WEBVTT

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Imagine for a second that the entire difference

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between a perfectly legal gathering and a criminal

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offense, one that could land you in prison for

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two years, hinged entirely on counting to three.

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Right. Just three. Literally. Just the presence

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of a third person walking into a room. Today's

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deep dive is taking us into a highly specific,

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totally fascinating and frankly baffling piece

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of historical legislation from South Africa.

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It really is baffling. It is. We're going to

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explore Section 20A of the South African Immorality

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Act of 1957. Yeah. So if you have ever heard

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whispers of the notorious men in a party clause.

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This is exactly what we're pulling apart today.

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Our mission here is to look at the hard mechanics

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of this law and understand how societal anxieties

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don't just hover in the cultural atmosphere.

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They can actually be codified into very rigid,

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very bizarre legal statutes. It's a phenomenal

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piece of legal history to dissect. We're going

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to be looking at a deeply paranoid era of South

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African law. We often think of legislation as

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this dry, objective framework. But statutes are

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actually incredibly sensitive barometers. They

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measure the... the exact temperature, the specific

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fears, and the cultural boundaries of the society

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that drafts them. And Section 20A is the perfect

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study of what happens when a government attempts

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to translate a very specific cultural panic into

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the uncompromising mechanical language of the

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justice system. It really forces us to look at

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how a state tries to micromanage human proximity.

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OK, let's unpack this, because to really grasp

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why Section 20A is such a striking piece of legislation,

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we have to establish what the legal baseline

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looked like before this clause was ever drafted.

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Right. The existing foundation. Exactly. The

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legal foundation in South Africa at the time

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was the Roman Dutch common law. And based on

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the Wikipedia article we're sourcing today, that

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common law already had some very strict boundaries

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in place regarding sexual behavior. It already

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criminalized what it termed sodomy and unnatural

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sexual acts. And those terms weren't just vague

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placeholders. The law had very specific definitions

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for what constituted an unnatural sexual act

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between men. It explicitly covered anal sex,

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oral sex, mutual masturbation, and intercruel

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sex, which is essentially thigh sex. net for

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prosecuting these specific physical acts was

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already cast quite wide under the existing common

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law framework. Right. But here is the crucial

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distinction, and this is the gap that sets up

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our entire deep dive today. Those older existing

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common laws did not apply to men who were merely

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touching or kissing each other. Exactly. They

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prosecuted the specific sexual acts you just

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listed, but they left a distinct legal gray area

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when it came to simple physical affection or,

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you know, just proximity. That gap was the boundary

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line. You had a legal framework that punished

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the act but could not legally penalize the affection.

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And to understand how that specific boundary

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was completely demolished, we have to look at

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the catalyst. Major legal shifts rarely happen

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in a vacuum. They usually need a spark. Yes,

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a highly visible spark. In this case, that spark

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was a police raid in January of 1966. A raid

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on a party, right? Exactly. The police raided

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a gathering in Forestown, which is a suburb of

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Johannesburg. The target was a gay party. And

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there is one operational detail about this event

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that changes everything. The size. Yes. There

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were roughly 300 men present at this gathering.

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Wait, 300 people? That is not a quiet get -together

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in someone's living room. No. That is a massive,

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highly visible event. But how does a single party,

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even a large one, trigger a national legal overhaul?

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I mean, people throw large parties all the time

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without the government completely rewriting the

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criminal code. What's fascinating here is how

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this single event in Forest Town interacted with

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the specific cultural machinery of the time.

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It triggered an absolute cascade of reactions,

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snowballing into a full blown moral panic. Wow.

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This wasn't just an isolated raid where the police

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made some arrests and went home. The Forest Town

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raid became the domino that set off a nationwide

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crackdown, leading to a whole series of subsequent

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police raids on clubs, private parties and gatherings

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across various other South African cities. But

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why? massive overreaction. What was it about

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this specific moment in 1966 South Africa that

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turned a single party into a national crisis?

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Well, according to the historical context in

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our source, it comes down to the ideological

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foundation of the government in power. At this

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time, South Africa was governed by the apartheid

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regime and the prevailing cultural and political

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atmosphere was deeply rooted in an African or

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Calvinist ethos. Let's break that term down for

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the listener. When we talk about an African or

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Calvinist ethos in the context of the 1960s apartheid

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government, We were talking about a fiercely

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conservative, strictly religious worldview, correct?

