WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the Deep Dive. I have to admit,

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I didn't expect to find much in a Wikipedia table

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of election statistics. Yeah, it's not exactly

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a thriller novel. Right. But our source material

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today is just this brilliant example of how raw

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data can tell a completely compelling story.

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We are looking at a single digital page, the

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list of United States Senate elections in Delaware.

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It is an unconventional text for us to analyze,

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for sure. When you first scroll through it, it

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just looks like a fairly standard historical

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ledger. Yeah, just columns. Exactly. Columns

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of dates, politician names, and raw vote counts

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stretching back over a century. But if you look

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closely at the math, you know, in those shifting

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margins, that spreadsheet reveals a sweeping

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narrative. It really does. We are going to track

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a journey from 1916... all the way to 2024. We're

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extracting the hidden stories of how a single

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state's political landscape completely transformed

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purely through the lens of this electoral data.

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But before we jump into the timeline, a really

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quick note for you listening. Yes, very important

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context here. Right. Looking at a century of

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Democrats and Republicans battling it out, our

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goal today isn't to pick a side or endorse anyone's

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politics. Absolutely not. We're strictly playing

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the role of impartial data analysts. That is

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a crucial distinction. are not endorsing any

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political viewpoints, candidates or parties.

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Right. We are simply reporting on the factual

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numbers, the historical outcomes and the statistical

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trends contained in the original source material.

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It is a data set. And we are letting those numbers

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do the talking. Nicely put. So with that established,

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we need to set the foundation. Let's do it. The

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data set doesn't start at the founding of the

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country. It begins specifically in 1916. Why

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that year? So the starting line of 1916 represents

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the first monumental shift we encounter in the

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text. Before 1914, United States senators were

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elected by state legislatures. Meaning the voters

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weren't directly involved. Correct. In Delaware,

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that meant the General Assembly made the choice.

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But the implementation of the 17th Amendment

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mandated the popular election of U .S. senators.

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Yeah, so this table begins in 1916 because that

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is the exact moment this new democratic reality

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went into effect for Delaware's Class I Senate

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seat. I think a lot of people see the terms Class

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1 and Class 2 Senate seats and just sort of gloss

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over them. Sure. But the text uses them to organize

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the entire timeline. It is the architecture of

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the data. The U .S. Senate is divided into three

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classes with staggered terms. That ensures only

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about a third of the seats are up for election

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every two years. Got it. Delaware, like every

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state, has two seats, and they happen to fall

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into Class 1 and Class 2. The source material

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tracks these two distinct lineages side by side.

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That makes sense. And the text also includes

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a fantastic piece of historical trivia regarding

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the calendar. Oh, right. The dates. Yeah. Elections

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are held on the first Tuesday after November

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1st. But before 1935, the Senate terms actually

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began on March 4th rather than the January 3rd

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date we are accustomed to today. So we have an

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expanding voter base and staggered terms. OK,

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let's unpack this. If we go back to that starting

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line in 1916, what does the very first popular

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vote look like on this list? In the 1916 class

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one election, Democrat Josiah O. Wolcott defeated

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the Republican incumbent, Henry A. DuPont. OK.

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And I want you to hold on to the winning vote

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count here. Wolcott won the seat with just 25

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,434 votes. 25 ,000. That's it. That is the baseline

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we are working with. Keep that number in mind

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because just six years later, we had a data point

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that genuinely defies modern political logic.

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It really does. The date is November 7, 1922.

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Set the scene for us based on the footnotes.

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The notes reveal a completely unprecedented logistical

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situation. Josiah Wolcott, the winner from that

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initial 1916 race, resigned from his seat, which

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triggered a special election to fill the vacancy

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for the remainder of his term. But because of

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the calendar. The special election landed on

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the exact same day as the regular election for

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the next full term. Put yourself in the shoes

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of a voter walking into the booth on that Tuesday

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in 1922. You have to vote for the exact same

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Senate seat twice on a single piece of paper.

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Once for the special election to fill the empty

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seat right then and there. And once for the regular

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election for the six year term that immediately

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follows. It's a double header. A double header.

