WEBVTT

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Welcome to the deep dive. If you've ever if you've

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ever wanted to know how Washington actually works

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behind the scenes, you are in the exact right

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place today. You really are. It is a completely

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different world back there. Yeah, it is. And

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we know you're out there listening. You, the

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learner, you want the real story about how power

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is organized, but you definitely don't want to

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be put to sleep by endless procedural rule books

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or. Just a swamp of legislative jargon. No one

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wants that. Right. You want the mechanics, the

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friction, the actual history delivered in a way

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that respects your time. It's a great space to

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be in because the real mechanics of government

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are rarely what they teach you in high school

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civics. I mean, there's this whole hidden architecture

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that dictates what actually gets done on a daily

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basis. Exactly. And today our mission is to explore

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a truly brilliant example of that hidden architecture.

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We are digging into the history, the evolution

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and the current. of a very unique entity in the

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American government, the United States Senate

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Committee on Indian Affairs. And to set the stage

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properly for you, we really need to look at the

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core mandate of this committee. It handles matters

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related to American Indian, Native Hawaiian,

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and Alaskan Native peoples. Which is a huge umbrella.

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It is. And I cannot stress enough what a massive

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deal it is to have a dedicated committee for

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these specific populations in the grand scheme

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of American governance. We are talking about

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sovereign nations here. Right, sovereign nations.

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Distinct indigenous populations that have a very

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unique constitutional and historical relationship

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with the federal government. Having a centralized

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legislative body to address those complex nation

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to nation relationships is absolutely crucial.

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OK, let's unpack this, because starting with

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what this committee actually does today on paper,

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it sounds like just another administrative branch,

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but it is so much more than so much more. The

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specific jurisdictions are staggering. I mean,

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they handle native education, economic development,

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land management, health care and claims against

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the United States. Plus, they manage something

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called trust responsibility. Yeah. Trust responsibilities.

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Yes. Trust responsibilities. But before we go

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any further, what does that actually mean in

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practice? When we say the government has trust

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responsibilities over native lands, what exactly

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are we talking about? That is the pivotal concept

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here. Trust responsibility is essentially the

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federal government's legal and moral obligation

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to protect tribal treaty rights, their lands,

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assets, and resources. When tribes ceded millions

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of acres of land to the United States, it wasn't

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just a basic real estate transaction. It was

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done through treaties where the federal government

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promised in return to protect the tribe's right

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to self -government. So it's an ongoing legal

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promise. Exactly. A promise to provide certain

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basic services like health care. care and education.

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The Committee on Indian Affairs is essentially

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the legislative watchdog meant to ensure the

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United States is actually keeping those centuries

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-old promises. So if any senator proposes a piece

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of legislation that specifically pertains to

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American Indians, Native Hawaiians, or Alaska

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Natives, it falls right under their umbrella.

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What's fascinating here is the sheer breadth

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of that jurisdiction. If you think about it,

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most Senate committees are strictly specialized.

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Right, like you have an Agriculture Committee.

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Or a Finance Committee. Committee or Veterans

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Affairs. They focus on one slice of American

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life. But this single committee essentially acts

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as a mini government. A mini government. I like

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that. It covers economics. It covers health care.

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It covers massive tracts of real estate and land

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management. And it handles complex legal claims.

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It's a horizontal slice across all areas of life

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tailored to sovereign native peoples rather than

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a vertical slice of one specific industry. That

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is a wild amount of power for one committee.

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I mean, to handle a portfolio that covers everything

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from building hospitals to managing forests,

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you need a very specific team. You really do.

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Looking at the current roster for the 119th Congress,

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there are 11 members in total, six Republicans

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who hold the majority and five Democrats in the

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minority. And the leadership consists of Chair

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Lisa Murkowski, a Republican from Alaska, and

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Vice Chair Brian Schatz, a Democrat from Hawaii.

