WEBVTT

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Imagine you are staring at a computer screen

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right now. Just picture it open in front of you

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is this massive, seemingly endless scrolling

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spreadsheet. Oh, yeah. A real wall of text. Exactly.

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You are looking at rows upon rows of names, dates,

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vote counts, percentages. all neatly organized

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into these perfectly gray and white grid lines.

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And at first glance, it is literally just a Wikipedia

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article titled List of United States Senate Elections

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in Delaware. Honestly, it sounds, well, it sounds

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incredibly dry, right? It does. It certainly

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presents that way on the surface. When you first

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scroll through, it is just raw data, just a ledger

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of political history, logging who won, who lost,

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and the margins between them. Right, just a digital

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filing cabinet. But today's deep dive is all

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about doing what we absolutely love to do, which

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is taking that raw, unassuming data and finding

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the hidden human drama pulsing right beneath

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the surface. Because there is always drama. always

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because when you actually stop and look closely

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at these numbers you realize this isn't just

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a spreadsheet we're going to extract the shifting

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eras, the epic rivalries, and the razor -thin

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margins hidden inside over a century of Delaware's

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political history. And just to give you a sense

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of the scope of our source material today, we

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are looking at the comprehensive election results

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for both Class I and Class II United States Senate

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seats in Delaware. We are starting from the dawn

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of the popular vote in 1916 and tracking the

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numbers all the way through the 2024 election.

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It is a massive sweep of time. It really is.

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OK, let's unpack this for a second, because the

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terms class one and class to pop up immediately

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in the text for anyone who doesn't, you know,

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spend their weekends reading constitutional procedure.

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How does the document actually define those categories?

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Yeah, that's a crucial structural point for understanding

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the entire spreadsheet. So the U .S. Senate is

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divided into three classes. The terms are staggered

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so that only one third of the Senate is up for

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reelection every two years. It is designed to

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ensure institutional stability. So you never.

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have a situation where the entire Senate turns

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over at once. Delaware, like every state, has

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two senators. And in this case, they hold a class

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one seat and a class two seat. Meaning they are

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never on the regular ballot in the exact same

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year. Precisely. That makes the timeline much

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clearer. But you might be wondering why you should

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care about Delaware's election table specifically.

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I mean, why this state? It's a fair question.

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The answer is that this single state's data acts

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as a perfect microcosm. Delaware is a small state,

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which means the data isn't diluted by millions

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and millions of transient votes. By tracking

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these numbers, you get a pristine, mathematically

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undeniable look at how incumbency works. You

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see the sheer power of name recognition in a

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confined geographic area. And you see absolute

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mathematical proof that every single vote truly

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matters. The trends are sharp. They are clear,

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and they tell a remarkable story about how American

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voting behavior has evolved over a century. I

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want to pull your attention to the very top of

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this Wikipedia table, the starting line. The

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year is 1916. And here's where it gets really

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interesting. Oh, this is one of my favorite parts

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of the data. Right. You see, the table starts

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in 1916 for a very specific reason. Before 1914,

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U .S. senators from Delaware weren't elected

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by the public at all. Which is wild to think

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about today. It is. If you lived in Delaware

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before then, you didn't go to a ballot box to

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pick your senator. They were chosen entirely

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by the Delaware General Assembly. What's fascinating

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here is the massive structural shift that represents.

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The source text notes the 17th Amendment. to

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the U .S. Constitution, which finally provided

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for the popular election of U .S. senators. So

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1916 is a monumental data point. It's a huge

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milestone. It marks the very first time that

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everyday citizens in Delaware got to cast a ballot

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for their class one senator. Do we have the breakdown

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of how that very first public vote actually played

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out? We do. If you look at the results for that

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inaugural popular vote, it was won by Democrat

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Josiah O. Wolcott. He took the seat with precisely

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50 percent of the vote, defeating Republican

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Henry A. DuPont, who had 45 percent. 50 to 45.

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Yeah. And to put the population size of the era

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into perspective, Wolcott received just over

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25 ,000 votes. That was the very first popular

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mandate for a class one senator in the state's

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history. Just over 25 ,000 votes securing a U

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.S. Senate seat. It really grounds you in the

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reality of the early 20th century. It's a totally

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different scale. It really is. But while we were

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looking at the procedural notes at the top of

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the document, there is another absolute gem of

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trivia hidden in the text. It's a calendar quirk.