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How did the numbers shake out for the special

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election? The Democratic candidate is Thomas

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F. Bayer Jr. and the Republican. is T. Coleman

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DuPont, who was the incumbent temporarily appointed

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to hold the seat. In this special election, Bayard

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received 36 ,954 votes. DuPont received 36 ,894

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votes. Wait, do the math for me there. That is

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a difference of exactly 60 votes out of nearly

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74 ,000 cast. 60 individual votes deciding a

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United States Senate seat. Incredible, isn't

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it? That margin is smaller than the attendance

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of a typical high school band. And they had to

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run it back for the regular election on the same

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day. Did the margins widen? Barely. In the regular

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election for the next term, Bayard and DuPont

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face off again. Bayard gets 37 ,304 votes. DuPont

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gets 36 ,979. So he wins again. He does. Bayard

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wins the full term by just 325 votes. Still insanely

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close. What's fascinating here is what we find

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when we dig into footnotes C and D in the source

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material. Whenever an analyst sees margins of

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60 votes and 325 votes, they immediately check

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the entire field to see if the math was fractured.

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To see if someone siphoned off votes. Exactly.

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And the notes reveal a third candidate on the

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ballot that day named Frank Stevens. The ultimate

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spoiler candidate. How many votes did Stevens

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pull? In the special election, Frank Stevens

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received 581 votes. In the regular election,

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he received 608 votes. When an election is decided

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by 60 votes, a third -party candidate pulling

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in nearly 600 votes is mathematically explosive.

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That is almost 10 times the margin of victory.

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Look at the proportions. A 60 -vote margin out

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of roughly 74 ,000 total ballots is a difference

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of less than one -tenth of 1%. Meanwhile, Stevens

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captured nearly 1 % of the total vote. If even

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a fraction of his supporters had swung to the

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runner -up, the entire historical outcome for

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that seat flips. Imagine waiting for those results

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in 1922. There is no instant digital tabulation.

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None. They are waiting for literal hand -counted

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paper ballots to be reported from across the

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entire state. It is absolute proof, permanently

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etched into the historical record, that every

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single individual vote can alter a trajectory.

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But as we move down the table into the following

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decades, that era of chaotic, unpredictable nail

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biters fades away. It does. The data reveals

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a completely different pattern emerging by the

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mid -20th century. We enter an era defined by

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the by a profound incumbency advantage. People

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liked who they had. Right. Delaware voters began

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demonstrating a statistical propensity for keeping

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their sitting senators in office for incredibly

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long stretches of time. We see this trend materialize

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strongly on the Republican side first. Walk us

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through the class one seat starting in the 1940s.

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We find Republican John J. Williams winning his

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first election in 1946. He secures four consecutive

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elections, 1946, 1952, 1958, and 1964. 24 years

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of holding the exact same seat. And then he passes

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the baton to another titan of longevity. Following

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Williams in that class one seat is Republican

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William Roth. Roth wins in 1970 and then proceeds

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to win in 1976, 1982, 1988, and 1994. Five consecutive

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elections. Five. And by his 1988 victory, Roth's

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vote total peaked at 151 ,115 votes. Our 1916

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baseline was 25 ,000, and we're now well into

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the 150 ,000s. The data presents an even more

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extensive streak if we shift our focus to the

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Class II Senate seat. Okay, let's pull up the

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Class II data for the year 1972. The Republican

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incumbent is J .K. who had already won two terms.

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He is challenged by a Democratic candidate named

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Joe Biden. And the data shows a remarkably tight

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race to kick off this sequence. It does. Biden

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receives 116 ,006 votes. Boggs receives 112 ,844

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votes. Wow. Close. That is a margin of just over

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3 ,000 votes out of nearly 230 ,000 total ballots

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cast. While it is not the 60 vote razor's edge

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of 1922, statistically, it is a very narrow victory

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and it initiates the longest single streak recorded

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in this document. According to the table, Biden

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wins that seat in 1972 and then successfully

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defends it in 1978, 1984, 1990, 1996, 2002 and

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2008. Seven consecutive elections. Seven. And

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if you track his raw vote totals across that

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timeline, you see the sustained growth of the

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electorate. He starts with 116 ,000 votes in

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72. By his final election on this list in 2008,

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his winning vote total had reached 257 ,539.