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And if you look closely at that roster, a very

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deliberate geographic pattern emerges. It isn't

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just a random assortment of senators pulled from

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a hat. No, it is highly specific. The committee

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tends to be heavily dominated by senators from

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Western and Plains states. Alaska, Hawaii, North

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Dakota, Montana, Oklahoma, South Dakota, New

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Mexico, Washington, Nevada. Notice anyone missing?

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Right. Why is that? Why don't we see a bunch

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of senators from New York or Massachusetts clamoring

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to get on this committee? It comes down to constituency

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overlap. These Western and Plains states have

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significantly higher Native American populations

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and massive swaths of tribal lands right within

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their borders. Oh, that makes total sense. Regional

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geography essentially dictates national legislative

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power in this instance. The senators who sit

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on this committee are the ones whose home states

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are directly and heavily impacted by the policies

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they draft. Which is exactly how you'd want it

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to work. You want the people whose constituents

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are dealing with these issues. day to day to

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be the ones holding the pen. Precisely. The lived

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realities of their voters are deeply intertwined

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with the jurisdiction of this committee. But

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as logical as that setup sounds today, it hasn't

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always been this streamlined. In fact, a whole

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century of history was basically erased at one

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point. Yes, erased is the right word. The original

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committee had a massive established run from

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1820 all the way until 1946. That is over 100

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years of dedicated infrastructure. A very long

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institutional memory. But 1946 brought a massive

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disruption. Right. In 1946, Congress passed the

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Legislative Reorganization Act, which completely

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abolished both the House and Senate committees

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on Indian affairs. Just gone. Gone. They took

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all of those vital native affairs we just talked

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about, education, health care, treaty rights,

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and folded them into mere subcommittees of the

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Interior and Insular Affairs Committees. Which

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fundamentally degrades the level of attention,

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authority, and funding given to these issues.

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I mean, a subcommittee simply does not have the

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same. Here's where it gets really interesting.

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And by interesting, I mean incredibly dark. This

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demotion to a subcommittee wasn't just a random

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piece of bureaucratic housecleaning. No, it was

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not. It coincided with a 20 -year hiatus in Native

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affairs known as the Termination Era. So what

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exactly was the Termination Era? Did the government

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just decide to stop talking to tribes? It was

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far more aggressive than that. The termination

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era was a period where the prevailing explicit

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policy of the United States government was to

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outright terminate the federal relationship with

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Native tribes. Terminate it completely. Yes.

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The goal was rapid forced assimilation. The government

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sought to dismantle tribal sovereignty entirely

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and the federal trust responsibilities we talked

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about earlier and transfer jurisdiction over

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tribal lands and peoples directly to the states.

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So they basically said, we're voiding the treaties.

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You're on your own. Figure it out with the state

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government. Effectively, yes. It was a profound

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and devastating shift. If we connect the dots

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here, you can see how dangerous a shift from

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a dedicated Senate committee to a policy of termination

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truly was. Because there's no one to fight for

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them in Washington. Exactly. You take sovereign

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populations that legally rely on a direct nation

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to nation relationship with the federal government

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and you dismantle the very legislative body meant

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to oversee that relationship. And you do it right

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at the exact moment the government is actively

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trying to end the relationship altogether. The

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structural change in the Senate was basically

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the weapon used to carry out the policy shift.

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Without a full committee to push back, it was

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much easier to quietly roll back a century of

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tribal rights. The architecture of the Senate

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perfectly mirrored the hostility of the era's

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policy. That is terrifying when you realize how

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much damage can be done just by shuffling a flow

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chart. It really is. But by the mid -1960s, the

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termination philosophy started to face massive

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pushback. It was failing spectacularly, creating

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deep poverty and social crises. The era finally

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decisively ended with the enactment of the Menominee

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Restoration Act of 1973. What did that act actually

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do? The Menominee Restoration Act was a massive

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turning point. The Menominee Nation in Wisconsin

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had been one of the tribes legally terminated

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by the federal government. This 1973 act officially

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reversed that. OK, so they brought them back

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into recognized status. Yes. It restored their

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federal recognition, restored their sovereign

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rights, and reestablished the trust relationship.