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Oh, the start dates. Yes. The text points out

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that before 1935, a senator's term didn't start

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until March 4th. But after 1935, that start date

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moved up to January 3rd. The practical implications

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of that are staggering when you think about it.

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If we connect this to the bigger picture. Elections

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are held in early November. Before the rules

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changed in 1935, there used to be a massive four

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-month gap between the November election and

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the winner actually taking office in March. Meaning

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if an incumbent lost, they still sat in the Senate

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for a third of a year. Exactly. That procedural

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footnote alone hints at a completely different

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rhythm to American governance. It does. It meant

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the lame duck period was a significant portion

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of the legislative calendar. But returning to

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the data itself, there is a distinct pattern

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that jumps out in the early 20th century rows.

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I think I know what you're going to say. As you

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scroll through the early decades, you start to

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see a very famous name in American industry appearing

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repeatedly. DuPont. I noticed that. You just

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mentioned Henry A. DuPont, the Republican who

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lost that very first popular election in 1916

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to Wolcott. But the family name certainly doesn't

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disappear from the tables after that loss. Far

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from it. In 1922, and again in 1924, a Republican

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named T. Coleman DuPont is right there on the

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ballot. Jump ahead a few decades, and in 1952,

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the data shows Alexis I. DuPont Bayard running

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as a Democrat. So the name just keeps popping

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up. It clearly reflects the localized power dynamics

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of early 20th century Delaware. When you have

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a single family with that much economic and social

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influence in a relatively small population pool,

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their name naturally dominates the political

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data as well. Which brings us to the data points

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from the early 1920s. Let me set the scene based

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on the tables because the numbers here are, they're

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just staggering. They really are. Remember Josiah

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O. Wolcott, the Democrat who won the first popular

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vote in 1916? Well, footnote B in the text tells

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us he resigned. That triggered a special election

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on November 7th. 1922. And this is where the

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spreadsheet delivers an astonishing statistical

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anomaly. For that special election, we have Democrat

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Thomas F. Bayard Jr. facing off against the Republican

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T. Coleman DuPont. OK, I am looking at the vote

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totals for that specific race right now. Democrat

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Thomas F. Bayard Jr. received 36 ,954 votes.

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Republican T. Coleman DuPont received 36 ,894

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votes. I want you to really visualize the math

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here. That's crazy. Both men are listed in the

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table as receiving essentially 50 % of the vote.

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Out of over 73 ,000 total votes cast in that

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special election, the difference between the

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winner and the loser was exactly 60 votes. 6

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-0. 60 people in the entire state decided who

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went to the United States Senate. 60 votes. Just

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imagine the sheer tension. of counting those

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physical paper ballots by hand in 1922, making

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piles on a desk and at the end of the night realizing

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the state is split literally down the middle.

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It's the definition of a nail biter. But the

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data shows this wasn't even the end of the story

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for these two men that year. Not at all, because

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that was just the special election to fill the

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vacancy. And the regular election held that exact

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same year for the full term. The data shows the

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exact same two guys facing off again. Bayard

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versus DuPont. How does a state even process

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that kind of division? twice in the same cycle.

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What were the numbers for the regular election?

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Bayard received 37 ,304 votes. DuPont received

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36 ,979 votes. Bayard won again, but this time

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by just 325 votes. Wow. In two separate Senate

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elections held in the same year between the same

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two men, the combined margin of victory was less

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than 400 votes. It is the ultimate mathematical

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validation of the phrase, every vote counts.

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You literally cannot get closer than that without

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triggering a tie. But as we scroll down the table,

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leaving the volatility of the 1920s behind, the

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narrative thread seems to shift. The margins

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widen, the names stop bouncing back and forth,

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and Delaware develops a very distinct taste for

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stability. The power of incumbency becomes the

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defining feature of the spreadsheet from the

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mid -20th century onward. The state starts keeping

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people in office for a very, very long time.