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It's massive growth. So what does this all mean?

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When you look at a candidate holding a seat from

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1972 to 2008, what is the underlying reality

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of that data? The stamina required to maintain

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a political position for 36 years is mathematically

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staggering. We're looking at an individual who

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had to continually appeal to shifting demographics.

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Because the voters change? Exactly. The coalition

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of voters who elected him in 1972 were in an

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entirely different stage of life by 2008, and

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an entirely new generation of voters had entered

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the pool. Yet the electoral outcome remained

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a constant. But, Strux, even those spanning decades

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eventually break. They do. And that brings us

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to the turn of the millennium. The data points

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from the year 2000 onward reveal another substantial

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shift in the state's political behavior, coupled

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with just an absolute explosion in voter turnout.

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Returning to Class 1C, we left off with William

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Roth, who had secured five consecutive terms.

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In the year 2000, that streak ends. The streak

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breaker. Democrat Tom Carper defeats Roth, capturing

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181 ,566 votes to Roth's 142 ,891. And true to

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the historical pattern we've identified, Carper

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breaking one streak merely serves as the catalyst

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for a new one. Ah, of course. He goes on to win

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in 2006, 2012 and 2018. We observe a similar

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transition in the class two seat. The seven term

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run that began in 1972 concludes, which necessitates

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a special election in 2010. What do the numbers

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look like there? In the 2010 special election,

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Democrat Chris Coons defeats Republican Christine

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O'Donnell. The vote counts here clearly reflect

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the newly expanded electorate. Coons wins with

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174 ,012 votes, while O'Donnell receives 123

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,053. Those are huge numbers compared to the

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early days. And following the established incumbency

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trend, Coons builds his own consecutive streak,

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securing reelection in 2014 and 2020. Which brings

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us to the present day in our source material.

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The most recent data point on the list is the

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2024 class one election. Democrat Lisa Blunt

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Rochester wins the seat with 283 ,298 votes against

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Republican Eric Hansen's 197 ,753 votes. If we

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connect this to the bigger picture, this is where

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the sheer scale of the transformation becomes

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undeniable. Think back to Josiah Wolcott's victory

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in 1916. Right. Wolcott won the entire state

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with 25 ,434 votes. Compare that to 2024. The

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winning candidate secured over 283 ,000 votes.

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It's just wild. The runner -up secured nearly

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198 ,000 votes. The candidate who lost in 2024

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received almost eight times as many votes as

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the candidate who won a century prior. Unbelievable.

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The winner in 2024 received more than 10 times

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the votes of the 1916 winner. A tenfold increase

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in raw votes. volume. Now, it is easy to just

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attribute that to population growth, but it has

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to be more complex than just a higher headcount

00:11:39.659 --> 00:11:41.960
in the state, right? It is far more complex.

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The physical population expanded, certainly.

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But this exponential growth also tells a profound

00:11:48.159 --> 00:11:51.200
story about the expansion of the franchise and

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civic participation. Right. We're looking at

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the mathematical results of generations of voter

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registration drives, increased access to the

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ballot box, changes in voting rights and a public

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that became deeply numerically engaged in the

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electoral process. The sheer volume of Democratic

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participation multiplied. It is incredible to

00:12:11.000 --> 00:12:14.080
see societal evolution captured purely in columns

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of numbers. Now, we've spent a lot of time analyzing

00:12:16.759 --> 00:12:18.940
the titans of this list, the candidates pulling

00:12:18.940 --> 00:12:21.419
in hundreds of thousands of votes. Here's where

00:12:21.419 --> 00:12:23.480
it gets really interesting. I want to look at

00:12:23.480 --> 00:12:25.519
the opposite end of the spectrum, the quirks

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and the margins. The footnotes of this Wikipedia