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It was Congress formally admitting that the termination

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era was a failure and signaling a return to a

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policy of recognition and rebuilding. OK, so

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the federal government changes its mind. They

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want to start rebuilding social infrastructure

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and providing economic opportunities for tribes

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again. But they ran into a wall because the bureaucratic

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structure was a total nightmare. The classic

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Washington problem. You have a new policy goal.

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But the machinery is broken. Exactly. Imagine

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you, the learner, are trying to build a house,

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but the plumbers, the electricians, and the framers

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all speak different languages and report to entirely

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different bosses. Because the original committee

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had been abolished back in 46, Native affairs

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had been splintered. Splintered everywhere. By

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the early 1970s, legislative jurisdiction over

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Native issues was fragmented across more than

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10 different congressional committees. Think

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about the friction that creates. If a tribe is

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trying to negotiate a comprehensive solution

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that involves land rights, water access, and

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school funding, they can't just go to one committee.

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They're bouncing between a dozen different congressional

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offices. None of which have the full picture.

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None of which consider Native affairs their top

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priority. It led to incredibly disjointed, hack

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-hazard development of federal Native policy.

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It was structural chaos. And that chaos required

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a very deliberate fix. The turning point began

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in 1973 when Senator James Aberesk introduced

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Senate Joint Resolution 133. This resolution

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created the American Indian Policy Review Commission,

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which was officially signed into law in January

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1975. So they create a commission, basically

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a massive task force to review all aspects of

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policy, law and administration and figure out

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how to clean up the mess. Precisely. And as this

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commission went to work interviewing tribal leaders

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and reviewing the fractured laws, they had a

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major epiphany. They realized a massive truth

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about how government actually functions. You

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cannot implement sweeping systemic recommendations

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without a full Senate committee that possesses

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true legislative and oversight authority. A subcommittee

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can't do it. No. Ten fragmented committees certainly

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can't do it. Right. You need a centralized, powerful

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hub that can subpoena records, draft comprehensive

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bills, and hold the executive branch accountable.

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One of the commission's final, most critical

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recommendations was exactly that, the reestablishment

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of a full -fledged Indian Affairs Committee in

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the Senate. But getting that permanent committee

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was absolute bureaucratic warfare. It became

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this incredible fight for permanency that stretched

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from 1977 all the way to 1984. He was a slog.

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Because at the exact same time the commission

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was saying, hey, we need a dedicated committee,

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the Senate was actually trying to reorganize

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its entire committee system to shrink the number

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of committees. Their initial plan was to abolish

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the subcommittee on Indian affairs entirely.

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It was a very precarious moment. The Senate's

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reorganization plan was going to scatter the

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natural resource functions of Native affairs

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to new committees and hand all the human resources

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functions over to the Senate committee on labor

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and human resources. Which means labor and human

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resources would suddenly have... control over

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massive amounts of funding and policy. Why didn't

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they just create the permanent committee right

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then and there in 1977? If we connect this to

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the bigger picture, you have to remember that

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power in Washington is a zero sum game. Jurisdiction

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equals power. Right. If you create a new committee,

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you are taking jurisdiction and therefore power,

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relevance and funding away from an existing committee.

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The Committee on Labor and Human Resources did

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not want to lose that portfolio. But the sheer

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volume and gravity of the issues made it obvious

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that treating Native Affairs as a side project

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in a labor committee would be a disaster. The

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Senate finally realized it had a constitutional,

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legal, and historical responsibility that demanded

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a dedicated space. They had to pivot. So they

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pivoted. In February 1977, they passed Senate

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Resolution 4. They detached Indigenous Affairs

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from the new Committee on Energy and National

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Resources, and they created a select committee

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on Native Affairs. But here is the massive catch.

