, but he never

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actually serves. His appointment is challenged

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and eventually withdrawn entirely, so they have

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to try again. The first attempt falters under

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legal and political scrutiny, so the state pivots.

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They put forward a second name, Franklin Potts

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Glass Sr. He is formally appointed to continue

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the term. But Glass doesn't take the seat either,

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and it isn't because he withdrew his own name.

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The historical record plainly states that the

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United States Senate simply refused to seat him.

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Just think about the sheer audacity of that moment.

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The state executive puts forward a chosen, appointed

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representative to speak on behalf of their citizens

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in the federal government. And the federal body

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itself locks the doors. Literally. They look

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at his credentials and flat out reject him. Imagine

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showing up for the first day of the most prestigious

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job of your life, a job you were officially appointed

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to by your state's highest executive. And the

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building security essentially says, we don't

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recognize your authority to be here. go home.

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It's a stunning rebuke. That is wild. It leaves

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the seat vacant for nearly another full year.

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It isn't until May 1914 that Francis S. White

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is finally elected by the people to finish the

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term. The refusal to seek glass highlights a

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tremendous friction between state and federal

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authority. And that kind of internal institutional

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drama wasn't just limited to the appointments

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process. We also see fierce intra -party battles

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beginning to play out in the regular election

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cycles. Take J. Thomas Heflin in the 1930s. Heflin

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is a perfect example of how fractured political

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alliances were becoming. He had been a fixture

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in the Senate, serving since 1920 and easily

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winning reelection in 1924. But then the political

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winds shift against him. In 1930, he completely

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loses his party's renomination. He's ousted by

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his own people. Most politicians would read the

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writing on the wall, give a concession speech

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and retire quietly. What does Heflin do? Heflin

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rebels. He refuses to accept the party's rejection.

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He stubbornly launches a campaign to keep his

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seat anyway, running as a completely independent

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candidate against his own former party. He goes

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completely rogue. Does the gamble pay off? It

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does not. He ultimately loses the general election.

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But his willingness to break ranks and fight

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his own establishment underscores how fiercely

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competitive and volatile internal party dynamics

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had become during the Great Depression era. That

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volatility in the 1930s brings us to another

00:12:19.730 --> 00:12:23.129
incredible story from that decade. In 1937, we

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see an echo of our old friend John McKinley from

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the 1800s. Senator Hugo Black resigns his seat

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in August of that year. And just like McKinley,

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he is leaving for a lifetime appointment as a

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justice of the U .S. Supreme Court. It is a massive

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elevation for Black, but it immediately creates

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another sudden vacancy back home. The power to

00:12:43.940 --> 00:12:45.860
appoint a temporary successor once again falls

00:12:45.860 --> 00:12:47.960
to the governor of Alabama. And this is where

00:12:47.960 --> 00:12:50.759
the story takes a uniquely personal twist. Who

00:12:50.759 --> 00:12:52.639
does the governor choose to elevate to one of

00:12:52.639 --> 00:12:54.580
the highest legislative offices in the land?

00:12:54.779 --> 00:12:57.000
You couldn't write it better? His own wife. The

00:12:57.000 --> 00:12:59.100
governor appoints Dixie Bibb Graves to continue

00:12:59.100 --> 00:13:01.559
Hugo Black's term. She steps into the United

00:13:01.559 --> 00:13:04.159
States Senate. The sheer political nerve required

00:13:04.159 --> 00:13:07.019
to make that appointment is astounding. A governor

00:13:07.019 --> 00:13:09.220
installing his spouse into the federal legislature

00:13:09.220 --> 00:13:12.360
is a fascinating intersection of political power

00:13:12.360 --> 00:13:15.559
and familial influence. Does she serve out the

00:13:15.559 --> 00:13:17.960
remainder of the term or was it purely a placeholder

00:13:17.960 --> 00:13:20.480
move? Her tenure is quite brief, suggesting it

00:13:20.480 --> 00:13:23.000
was indeed a strategic placeholder. She holds

00:13:23.000 --> 00:13:26.279
the office from August 1937 until January 1938.