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page are an absolute goldmine for statistical

00:12:30.179 --> 00:12:32.980
outliers. They really are. Amidst these giants

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battling for statewide supremacy, you have these

00:12:35.139 --> 00:12:37.500
incredibly small anomalies. Give us the data

00:12:37.500 --> 00:12:41.480
from the 1934 election. In 1934, John G. Townsend

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Jr. wins with over 52 ,000 votes. But Note E

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documents an additional candidate on the ballot,

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John T. Lodkoski. Total votes received across

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the entire state. 69. 69 votes. And it is not

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an isolated incident. Look at 1964. John Jay

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Williams is pulling in over 100 ,000 votes to

00:13:00.179 --> 00:13:02.879
secure his fourth term. But down in Note G, we

00:13:02.879 --> 00:13:05.360
find Joseph B. Holland, a candidate who received

00:13:05.360 --> 00:13:09.279
exactly 71 votes. As analysts, we have to appreciate

00:13:09.279 --> 00:13:11.659
the friction between the effort required to run

00:13:11.659 --> 00:13:14.399
and the statistical payout. Securing a place

00:13:14.399 --> 00:13:16.899
on a United States Senate ballot requires genuine

00:13:16.899 --> 00:13:19.139
logistical work. Yeah, it's not easy. You have

00:13:19.139 --> 00:13:21.500
to file official paperwork, meet state requirements.

00:13:21.679 --> 00:13:24.340
publicly declare a candidacy, to navigate that

00:13:24.340 --> 00:13:26.200
entire process for one of the highest offices

00:13:26.200 --> 00:13:28.360
in the land, and to walk away with fewer than

00:13:28.360 --> 00:13:31.039
100 votes across an entire state. The contrast

00:13:31.039 --> 00:13:32.960
is striking. You really have to wonder at the

00:13:32.960 --> 00:13:35.620
mechanics of a statewide campaign that nets 69

00:13:35.620 --> 00:13:38.080
votes. That is essentially an extended family,

00:13:38.200 --> 00:13:40.259
a few supportive neighbors, and maybe a bowling

00:13:40.259 --> 00:13:42.700
team. Pretty much. A moderately successful local

00:13:42.700 --> 00:13:44.940
bake sale has more foot traffic than that Senate

00:13:44.940 --> 00:13:47.360
campaign had voters. While it provides a moment

00:13:47.360 --> 00:13:49.700
of levity in the data, These micro candidates

00:13:49.700 --> 00:13:52.279
serve a very vital purpose in the historical

00:13:52.279 --> 00:13:55.059
record. How so? They are a permanent testament

00:13:55.059 --> 00:13:57.879
to the accessibility of the ballot. The system

00:13:57.879 --> 00:14:00.320
was open to more than just the political titans

00:14:00.320 --> 00:14:03.879
backed by massive organizational machines. Anyone

00:14:03.879 --> 00:14:06.759
who met the legal criteria could enter the arena.

00:14:06.980 --> 00:14:09.100
That's a great point. Joseph B. Holland and John

00:14:09.100 --> 00:14:12.440
T. Vladkovsky are forever recorded in the exact

00:14:12.440 --> 00:14:15.559
same historical ledger as the candidates who

00:14:15.559 --> 00:14:18.860
served for 36 years. Their 70 -something votes

00:14:18.860 --> 00:14:21.200
represent participation in the Democratic record

00:14:21.200 --> 00:14:24.179
just as legitimately as the hundreds of thousands

00:14:24.179 --> 00:14:26.279
of votes do today. That is a surprisingly...

00:14:26.480 --> 00:14:29.080
elegant way to view a footnote, and I think it

00:14:29.080 --> 00:14:31.139
perfectly encapsulates the journey we have taken

00:14:31.139 --> 00:14:33.679
today. We started by looking at a supposedly

00:14:33.679 --> 00:14:37.659
dry Wikipedia table, just dates, names, and numbers.