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It was temporary. Being a select committee in

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this context was essentially a trial run. It

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was a temporary life raft. Right. Being a select

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committee with a hard expiration date is like

00:12:49.590 --> 00:12:51.750
being a temp worker at a corporation. You're

00:12:51.750 --> 00:12:54.049
doing the job. You have zero job security. You

00:12:54.049 --> 00:12:56.190
get none of the institutional benefits and management

00:12:56.190 --> 00:12:57.889
could legally let you go at the end of the year.

00:12:57.990 --> 00:13:00.990
Exactly. The resolution explicitly stated the

00:13:00.990 --> 00:13:03.629
select committee would disband at the close of

00:13:03.629 --> 00:13:06.070
the 95th Congress. They had to prove they're

00:13:06.070 --> 00:13:07.970
worthwhile constantly fighting off their own

00:13:07.970 --> 00:13:10.809
extinction. Every single session. And what followed

00:13:10.809 --> 00:13:14.289
was a grueling seven year legislative relay race

00:13:14.289 --> 00:13:16.960
for survival. I want to walk you through this

00:13:16.960 --> 00:13:19.120
timeline because it shows the sheer political

00:13:19.120 --> 00:13:22.000
willpower required to overcome bureaucratic inertia.

00:13:22.580 --> 00:13:26.299
In 1978, Senator Aberesk fights to get a two

00:13:26.299 --> 00:13:28.679
-year extension. He just manages to push the

00:13:28.679 --> 00:13:32.340
expiration date to January 2, 1981. He essentially

00:13:32.340 --> 00:13:35.299
passes the baton to the next Congress, keeping

00:13:35.299 --> 00:13:37.179
the temp worker employed for a few more months.

00:13:37.340 --> 00:13:40.590
Then we hit 1980. Senator John Melcher takes

00:13:40.590 --> 00:13:43.549
over as chair. He pushes a resolution to finally

00:13:43.549 --> 00:13:46.330
make it permanent. He faces pushback. He doesn't

00:13:46.330 --> 00:13:48.830
get permanency, but he does manage to wring out

00:13:48.830 --> 00:13:52.730
another extension, this time to 1984. Crucially,

00:13:52.830 --> 00:13:55.409
he also manages to expand the committee membership

00:13:55.409 --> 00:13:58.350
to seven members. That expansion is important.

00:13:58.610 --> 00:14:00.970
The life raft is getting bigger, which means

00:14:00.970 --> 00:14:03.429
more senators have a vested personal interest

00:14:03.429 --> 00:14:05.809
in keeping the committee alive. It is gaining

00:14:05.809 --> 00:14:08.169
institutional weight. Then comes the final sprint,

00:14:08.370 --> 00:14:12.629
April 1983. Senator Mark Andrews is now the chair

00:14:12.629 --> 00:14:16.129
and he introduces Senate Resolution 127 to finally

00:14:16.129 --> 00:14:18.370
make the committee permanent. He starts with

00:14:18.370 --> 00:14:21.590
28 cost sponsors, but it is an agonizingly slow

00:14:21.590 --> 00:14:24.389
process. Washington moves at its own pace. They

00:14:24.389 --> 00:14:26.629
get to the very last day of the legislative session

00:14:26.629 --> 00:14:28.610
in November and they haven't voted on it. They

00:14:28.610 --> 00:14:30.690
have to pass one more tiny extension just to

00:14:30.690 --> 00:14:33.570
keep it alive until July 1984, just to allow

00:14:33.570 --> 00:14:35.549
time for debate. They're constantly operating

00:14:35.549 --> 00:14:37.850
on the edge of the cliff. But all of that friction,

00:14:37.970 --> 00:14:40.309
all of those delays actually allowed momentum

00:14:40.309 --> 00:14:43.009
to build. By the time it hits the floor for actual

00:14:43.009 --> 00:14:46.090
consideration, they go from 28 cosponsors to

00:14:46.090 --> 00:14:49.370
60 cosponsors. A huge jump. And finally, on June

00:14:49.370 --> 00:14:52.909
6th, 1984, the Select Committee on Indian Affairs

00:14:52.909 --> 00:14:55.629
is officially made a permanent committee of the

00:14:55.629 --> 00:14:58.269
United States Senate. They fought for seven years.