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Correct. It was a worldview that rigidly enforced

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social boundaries, racial segregation and strict

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moral conformity. And within that specific cultural

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framework, homosexuality and particularly male

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homosexuality was deemed fundamentally entirely

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unacceptable. It was viewed as a direct threat

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to the moral fabric the state was trying to engineer.

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So when you take a government deeply invested

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in that strict Calvinist morality and you confront

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them with a highly visible 300 -person gay gathering

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in a major suburb, the reaction is going to be

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severe. It was seen as a brazen defiance of the

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state's moral order. And that moral panic goes

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straight to the top. The reaction didn't just

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stay with local police departments' rating clubs.

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This cultural anxiety prompted the South African

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parliament to step in formally. In 1968, two

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years after the Forestown raid, Parliament convened

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a select committee. Yes, they did. Their express

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purpose was to draft new amendments to the existing

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Immorality Act. They wanted to officially close

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that legal gap we talked about earlier, the loophole

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that allowed men to touch or kiss without facing

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prosecution. The machinery of the state was mobilized

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purely to address the anxiety generated by that

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one party. They spent months in the select committee

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trying to figure out how to draft a law that

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could criminalize affection without inadvertently

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criminalizing everyday non -sexual interactions.

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It is a very difficult needle to thread legally.

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Here's where it gets really interesting. Because

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the result of that 1968 select committee is the

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exact legislation we are dissecting today. In

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1969, Parliament enacted the Immorality Amendment

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Act, which officially introduced Section 20A.

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And the wording is so important here. It is wild.

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We need to look at the exact wording they landed

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on. The overarching prohibition reads, quote,

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Acts committed between men at a party and which

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are calculated to stimulate sexual passion or

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to give sexual gratification. It is incredibly

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sweeping language. It is. And then subsection

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one gets even more specific. It says a male person

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who commits with another male person at a party,

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an act which is calculated to stimulate sexual

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passion or to give sexual gratification, shall

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be guilty of an offense. Notice the phrasing

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they chose there, calculated to stimulate sexual

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passion. They aren't just outlawing specific

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physical acts anymore like the old Roman Dutch

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law did. They are attempting to outlaw the intent

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behind the act as long as it happens at what

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they define as a party. But the true mechanical

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heart of this law, the part that earns it, the

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historical nickname, the men at a party clause,

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is found right below that in subsection two.

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This is the part that completely breaks my brain,

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because if you were going to make it a criminal

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offense to do something at a party, you have

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to legally define what a party is. You can't

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just leave that up to the imagination of a beat

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cop. Exactly. And this is where the legal definition

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completely divorces from reality. In subsection

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2, the government legally defined a party as,

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and this is a quote, any occasion where more

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than two persons are present. I really want you

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to think about the logistics of that for a second.

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Any occasion where more than two persons are

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present. Three people. If you have three men

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standing in a kitchen, under section 20A, you

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are now legally at a party. It completely weaponizes

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everyday life. Think about the sheer paranoia

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this would inject into your daily routine if

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you were living under this jurisdiction. Unbelievable.

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The law took the old baseline, which didn't penalize

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mere touching, and added this bizarre headcount

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threshold. If you and a partner are showing affection

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in your own home and a roommate, a repairman,

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or a third friend simply walks into the room,

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your interaction has just crossed a criminal

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threshold. You're at a party. You are now instantly

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at a legally defined party, provided a police

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officer decides your actions were calculated

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to stimulate sexual passion. And the stakes for

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crossing that threshold were incredibly high.

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This wasn't a minor citation. The prescribed

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penalty for violating Section 20A was a fine

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of up to R4 ,000 or imprisonment for up to two

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years or both. You are looking at two years in

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prison because a third person happened to exist

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in the same airspace as you. It transforms the

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mere presence of a third person into an unwitting

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catalyst for a severe crime. It is a chilling

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example of a state attempting to enforce its

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moral ethos by micromanaging the physical proximity

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and the exact headcount of its citizens. Every

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casual gathering of three or more men was technically

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a massive legal risk if the authorities chose

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to target you. OK, I get the theory of the law.