00:13:27.000 --> 00:13:29.860
She resigns just days after her successor, Jay

00:13:29.860 --> 00:13:32.700
Lister Hill, successfully navigates and wins

00:13:32.700 --> 00:13:35.690
the highly competitive Democratic primary. She

00:13:35.690 --> 00:13:37.830
steps aside once the permanent political replacement

00:13:37.830 --> 00:13:40.590
was secured. It is an incredible footnote in

00:13:40.590 --> 00:13:42.750
American political history. But what is truly

00:13:42.750 --> 00:13:44.909
surprising is that Dixie Bibb Graves actually

00:13:44.909 --> 00:13:47.769
sets a precedent of sorts. She wasn't the last

00:13:47.769 --> 00:13:49.909
spouse to be appointed to a Senate seat in the

00:13:49.909 --> 00:13:52.629
state's history. She was not. If we move forward

00:13:52.629 --> 00:13:55.009
into the modern era, we see a striking parallel

00:13:55.009 --> 00:13:58.610
situation play out in 1978. Senator James Allen

00:13:58.960 --> 00:14:00.639
who had been a significant legislative force

00:14:00.639 --> 00:14:03.639
in office since 1969, tragically died during

00:14:03.639 --> 00:14:05.840
his term. The responsibility to fill the vacancy

00:14:05.840 --> 00:14:08.200
arose again, and his wife, Marion Pittman Allen,

00:14:08.419 --> 00:14:10.620
was appointed to continue his term. Though her

00:14:10.620 --> 00:14:12.299
approach to the appointment was quite different

00:14:12.299 --> 00:14:14.960
from Dixie Bibb Graves, Graves seemed content

00:14:14.960 --> 00:14:18.480
to hold the seat temporarily and resign. Marion

00:14:18.480 --> 00:14:20.399
Pittman Allen actually attempted to hold on to

00:14:20.399 --> 00:14:22.679
the power. She ran in the subsequent election

00:14:22.679 --> 00:14:25.179
to finish her husband's term, but ultimately

00:14:25.179 --> 00:14:27.909
lost the nomination later that same year. It

00:14:27.909 --> 00:14:29.730
demonstrates how the mechanisms of succession

00:14:29.730 --> 00:14:32.549
evolve, yet certain patterns of political lineage

00:14:32.549 --> 00:14:35.330
and familial succession repeat themselves across

00:14:35.330 --> 00:14:38.350
the decades. As we transition fully into the

00:14:38.350 --> 00:14:41.009
modern era, the nature of the political maneuvering

00:14:41.009 --> 00:14:43.610
shifts again. We move away from spousal appointments

00:14:43.610 --> 00:14:46.669
and rogue independent runs, and we enter an era

00:14:46.669 --> 00:14:50.429
of highly calculated, obscure, bureaucratic gamesmanship.

00:14:50.710 --> 00:14:53.450
The rules become the weapon. Yes. There is a

00:14:53.450 --> 00:14:56.210
moment in 1981 that is an absolute masterclass

00:14:56.210 --> 00:14:59.049
in exploiting the roles of the institution. Let's

00:14:59.049 --> 00:15:00.769
look at the transition between Democratic Senator

00:15:00.769 --> 00:15:02.649
Donald Stewart and his successor, Republican

00:15:02.649 --> 00:15:05.350
Senator Jeremiah Denton. This is a remarkable

00:15:05.350 --> 00:15:09.149
piece of institutional chess. Stewart had lost

00:15:09.149 --> 00:15:12.909
his bid for renomination in 1980. Jeremiah Denton

00:15:12.909 --> 00:15:15.330
had subsequently won the general election and

00:15:15.330 --> 00:15:18.409
was preparing to take over the seat. Under standard

00:15:18.409 --> 00:15:20.730
constitutional procedure, Stewart's term was

00:15:20.730 --> 00:15:23.950
officially mandated to end on January 3, 1981,

00:15:24.289 --> 00:15:27.129
at which point Denton would be sworn in. Standard

00:15:27.129 --> 00:15:29.450
procedure. You pack up your desk, you serve until

00:15:29.450 --> 00:15:31.490
your contract expires, and the new person takes

00:15:31.490 --> 00:15:33.549
over the next day. But Stewart didn't wait until

00:15:33.549 --> 00:15:36.230
January 3rd. He submitted his official resignation

00:15:36.230 --> 00:15:39.649
on January 2nd, 1981. He quit his job exactly

00:15:39.649 --> 00:15:42.889
one day early. One single day. For anyone listening,

00:15:42.990 --> 00:15:45.049
you might wonder why on earth a sitting U .S.