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If the 1920s showed us absolute gridlock, the

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mid -century data introduces us to the era of

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the Delaware Giants. Let's trace the class one

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seats first. Starting in 1946, Republican John

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J. Williams wins the seat. And then he wins it

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again in 1952. And again in 1958. And a fourth

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time in 1964. Four straight elections. And the

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baton pass is equally stable. In 1970, another

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Republican named William Roth takes that same

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seat. Roth goes on to win five consecutive elections,

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1970, 1976, 1982, 1988 and 1994. He serves until

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2000. And when Roth is finally defeated in 2000,

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it is by Democrat Tom Carper, who proceeds to

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win four elections of his own, 2000, 2006, 2012

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and 2018, holding the seat until the 2024 election

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cycle. That means three men controlled that single

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class one Senate seat for nearly 80 years. 80

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years. And if class one showed us a dynasty,

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class two introduces us to the ultimate. incumbent

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in the data, Joe Biden. Yes. He wins his first

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election for the seat in 1972, and then he just

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keeps winning. He secures seven consecutive elections,

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1972, 1978, 1984, 1990, 1996, 2002, and finally

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2008. Seven straight victories spanning decades.

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This raises an important question. Why do voters

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do this? The spreadsheet mathematically proves

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that these Senate seats act less like recurring

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job interviews and more like lifetime appointments

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that are only occasionally revoked. The baseline

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is retention. Does the source text give us clues

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as to why that happens mathematically? Because

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when you look at the raw numbers, the margins

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of victory for these incumbents often expand

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massively over time. They go from squeakers to

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landslides. When you analyze incumbency advantage,

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especially in a geographically small state, the

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sheer mathematics of it become overwhelming.

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These senators aren't just names on a ballot.

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They become deeply entrenched fixtures of the

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community infrastructure. Yeah, it makes sense.

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You're talking about decades of constituent services,

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decades of localized media presence. The data

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clearly suggests that once you win that first

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time and you solidify your base, you possess

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a massive structural advantage over any challenger.

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The inertia is entirely on the side of the incumbent.

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Wait, if incumbency is that powerful and the

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inertia is that... strong, how does someone like

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William Roth actually lose after 30 years? Does

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the data show a sudden shift in the electorate

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or was it a gradual decline over several cycles?

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That is the crucial counter narrative in the

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data because incumbents usually win and win comfortably.

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The inflection points where they actually lose

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are monumental. They prove that no seat is ever

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truly safe, regardless of how long a name has

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been on the door. Take us through the 2000 upset

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for class one. Roth had been comfortably in power

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for three decades. His vote counts in the 80s

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and 90s were massive. And then Tom Carper challenges

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him. And the result isn't a 60 -vote squeaker

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like the 1920s. Carper manages a decisive victory.

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He pulls in over 180 ,000 votes, beating Roth

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by nearly 40 ,000. That's a huge gap. It is.

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That is a 56 % to 44 % victory. It is a vital

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lesson hidden in the spreadsheet. A shifting

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electorate or a sufficiently compelling challenger

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can completely upend decades of the status quo

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in a single Tuesday in November. We see a similar

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shockwave in the Class II data in 1972. Before

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that election, the incumbent was Republican J.

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Caleb Boggs. He had comfortably won the seat

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in 1960 and again in 1966. A 12 -year run. He

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is the incumbent giant. And then a challenger

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named Joe Biden steps up. And if you look at

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the numbers for that 1972 race, it is incredibly

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tight, harkening back to those earlier nail biters.

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Biden received roughly 116 ,000 votes, which

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the table rounds to 50%. Boggs received nearly

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113 ,000 votes or 49%. A margin of barely over

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3 ,000 votes ended a 12 -year Republican run.

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It shows how a seemingly minor shift in the electorate

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can completely rewrite the state's political

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trajectory. Speaking of shifting trajectories,

00:12:38.649 --> 00:12:40.940
let's zoom out for a second. If you blur your

00:12:40.940 --> 00:12:43.100
eyes and look at the party column as a macro

00:12:43.100 --> 00:12:46.700
trend, you see a massive, undeniable shift in

00:12:46.700 --> 00:12:48.519
Delaware's political identity over the century.

00:12:48.659 --> 00:12:50.899
You really do. In the early and mid -1900s, the

00:12:50.899 --> 00:12:52.620
seats are highly competitive. You see a bounce

00:12:52.620 --> 00:12:54.399
back and forth between Republicans and Democrats.

00:12:54.740 --> 00:12:58.080
A Republican wins in 1928, a Democrat in 36,

00:12:58.259 --> 00:13:01.679
a Republican in 42, a Democrat in 48. It's fluid.