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I see the text on the page. But how does a justice

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system actually enforce a law? that defines a

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party as three people. It seems like an absolute

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logistical nightmare. Did the police really just

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wander around counting heads in living rooms?

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They absolutely tried. And the historical record

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gives us a highly specific, almost theatrical

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court case from 1987 that perfectly illustrates

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the sheer unworkability of this law in practice.

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Of this case. Yeah. It exposes exactly what happens

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when you force a justice system to operate on

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absurd definitions. The 1987 bathhouse case.

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Yes. I want to set the scene for you because

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it plays out like a bizarre comedy of errors.

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It's 1987, 18 years after the law was passed.

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We were in a gay bathhouse. two men alone in

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a room. Just two. Suddenly, a police officer

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enters the room and switches on the light. The

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absolute second the light comes on, the two men

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immediately jump apart. And that right there,

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that exact moment, results in a criminal conviction

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under Section 20A. Because, according to the

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police officer's logic, the moment he entered

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the room, there were now three people present,

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more than two persons. Therefore, the room was

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legally a party, and whatever acts were occurring

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before the men jumped apart were now a criminal

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offense. Wait, so the police officer effectively

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brought the party with him. His own presence

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is what triggered the crime he was arresting

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them for. That was the initial argument that

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led to the conviction, yes. But the legal mechanics

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of the appeal are absolutely fascinating. The

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convicted men appealed the decision, and the

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case made its way up to the Supreme Court. The

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Supreme Court reviewed the facts and actually

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reversed the conviction. They threw it out. Did

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they throw it out because they realized defining

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a party as three people is ridiculous? No, they

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threw it out based on an incredibly microscopic

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interpretation of the timeline. The Supreme Court

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ruled that a party was not legally created by

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the sudden presence of the police officer. And

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the specific reason they give was because the

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two men had jumped apart the moment the light

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was switched on. Let me make sure I'm following

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this. The highest court in the land. ruled that

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because the men stopped whatever they were doing

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the exact millisecond the third person entered

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the room, the legal threshold for a party wasn't

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met. If we connect this to the bigger picture,

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it beautifully illustrates the logistical absurdity

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of this entire legal endeavor. You have a formal

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justice system. Supreme Court judges forced to

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sit in a courtroom and debate the exact timing

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of a light switch being flipped versus the human

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reaction time of two individuals jumping apart.

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That is insane. The entire weight of a criminal

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conviction involving potential prison time and

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massive fines hinged on the microscopic gap in

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time between an officer opening a door and two

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bodies physically separating. It's astounding.

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It feels like a legal logic puzzle that completely

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lost sight of human reality. The justice system

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tied itself in knots over the definition of the

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word party because the definition Parliament

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wrote in 1969 was fundamentally absurd to begin

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with. It is the ultimate example of a legal system

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trapping itself in its own rigid architecture.

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When you cast a net that wide defining a party

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as three people just so you can persecute a specific

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group. You force your highest courts to engage

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in these ridiculous hair -splitting arguments

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about who is standing where when a light bulb

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illuminated. It's an enforcement nightmare. So

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what does this all mean? How do we get from a

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Supreme Court seriously debating light switches

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in 1987 to where things stand today? Because

00:12:44.240 --> 00:12:47.139
thankfully, Section 20A is no longer enforceable

00:12:47.139 --> 00:12:49.679
law. The downfall of this clause ties directly

00:12:49.679 --> 00:12:52.100
into the massive political and social upheavals

00:12:52.100 --> 00:12:54.659
happening in South Africa at the end of the apartheid

00:12:54.659 --> 00:12:57.529
regime. The shifting legal landscape of the 1990s

00:12:57.529 --> 00:12:59.549
completely rewrote the foundation that Section

00:12:59.549 --> 00:13:02.210
28 was built upon. The entire system of apartheid

00:13:02.210 --> 00:13:04.450
was dismantled and the new legal framework fundamentally