00:15:45.049 --> 00:15:47.769
senator would bother resigning 24 hours before

00:15:47.769 --> 00:15:50.850
their term naturally expires. What is the strategic

00:15:50.850 --> 00:15:53.779
benefit of one single day? In the United States

00:15:53.779 --> 00:15:55.860
Senate, one day is the difference between leading

00:15:55.860 --> 00:15:57.620
the pack and standing at the back of the line.

00:15:57.799 --> 00:16:00.440
The Senate operates entirely on a system of seniority.

00:16:00.779 --> 00:16:03.320
Seniority dictates everything, which committees

00:16:03.320 --> 00:16:05.440
you sit on, whether you get to chair those committees,

00:16:05.659 --> 00:16:08.100
the size of your staff budget, and even the physical

00:16:08.100 --> 00:16:10.679
office space you are assigned. By resigning on

00:16:10.679 --> 00:16:13.440
January 2nd, Stewart intentionally created a

00:16:13.440 --> 00:16:16.659
24 -hour vacancy. This allowed the governor to

00:16:16.659 --> 00:16:18.759
officially appoint Jeremiah Denton to the seat

00:16:18.759 --> 00:16:21.960
a day early. So sneaky. Denton was sworn in on

00:16:21.960 --> 00:16:25.340
January 2nd, a full day before the massive incoming

00:16:25.340 --> 00:16:28.039
freshman class of senators who would all be sworn

00:16:28.039 --> 00:16:30.740
in together on January 3rd. By beating the freshman

00:16:30.740 --> 00:16:33.379
class to the swearing in ceremony by just 24

00:16:33.379 --> 00:16:36.279
hours, Denton technically had more seniority

00:16:36.279 --> 00:16:38.539
than every single other new senator arriving

00:16:38.539 --> 00:16:41.080
that year. Stewart handed him a golden ticket

00:16:41.080 --> 00:16:43.059
to jump the line ahead of all his peers. That's

00:16:43.059 --> 00:16:45.179
brilliant. Imagine applying that kind of strategy

00:16:45.179 --> 00:16:47.639
in your own workplace, quitting at 4, 5, 9 p

00:16:47.639 --> 00:16:50.080
.m. on a Friday just so your replacement can.

00:16:50.159 --> 00:16:52.279
technically get their name on the HR roster before

00:16:52.279 --> 00:16:54.960
the new fiscal year starts on Monday. It is an

00:16:54.960 --> 00:16:58.039
incredible display of collegiality and manipulation

00:16:58.039 --> 00:17:01.759
of the rulebook. It truly is. It's a quiet bureaucratic

00:17:01.759 --> 00:17:04.519
move with massive implications for a senator's

00:17:04.519 --> 00:17:07.319
long -term influence. And speaking of long -term

00:17:07.319 --> 00:17:09.680
influence, as we move into the late 20th and

00:17:09.680 --> 00:17:12.380
early 21st centuries, the chess moves become

00:17:12.380 --> 00:17:15.460
even more sweeping. We have to discuss the longest

00:17:15.460 --> 00:17:17.880
serving senator in the state's history. Richard

00:17:17.880 --> 00:17:20.869
Shelby. His tenure is staggering when you compare

00:17:20.869 --> 00:17:23.329
it to the constant churn of the early 1800s.

00:17:23.329 --> 00:17:26.230
He held his seat for 36 years, serving continuously

00:17:26.230 --> 00:17:29.910
from 1987 all the way to his retirement in 2023.

00:17:30.269 --> 00:17:32.750
His 36 -year run is not just notable for its

00:17:32.750 --> 00:17:35.150
length, but for a massive political milestone

00:17:35.150 --> 00:17:37.599
that occurs right in the middle of it. Shelby

00:17:37.599 --> 00:17:40.460
was originally elected in 1986 and then reelected

00:17:40.460 --> 00:17:44.400
in 1992 as a Democrat. But in 1994, he officially

00:17:44.400 --> 00:17:47.000
changed parties, becoming a Republican. It's

00:17:47.000 --> 00:17:49.279
a monumental data point on the historical timeline.