00:14:38.000 --> 00:14:40.620
But as the data revealed, that simple table serves

00:14:40.620 --> 00:14:42.980
as a remarkably accurate mirror reflecting a

00:14:42.980 --> 00:14:45.279
changing electorate. We tracked the fundamental

00:14:45.279 --> 00:14:48.139
shift from General Assembly appointments to popular

00:14:48.139 --> 00:14:51.940
votes in 1916. We analyzed the intense mathematical

00:14:51.940 --> 00:14:54.879
tension of a 60 -vote margin deciding a U .S.

00:14:54.899 --> 00:14:58.289
Senate seat in the double election of 1922. We

00:14:58.289 --> 00:15:00.710
observed the decades -long streaks of incumbents

00:15:00.710 --> 00:15:02.429
who managed to hold on to their seats through

00:15:02.429 --> 00:15:05.710
changing generations. And we quantified the absolute

00:15:05.710 --> 00:15:08.549
explosion of voter turnout, swelling from 25

00:15:08.549 --> 00:15:12.850
,000 winning votes to well over 280 ,000 by 2024.

00:15:13.389 --> 00:15:15.870
It really makes you rethink the numbers in your

00:15:15.870 --> 00:15:18.960
own life. I want you, listening right now, to

00:15:18.960 --> 00:15:21.539
pull up the raw data from your own local elections.

00:15:21.820 --> 00:15:23.840
Look at the vote counts for your city council,

00:15:24.080 --> 00:15:26.120
your mayor, or your own state's representatives.

00:15:26.519 --> 00:15:28.899
Those raw numbers aren't just trivia. They are

00:15:28.899 --> 00:15:31.200
telling a specific story about your community's

00:15:31.200 --> 00:15:33.559
growth, its history, and its shifting values.

00:15:34.349 --> 00:15:36.710
Sometimes a column of data captures a narrative

00:15:36.710 --> 00:15:39.370
that words alone just can't articulate. This

00:15:39.370 --> 00:15:41.070
raises an important question, one that I think

00:15:41.070 --> 00:15:43.549
is worth dwelling on long after we wrap up today's

00:15:43.549 --> 00:15:45.970
analysis. It is a question based purely on the

00:15:45.970 --> 00:15:48.070
extremes of the text we've examined. I love these.

00:15:48.169 --> 00:15:50.320
Let's hear it. When you look at a race like Thomas

00:15:50.320 --> 00:15:53.220
F .B .R. Jr. winning by just 60 votes, in a pool

00:15:53.220 --> 00:15:57.639
around 74 ,000 total voters in 1922, compared

00:15:57.639 --> 00:16:00.220
to Lisa Blunt Rochester winning in a modern pool

00:16:00.220 --> 00:16:03.460
of nearly half a million voters in 2024, does

00:16:03.460 --> 00:16:05.539
the mathematical weight of a single individual

00:16:05.539 --> 00:16:07.759
vote feel more powerful when the electorate is

00:16:07.759 --> 00:16:11.139
tiny? Or does the sheer scale and magnitude of

00:16:11.139 --> 00:16:13.379
modern turnout make the collective voice of the

00:16:13.379 --> 00:16:15.700
people more profound? That is a phenomenal thought

00:16:15.700 --> 00:16:18.100
to end on. Does the power lie in the closeness

00:16:18.100 --> 00:16:20.340
of the margin or the roar of the crowd? You really

00:16:20.340 --> 00:16:22.399
can't help but look at the data differently once

00:16:22.399 --> 00:16:25.470
you start asking those kinds of questions. Well,

00:16:25.470 --> 00:16:27.009
that is all the time we have for our analysis

00:16:27.009 --> 00:16:28.909
today. I want to thank you for joining us on

00:16:28.909 --> 00:16:30.809
this deep dive into the numbers. It's been a

00:16:30.809 --> 00:16:33.129
fantastic experience unpacking the century of

00:16:33.129 --> 00:16:35.350
data with you. Remember, whether you are looking

00:16:35.350 --> 00:16:37.590
at a history book or a seemingly boring spreadsheet,

00:16:37.970 --> 00:16:40.490
there's always more to learn. See you next time.