00:13:04.450 --> 00:13:07.870
rejected the old Afrikaner Calvinist ethos that

00:13:07.870 --> 00:13:10.129
created these moral panics. There were two major

00:13:10.129 --> 00:13:12.620
milestones here. First, the interim constitution

00:13:12.620 --> 00:13:15.759
was adopted in 1994. Then the final constitution

00:13:15.759 --> 00:13:18.659
replaced it in 1997. And both of those documents

00:13:18.659 --> 00:13:21.200
did something revolutionary compared to the previous

00:13:21.200 --> 00:13:24.259
era of South African law. They included equality

00:13:24.259 --> 00:13:27.159
clauses that explicitly prohibited discrimination

00:13:27.159 --> 00:13:30.940
on the basis of sex, gender, or sexual orientation.

00:13:31.559 --> 00:13:34.179
Which immediately puts a massive glaring target

00:13:34.179 --> 00:13:37.100
on the back of the men at a party clause. You

00:13:37.100 --> 00:13:39.740
cannot have a supreme constitution that protects

00:13:39.740 --> 00:13:42.820
sexual orientation alongside a criminal statute

00:13:42.820 --> 00:13:45.139
that throws men in prison for being in a room

00:13:45.139 --> 00:13:47.600
with a third person. The conflict was undeniable.

00:13:47.860 --> 00:13:49.799
And it didn't take long for that conflict to

00:13:49.799 --> 00:13:52.940
be formally challenged. In 1997, an organization

00:13:52.940 --> 00:13:55.480
called the National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian

00:13:55.480 --> 00:13:58.100
Equality launched a constitutional challenge

00:13:58.100 --> 00:14:00.519
in the Witwatersrand local division of the high

00:14:00.519 --> 00:14:03.330
court. Their argument was incredibly straightforward.

00:14:03.669 --> 00:14:06.190
The old common law offenses against sodomy and

00:14:06.190 --> 00:14:08.450
unnatural sexual acts, along with the Section

00:14:08.450 --> 00:14:11.570
28 men at a party clause, directly infringed

00:14:11.570 --> 00:14:13.690
on the new equality protections of the Constitution.

00:14:14.110 --> 00:14:16.750
But the most revealing part of that 1997 challenge

00:14:16.750 --> 00:14:19.509
isn't just the argument. It's the response from

00:14:19.509 --> 00:14:21.940
the state. When the National Coalition brought

00:14:21.940 --> 00:14:24.200
this challenge forward, the South African government

00:14:24.200 --> 00:14:26.519
didn't even bother to oppose the application.

00:14:26.879 --> 00:14:29.039
That silence from the government is so telling.

00:14:29.139 --> 00:14:31.799
It speaks volumes. It shows how completely the

00:14:31.799 --> 00:14:34.620
cultural and legal tide had turned. Just a few

00:14:34.620 --> 00:14:38.519
decades earlier, in 1966, a 300 -person gathering

00:14:38.519 --> 00:14:41.679
in Forest Town sparked a nationwide moral panic,

00:14:41.960 --> 00:14:45.419
police raids across multiple cities, and a specialized

00:14:45.419 --> 00:14:48.419
parliamentary committee. Yeah. The state utilized

00:14:48.419 --> 00:14:51.429
all its power. to crush that community. Now,

00:14:51.450 --> 00:14:54.570
in 1997, when the laws born from that exact panic

00:14:54.570 --> 00:14:56.789
were challenged, the state essentially stepped

00:14:56.789 --> 00:14:59.230
aside and offered zero defense. It's a profound

00:14:59.230 --> 00:15:01.610
shift in power. And because the challenge was

00:15:01.610 --> 00:15:04.190
unopposed, it paved the way for a swift and pivotal

00:15:04.190 --> 00:15:07.610
ruling. In May of 1998, Judge Heyer handed down

00:15:07.610 --> 00:15:09.629
a judgment and an order that struck down all

00:15:09.629 --> 00:15:11.929
of those impugned laws. The sodomy laws were

00:15:11.929 --> 00:15:14.309
gone. The unnatural sexual acts laws were gone.