00:17:49.559 --> 00:17:51.960
He transitions across the aisle and goes on to

00:17:51.960 --> 00:17:55.319
be reelected as a Republican in 1998, 2004, 2010,

00:17:55.559 --> 00:17:58.940
and 2016. His individual timeline mirrors the

00:17:58.940 --> 00:18:01.559
broader, long -term political realignment of

00:18:01.559 --> 00:18:03.660
the American South during that era. And again,

00:18:03.779 --> 00:18:05.319
just a reminder to you listening, we're simply

00:18:05.319 --> 00:18:07.299
neutrally tracking the shifts provided by the

00:18:07.299 --> 00:18:10.579
data. Exactly. He provided decades of unshakable

00:18:10.579 --> 00:18:13.819
stability in that Class 3 seat. But what is fascinating

00:18:13.819 --> 00:18:16.460
is how his eventual retirement, combined with

00:18:16.460 --> 00:18:18.400
some high -profile moves in the adjacent Class

00:18:18.400 --> 00:18:21.180
2 seat, suddenly brought back the chaotic musical

00:18:21.180 --> 00:18:23.539
chairs of the 19th century. History repeating

00:18:23.539 --> 00:18:26.720
itself. The modern era has seen a rapid cascade

00:18:26.720 --> 00:18:29.380
of seat changes. The recent turnover has been

00:18:29.380 --> 00:18:32.240
dizzying. Let's trace the Class 2 seat over just

00:18:32.240 --> 00:18:35.059
a handful of years. Jeff Sessions holds the seat

00:18:35.059 --> 00:18:38.420
solidly from 1997 until... until February 2017.

00:18:39.059 --> 00:18:41.480
Then he resigns to become the U .S. Attorney

00:18:41.480 --> 00:18:44.079
General. A modern pivot to the executive branch,

00:18:44.339 --> 00:18:46.640
echoing the diplomatic and judicial appointments

00:18:46.640 --> 00:18:49.240
we saw in the 1800s. Exactly. This kicks off

00:18:49.240 --> 00:18:51.380
a chain reaction. Luther Strange is appointed

00:18:51.380 --> 00:18:54.099
to temporarily fill the Sessions vacancy, but

00:18:54.099 --> 00:18:56.119
Strange fails to win the nomination to finish

00:18:56.119 --> 00:18:58.259
the term. This opens the door for Doug Jones,

00:18:58.579 --> 00:19:01.799
who is elected in a highly publicized 2017 special

00:19:01.799 --> 00:19:03.920
election to finish the remainder of the term.

00:19:04.079 --> 00:19:06.539
And Jones serves until 2021. Right. But then

00:19:06.539 --> 00:19:09.000
he loses his bid for a full reelection, which

00:19:09.000 --> 00:19:11.519
ultimately leads to the election of Tommy Tuberville

00:19:11.519 --> 00:19:15.299
in 2020. The seat changed his hands four times

00:19:15.299 --> 00:19:18.000
in four years after being held by one man for

00:19:18.000 --> 00:19:20.460
two decades. And the timeline gives us a glimpse

00:19:20.460 --> 00:19:23.099
into the near future as well, noting that Toberville

00:19:23.099 --> 00:19:24.960
is currently serving but has announced he is

00:19:24.960 --> 00:19:26.700
retiring from the Senate to run for governor

00:19:26.700 --> 00:19:29.700
of Alabama. Meanwhile, in the class three seat

00:19:29.700 --> 00:19:32.099
left open by Richard Shelby's long anticipated

00:19:32.099 --> 00:19:34.980
retirement, Katie Britt was elected in 2022,

00:19:35.440 --> 00:19:37.599
becoming the state's current junior senator.

00:19:38.089 --> 00:19:40.549
The history is a continuous living document.