00:14:58.970 --> 00:15:01.009
just to get hired full time. It was a tremendous

00:15:01.009 --> 00:15:03.470
bureaucratic victory. It fundamentally secured

00:15:03.470 --> 00:15:06.149
the platform for native legislation. Once you

00:15:06.149 --> 00:15:08.429
are permanent, you get guaranteed budgets, dedicated

00:15:08.429 --> 00:15:11.190
staff, and you cannot easily be swept under the

00:15:11.190 --> 00:15:13.809
rug by shifting political winds. And in 1993,

00:15:14.169 --> 00:15:16.490
they officially dropped the word select from

00:15:16.490 --> 00:15:19.129
the title, fully solidifying its status simply

00:15:19.129 --> 00:15:21.710
as the Committee on Indian Affairs. A fully entrenched

00:15:21.710 --> 00:15:23.759
part of the Senate. The history of how this committee

00:15:23.759 --> 00:15:26.139
survived is incredible. But as we look at its

00:15:26.139 --> 00:15:28.659
legacy today, there are a few really unique details

00:15:28.659 --> 00:15:31.440
about how it operates internally. For one, the

00:15:31.440 --> 00:15:34.000
naming conventions. Most Senate committees call

00:15:34.000 --> 00:15:36.360
their top minority party member the ranking member.

00:15:36.720 --> 00:15:38.980
But this committee refers to its ranking minority

00:15:38.980 --> 00:15:42.059
member specifically as the vice chair. Why the

00:15:42.059 --> 00:15:44.379
distinction? This raises an important question

00:15:44.379 --> 00:15:46.320
about the internal culture they intentionally

00:15:46.320 --> 00:15:50.460
built. Words matter in politics. Calling someone

00:15:50.460 --> 00:15:54.120
a ranking member implies a hierarchy and an adversarial

00:15:54.120 --> 00:15:57.720
role. Calling someone a vice chair signals partnership.

00:15:57.940 --> 00:16:00.960
It sounds much more cooperative. It does. When

00:16:00.960 --> 00:16:03.000
you look at the historical leadership roster,

00:16:03.240 --> 00:16:06.519
it paints a picture of a unique bipartisan dynamic.

00:16:06.840 --> 00:16:09.080
You see the exact same names coming up again

00:16:09.080 --> 00:16:12.669
and again across different decades. You do. The

00:16:12.669 --> 00:16:14.929
chairmanship frequently bounced between parties,

00:16:15.070 --> 00:16:17.570
but the individual stayed intensely dedicated

00:16:17.570 --> 00:16:20.590
to the work. For instance, in the late 90s and

00:16:20.590 --> 00:16:23.809
early 2000s, you see Democrat Daniel Inouye of

00:16:23.809 --> 00:16:26.370
Hawaii and Republican Ben Campbell of Colorado.

00:16:26.509 --> 00:16:29.330
Absolutely. Depending on which party won the

00:16:29.330 --> 00:16:31.429
majority in the Senate that cycle, they would

00:16:31.429 --> 00:16:33.389
essentially just swap the chair and vice chair

00:16:33.389 --> 00:16:36.210
roles and keep working. You also see Republican

00:16:36.210 --> 00:16:38.710
John McCain holding the chairmanship for multiple

00:16:38.710 --> 00:16:40.909
tenures. So it wasn't just a stepping stone committee.