00:13:01.860 --> 00:13:04.179
But if you trace the data into the modern era,

00:13:04.299 --> 00:13:07.059
that fluidity vanishes. So what does this all

00:13:07.059 --> 00:13:09.740
mean for the modern voter? Just look at the recent

00:13:09.740 --> 00:13:12.419
numbers from Tom Carper's victory in 2000 all

00:13:12.419 --> 00:13:15.080
the way down to the class one column. It is a

00:13:15.080 --> 00:13:18.480
solid block of Democratic control. We just saw

00:13:18.480 --> 00:13:21.059
Lisa Blunt Rochester win the class one seat in

00:13:21.059 --> 00:13:24.620
2024 with a commanding 57 percent of the vote

00:13:24.620 --> 00:13:27.539
over Republican Eric Hansen, who took 39 percent.

00:13:27.679 --> 00:13:30.659
And you see the exact same consolidation in class

00:13:30.659 --> 00:13:33.580
two ever since the 2010 special election where

00:13:33.580 --> 00:13:36.419
Democrat Chris Coons won with 57 percent of the

00:13:36.419 --> 00:13:38.179
vote against Republican Christine O'Donnell.

00:13:38.620 --> 00:13:40.820
Coons has dominated that seat. The margins just

00:13:40.820 --> 00:13:44.299
stay wide. They do. In his 2020 reelection, Coons

00:13:44.299 --> 00:13:47.600
pulled in over 290 ,000 votes to his challengers,

00:13:47.600 --> 00:13:51.570
roughly 186 ,000. The data paints a picture of

00:13:51.570 --> 00:13:53.830
a solid structural shift to democratic control

00:13:53.830 --> 00:13:56.350
in recent decades. It is a remarkable consolidation

00:13:56.350 --> 00:13:58.309
of voting behavior when you compare it to the

00:13:58.309 --> 00:14:01.889
fractured 60 vote margins of the 1920s. The state's

00:14:01.889 --> 00:14:04.149
political baseline has fundamentally moved. But

00:14:04.149 --> 00:14:05.750
before we finish up, I want to pivot away from

00:14:05.750 --> 00:14:07.769
the giants and the modern sweeps and look at

00:14:07.769 --> 00:14:09.629
the tiny print at the bottom of the page. The

00:14:09.629 --> 00:14:12.850
footnotes and asterisks. Yes. If you really want

00:14:12.850 --> 00:14:15.070
to understand the texture of a democracy, look

00:14:15.070 --> 00:14:17.870
at the bizarre, highly persistent third -party

00:14:17.870 --> 00:14:20.590
runs hidden in the footnotes of a Wikipedia table.

00:14:20.950 --> 00:14:24.210
For instance, in 1970, the main event was William

00:14:24.210 --> 00:14:27.750
Roth versus Jacob W. Zimmerman. But if you check

00:14:27.750 --> 00:14:29.830
Footnote H, you see a gentleman named Donald

00:14:29.830 --> 00:14:33.730
G. Guise. He managed to secure 1 ,720 votes.

00:14:33.970 --> 00:14:36.610
And he clearly felt he had more to say. Oh, definitely.

00:14:36.870 --> 00:14:40.169
Because if you look at the 1972 election, that

00:14:40.169 --> 00:14:44.580
famous Biden Boggs upset footnote T shows Donald

00:14:44.580 --> 00:14:46.840
G. Geese pops right back up again on the ballot,

00:14:46.940 --> 00:14:49.279
this time securing one thousand six hundred and

00:14:49.279 --> 00:14:51.759
sixty three votes. You also see footnotes C and

00:14:51.759 --> 00:14:54.659
D from the 1920s, where a candidate named Frank

00:14:54.659 --> 00:14:57.360
Stevens pulled around 600 votes in both the special