00:19:40.829 --> 00:19:43.809
The ink is never truly dry. So what does this

00:19:43.809 --> 00:19:46.009
all mean? We started this deep dive with what

00:19:46.009 --> 00:19:48.910
appeared to be a dry, mundane list of dates,

00:19:49.029 --> 00:19:51.930
names, and political affiliations. What it means

00:19:51.930 --> 00:19:54.390
is that history is never static, even when it's

00:19:54.390 --> 00:19:57.089
flattened into a spreadsheet. This simple roster

00:19:57.089 --> 00:19:59.690
of politicians serves as a mirror reflecting

00:19:59.690 --> 00:20:02.630
America's broader evolution. You can trace the

00:20:02.630 --> 00:20:04.589
entire arc of the country's development right

00:20:04.589 --> 00:20:06.849
here in these collars. You really can. We saw

00:20:06.849 --> 00:20:09.410
the early era of nation building, where the Senate

00:20:09.410 --> 00:20:11.670
was a temporary stop for ambitious diplomats

00:20:11.670 --> 00:20:14.390
and future Supreme Court justices. We felt the

00:20:14.390 --> 00:20:16.930
tragic, literal division of the country through

00:20:16.930 --> 00:20:19.690
the empty desks of the Civil War. We tracked

00:20:19.690 --> 00:20:22.210
the fierce, norm -breaking rebellions of the

00:20:22.210 --> 00:20:25.210
20th century, the audacity of spousal appointments,

00:20:25.529 --> 00:20:28.230
and the highly calculated strategic gamesmanship

00:20:28.230 --> 00:20:31.759
of the modern era. Every resignation, every appointment,

00:20:31.940 --> 00:20:34.819
every lost renomination is a vital clue to the

00:20:34.819 --> 00:20:36.839
health, tension, and priorities of the country

00:20:36.839 --> 00:20:39.500
at that exact moment in time. It fundamentally

00:20:39.500 --> 00:20:41.799
changes how you view a simple list of names.

00:20:42.279 --> 00:20:45.180
This raises an important question, though. Something

00:20:45.180 --> 00:20:47.380
for you to ponder long after we wrap up this

00:20:47.380 --> 00:20:49.099
discussion. I love a good lingering question.

00:20:49.380 --> 00:20:52.359
Lay it on us. Think back to that incredible institutional

00:20:52.359 --> 00:20:56.420
drama in 1913. The moment when the state officially

00:20:56.420 --> 00:20:59.000
appointed Franklin Potts Glass Sr. to a vacant

00:20:59.000 --> 00:21:01.579
seat and the federal Senate absolutely refused

00:21:01.579 --> 00:21:03.960
to seat him, they locked him out. The ultimate

00:21:03.960 --> 00:21:06.880
rejection of a state's authority. It forces us

00:21:06.880 --> 00:21:09.640
to ask a deeply constitutional question. Who

00:21:09.640 --> 00:21:12.579
really owns that empty seat? If a state has the

00:21:12.579 --> 00:21:15.160
constitutional right and duty to appoint a representative

00:21:15.160 --> 00:21:17.839
to speak for its people, but the federal body

00:21:17.839 --> 00:21:21.500
has the ultimate unchecked power to refuse to

00:21:21.500 --> 00:21:24.099
acknowledge that person. Wait, let me rephrase

00:21:24.099 --> 00:21:26.160
that. If they can just refuse them, where does

00:21:26.160 --> 00:21:28.619
the balance of power truly lie? It's a massive

00:21:28.619 --> 00:21:31.220
contradiction. It highlights a profound, ongoing

00:21:31.220 --> 00:21:33.839
tension between state sovereignty and federal

00:21:33.839 --> 00:21:36.440
authority. And it is a tension that is hiding

00:21:36.440 --> 00:21:39.480
right there, quietly documented in the footnotes

00:21:39.480 --> 00:21:42.019
of everyday history. That is a fascinating thought

00:21:42.019 --> 00:21:44.339
to chew on. The push and pull between state and

00:21:44.339 --> 00:21:47.259
federal power crystallized in one single rejected

00:21:47.259 --> 00:21:50.400
appointment. You really cannot look at a simple

00:21:50.400 --> 00:21:52.700
data table the same way once you know the rich,

00:21:52.740 --> 00:21:54.900
complicated human drama backing it up. I want

00:21:54.900 --> 00:21:56.799
to thank you so much for joining us on this custom

00:21:56.799 --> 00:21:58.880
-tailored deep dive today. We hope we proved

00:21:58.880 --> 00:22:01.240
that there are no boring topics, only hidden

00:22:01.240 --> 00:22:03.960
stories waiting to be found. Keep exploring the

00:22:03.960 --> 00:22:06.420
margins of history, keep asking questions, and

00:22:06.420 --> 00:22:07.579
we will catch you next time.