00:15:14.429 --> 00:15:16.950
And our focus today, the men at a party clause,

00:15:17.230 --> 00:15:20.159
was entirely struck down. But the South African

00:15:20.159 --> 00:15:23.679
legal system has a specific architectural requirement

00:15:23.679 --> 00:15:26.820
for this kind of sweeping change. A high court

00:15:26.820 --> 00:15:29.100
judge like Judge Hager can strike down an act

00:15:29.100 --> 00:15:31.740
of parliament, but that order isn't finalized

00:15:31.740 --> 00:15:34.299
immediately. It must be referred to the Constitutional

00:15:34.299 --> 00:15:36.360
Court for confirmation. Right. I guess your step.

00:15:36.440 --> 00:15:38.320
It's an extra layer of supreme constitutional

00:15:38.320 --> 00:15:41.200
review. So the confirmation case was presented

00:15:41.200 --> 00:15:43.399
to the Constitutional Court later that year in

00:15:43.399 --> 00:15:46.740
August of 1998. And the result of that confirmation

00:15:46.740 --> 00:15:50.950
case is incredibly. powerful. In October of 1998,

00:15:51.370 --> 00:15:53.909
the Constitutional Court issued a unanimous judgment

00:15:53.909 --> 00:15:57.190
confirming Judge Hare's order. Every single justice

00:15:57.190 --> 00:16:00.649
agreed. Unanimity at the highest level of a nation's

00:16:00.649 --> 00:16:03.490
court system is always significant. But the actual

00:16:03.490 --> 00:16:05.730
text of the judgment is even more striking than

00:16:05.730 --> 00:16:08.340
the vote count. Justice Lawrence Ackerman wrote

00:16:08.340 --> 00:16:10.240
the judgment for the court, and he absolutely

00:16:10.240 --> 00:16:12.559
did not mince words when evaluating the history

00:16:12.559 --> 00:16:14.960
of Section 20A. He described the clause as having

00:16:14.960 --> 00:16:17.720
an absurdly discriminatory purpose and impact.

00:16:18.340 --> 00:16:21.100
Absurdly discriminatory. That perfectly captures

00:16:21.100 --> 00:16:23.419
the bizarre three -person party definition we

00:16:23.419 --> 00:16:25.620
were breaking down earlier. It was absurd on

00:16:25.620 --> 00:16:27.740
its face. And he went much further than that.

00:16:28.059 --> 00:16:31.299
Evaluating the 1969 law and the moral panic that

00:16:31.299 --> 00:16:34.179
spawned it, Justice Ackerman wrote, this is a

00:16:34.179 --> 00:16:36.799
direct quote, there is nothing before us to show

00:16:36.799 --> 00:16:38.779
that the provision was motivated by anything

00:16:38.779 --> 00:16:42.340
other than rank prejudice. Rank prejudice. That

00:16:42.340 --> 00:16:45.559
is the highest court in the land officially looking

00:16:45.559 --> 00:16:48.000
back at the history of this law and concluding

00:16:48.000 --> 00:16:49.840
that it had absolutely nothing to do with public

00:16:49.840 --> 00:16:53.080
safety or legitimate legal ordering or justice.

00:16:53.279 --> 00:16:57.250
It was just raw codified bigotry. It is a remarkable,

00:16:57.389 --> 00:17:00.350
devastating condemnation of the past by the legal

00:17:00.350 --> 00:17:02.950
institutions of the present. It stripped away

00:17:02.950 --> 00:17:05.750
all the respectable legal jargon, all the subsections

00:17:05.750 --> 00:17:08.170
and the definitions of a party, and called it

00:17:08.170 --> 00:17:10.930
exactly what it was. Just to add the final piece

00:17:10.930 --> 00:17:14.329
of historical housekeeping here. After that October

00:17:14.329 --> 00:17:17.569
1998 constitutional court order, Section 20A

00:17:17.569 --> 00:17:20.230
was completely dead in the water. It was totally

00:17:20.230 --> 00:17:22.269
unenforceable. No one could be arrested or tried

00:17:22.269 --> 00:17:24.670
under it. But it actually wasn't formally physically

00:17:24.670 --> 00:17:26.869
scraped off the printed pages of the statute

00:17:26.869 --> 00:17:29.690
book until 2007 when it was finally removed by

00:17:29.690 --> 00:17:31.829
the Criminal Law Amendment Act. It was a final

00:17:31.829 --> 00:17:34.549
administrative cleanup of a very dark legal chapter.