00:14:57.360 --> 00:14:59.840
election and the regular election. Just hanging

00:14:59.840 --> 00:15:01.840
in there on the margins. What's fascinating here

00:15:01.840 --> 00:15:03.600
is that while these minor candidates virtually

00:15:03.600 --> 00:15:06.080
never swing the modern elections, they are a

00:15:06.080 --> 00:15:08.220
vital part of the data ecosystem. They represent

00:15:08.220 --> 00:15:11.759
the persistent, quirky. stubborn nature of local

00:15:11.759 --> 00:15:13.779
democracy. That's a great way to put it. They

00:15:13.779 --> 00:15:16.440
are a reminder that behind every single one of

00:15:16.440 --> 00:15:19.620
those digits is a citizen making a very specific,

00:15:19.820 --> 00:15:22.919
deliberate choice, even if it defies the major

00:15:22.919 --> 00:15:26.299
party binary. It's just brilliant. Let's summarize

00:15:26.299 --> 00:15:28.419
the journey we've just been on through this single

00:15:28.419 --> 00:15:31.299
web page. We've traced the timeline from an area

00:15:31.299 --> 00:15:33.659
where state legislatures pick senators and closed

00:15:33.659 --> 00:15:36.440
-door General Assembly meetings all the way to

00:15:36.440 --> 00:15:38.559
the dawn of the public vote through the 17th

00:15:38.559 --> 00:15:40.899
Amendment. A massive shift in power. And then

00:15:40.899 --> 00:15:43.399
we've seen an entire United States Senate seat

00:15:43.399 --> 00:15:46.179
decided by a margin of just 60 people out of

00:15:46.179 --> 00:15:49.419
73 ,000 cast ballots. We've watched political

00:15:49.419 --> 00:15:52.000
giants build absolute dynasties holding onto

00:15:52.000 --> 00:15:54.960
power for decades at a time. only to be suddenly

00:15:54.960 --> 00:15:57.120
unseated by challengers who rewrite the rules.

00:15:57.220 --> 00:15:59.179
And hopefully this deep dive reminds you that

00:15:59.179 --> 00:16:01.659
a simple table of data is never just a table.

00:16:01.700 --> 00:16:04.840
It is the numerical footprint of a society's

00:16:04.840 --> 00:16:07.929
changing mind. Every single row represents millions

00:16:07.929 --> 00:16:09.789
of collective decisions made over a century.

00:16:10.009 --> 00:16:12.889
Exactly. Every single vote you cast is a tiny

00:16:12.889 --> 00:16:15.049
piece of data that future generations will look

00:16:15.049 --> 00:16:17.789
back on trying to analyze and understand our

00:16:17.789 --> 00:16:20.470
era, just like we are doing right now with 1922

00:16:20.470 --> 00:16:23.529
and 1972. It really makes you look at a spreadsheet

00:16:23.529 --> 00:16:25.950
differently. It does. And as we wrap up, I want

00:16:25.950 --> 00:16:27.889
to leave you with a final thought to mull over,

00:16:28.070 --> 00:16:30.149
drawing back on one of the chronological rules

00:16:30.149 --> 00:16:33.039
we discussed earlier. Think back to that rule

00:16:33.039 --> 00:16:36.000
change we mentioned, the fact that before 1935,

00:16:36.379 --> 00:16:39.019
terms started on March 4th instead of January

00:16:39.019 --> 00:16:41.620
3rd. Right. The lame duck period. I want you

00:16:41.620 --> 00:16:44.620
to just imagine the reality of that lame duck

00:16:44.620 --> 00:16:48.279
period. Imagine four full months passing between

00:16:48.279 --> 00:16:50.820
an incumbent senator losing their election in

00:16:50.820 --> 00:16:53.179
early November and the victorious challenger

00:16:53.179 --> 00:16:55.539
finally taking over in March. That is a long

00:16:55.539 --> 00:16:57.980
time to just be sitting there. What kind of frantic

00:16:57.980 --> 00:17:00.399
political maneuvering, what kind of quiet deals

00:17:00.399 --> 00:17:03.440
or total. grinding gridlock happened in those

00:17:03.440 --> 00:17:05.740
dark winter months before the Constitution was

00:17:05.740 --> 00:17:08.200
changed to tighten that window. It makes you

00:17:08.200 --> 00:17:10.680
wonder how much unrecorded history was written

00:17:10.680 --> 00:17:12.940
in the agonizing gap between the vote and the

00:17:12.940 --> 00:17:16.039
inauguration. A fascinating mystery to end on.

00:17:16.140 --> 00:17:17.980
Thank you so much for joining us for this deep

00:17:17.980 --> 00:17:20.119
dive. Until next time, keep looking past the

00:17:20.119 --> 00:17:20.299
numbers.