00:16:40.990 --> 00:16:44.000
It was a. career focus. Absolutely. What this

00:16:44.000 --> 00:16:46.740
demonstrates is a continuous bipartisan engagement

00:16:46.740 --> 00:16:49.940
with Native affairs once the committee was finally

00:16:49.940 --> 00:16:52.700
made permanent. It attracted dedicated leadership

00:16:52.700 --> 00:16:55.100
from both sides of the aisle who stayed involved

00:16:55.100 --> 00:16:57.980
across multiple congresses, building real institutional

00:16:57.980 --> 00:17:00.620
trust. So what does this all mean for you? Why

00:17:00.620 --> 00:17:03.179
does a deep dive into the bureaucratic history

00:17:03.179 --> 00:17:06.079
of a Senate committee actually matter to your

00:17:06.079 --> 00:17:08.140
understanding of the world today? It's a great

00:17:08.140 --> 00:17:10.480
question. It matters because this history is

00:17:10.480 --> 00:17:13.500
proof that the actual physical structure of government

00:17:13.500 --> 00:17:16.500
dictates the survival and support of the people

00:17:16.500 --> 00:17:19.019
it governs. Whether a committee is a temporary

00:17:19.019 --> 00:17:21.759
temp worker, whether its power is fragmented

00:17:21.759 --> 00:17:24.400
across 10 different desks, or whether it is a

00:17:24.400 --> 00:17:26.839
permanent centralized hub, that structure determines

00:17:26.839 --> 00:17:29.819
whether policies fail or succeed. The architecture

00:17:29.819 --> 00:17:32.680
of power shapes the outcome of the policy. You

00:17:32.680 --> 00:17:35.000
cannot solve a complex problem with a fragmented

00:17:35.000 --> 00:17:38.400
system. Exactly. tracked a committee that existed

00:17:38.400 --> 00:17:41.220
for over a century, was erased during the dark,

00:17:41.240 --> 00:17:43.779
aggressive assimilation policies of the termination

00:17:43.779 --> 00:17:46.599
era, became a fragmented 10 -committee mess,

00:17:46.880 --> 00:17:49.940
survived as a temporary life raft, and finally,

00:17:49.960 --> 00:17:52.160
through years of grinding legislative warfare,

00:17:52.539 --> 00:17:54.960
became a permanent fixture of the U .S. Senate.

00:17:55.140 --> 00:17:57.579
And as we reflect on that journey, I want to

00:17:57.579 --> 00:18:00.200
leave you with a thought. We've seen how disastrous

00:18:00.200 --> 00:18:02.940
it was in the 1970s when Native affairs were

00:18:02.940 --> 00:18:05.220
fragmented across more than 10 different committees,

00:18:05.359 --> 00:18:08.339
leading to completely haphazard conflicting policies.

00:18:08.559 --> 00:18:11.619
Right. It makes you wonder. Looking at our government

00:18:11.619 --> 00:18:13.980
today, what other critical marginalized issues

00:18:13.980 --> 00:18:16.039
are currently suffering from that exact same

00:18:16.039 --> 00:18:18.640
fragmentation effect, waiting for their own dedicated

00:18:18.640 --> 00:18:20.839
committee to finally bring things into focus?

00:18:21.240 --> 00:18:23.579
Oh, that is a brilliant question to chew on.

00:18:23.619 --> 00:18:25.940
Is climate change or artificial intelligence

00:18:25.940 --> 00:18:28.480
or data privacy suffering right now? Because

00:18:28.480 --> 00:18:30.920
the jurisdiction is split across a dozen different

00:18:30.920 --> 00:18:33.259
desks. Something to keep in mind the next time

00:18:33.259 --> 00:18:35.180
you hear about a complicated issue struggling

00:18:35.180 --> 00:18:37.720
to find a solution in Washington. Thank you,

00:18:37.720 --> 00:18:39.539
you the learner, for joining us on this deep

00:18:39.539 --> 00:18:42.460
dive. Stay curious, keep looking past the jargon,

00:18:42.460 --> 00:18:44.119
and keep seeking out the fascinating stories

00:18:44.119 --> 00:18:46.319
hidden right there inside the bureaucracy. We

00:18:46.319 --> 00:18:47.279
will catch you next time.