00:17:35.210 --> 00:17:37.710
It took almost 40 years from its inception in

00:17:37.710 --> 00:17:40.029
the late 60s to be physically erased from the

00:17:40.029 --> 00:17:42.250
books, even though its actual power had been

00:17:42.250 --> 00:17:44.250
broken by the Constitution nine years prior.

00:17:44.839 --> 00:17:47.039
It really is an incredible sweeping journey when

00:17:47.039 --> 00:17:48.720
you step back and look at the whole timeline

00:17:48.720 --> 00:17:51.839
we've explored today. We started in 1966 with

00:17:51.839 --> 00:17:54.460
a moral panic sparked by a single 300 -person

00:17:54.460 --> 00:17:57.900
gathering in a Johannesburg suburb. We watched

00:17:57.900 --> 00:18:00.140
that panic get funneled into Parliament, resulting

00:18:00.140 --> 00:18:04.140
in a 1969 law so broad and paranoid that it turned

00:18:04.140 --> 00:18:06.460
three men standing in a room into a criminalized

00:18:06.460 --> 00:18:09.430
party. We saw the bizarre logistical nightmare

00:18:09.430 --> 00:18:12.269
of the 1980s, where Supreme Court justices were

00:18:12.269 --> 00:18:14.750
forced to count people in bathhouses and time

00:18:14.750 --> 00:18:17.369
the jumping apart of suspects. And finally, we

00:18:17.369 --> 00:18:19.609
saw the entire apparatus dismantled by the new

00:18:19.609 --> 00:18:22.549
constitutions of the 1990s, culminating in a

00:18:22.549 --> 00:18:25.049
unanimous constitutional court rejection of the

00:18:25.049 --> 00:18:26.750
rank prejudice that built the law in the first

00:18:26.750 --> 00:18:29.069
place. This raises an important question for

00:18:29.069 --> 00:18:30.750
you to consider as you process this history.

00:18:30.930 --> 00:18:33.630
It forces us to think deeply about how societies

00:18:33.630 --> 00:18:37.160
operate and how the law can be manipulated. today

00:18:37.160 --> 00:18:40.539
how incredibly complex, legal, jargon -like drafting

00:18:40.539 --> 00:18:42.960
specific subsections to define the word party

00:18:42.960 --> 00:18:45.740
can be meticulously constructed to mask very

00:18:45.740 --> 00:18:48.480
simple, very base discrimination. Exactly. The

00:18:48.480 --> 00:18:50.799
language of the law can be entirely weaponized

00:18:50.799 --> 00:18:52.920
to enforce the moral anxieties of a specific

00:18:52.920 --> 00:18:55.759
era. It dresses up prejudice in the highly respectable

00:18:55.759 --> 00:18:58.400
clothes of statutes, fines, and prison sentences.

00:18:58.819 --> 00:19:00.500
I want to thank you so much for joining us on

00:19:00.500 --> 00:19:03.119
this deep dive. It is always a privilege to explore

00:19:03.119 --> 00:19:05.220
these forgotten mechanical corners of history

00:19:05.220 --> 00:19:07.579
with you. We've talked a lot today about how

00:19:07.579 --> 00:19:10.420
a simple, seemingly objective threshold like

00:19:10.420 --> 00:19:13.079
just counting to three was used by a government

00:19:13.079 --> 00:19:16.359
to enforce a deeply subjective bias. I want to

00:19:16.359 --> 00:19:18.240
leave you with a final provocative thought to

00:19:18.240 --> 00:19:21.559
mull over long after we sign off today. If an

00:19:21.559 --> 00:19:23.960
entire national legal system could spend decades

00:19:23.960 --> 00:19:26.740
enthusiastically enforcing a law that hinged

00:19:26.740 --> 00:19:29.240
entirely on the exact moment a third person walked

00:19:29.240 --> 00:19:31.980
into a room, what other seemingly objective legal

00:19:31.980 --> 00:19:34.220
definitions in our world today are actually just

00:19:34.220 --> 00:19:36.740
relying on the exact same kind of rank prejudice?

00:19:37.160 --> 00:19:38.119
We'll see you next time.
