WEBVTT

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So I was looking at the title of the book we're

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covering today for this deep dive, and I actually

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had to do a double take. Yeah, it's quite a phrase,

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isn't it? It really is. The book is called Honorary

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Protestants. And my immediate reaction, you know,

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it wasn't confusion so much as just marveling

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at the sheer bureaucratic absurdity of that.

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Right. Because how can someone be an honorary

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member of a religion? It sounds like a... I don't

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know, like a massive loophole, like a label you

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just slap on a file folder because you literally

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do not have a cabinet for it. That is essentially

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what it was. The thing is, it wasn't just a file

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folder. It was the lived reality for generations

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of people. We're talking about the Jewish community

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in Montreal trying to navigate a school system

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that... legally speaking anyway, didn't even

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know they existed. Which is wild to think about,

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especially when you look at the full title. It's

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Honorary Protestants, the Jewish School Question

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in Montreal, 1867 -1997. By David Frazier. Right,

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by David Frazier. Published in 2015 by the University

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of Toronto Press. But I want to focus on those

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dates. 1867 and 1997. I mean 1997 is not ancient

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history. No, not at all. If you're listening

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right now, you probably remember 1997. I was

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listening to the Spice Girls and worrying about

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Y2K a couple years early. And meanwhile, in Montreal,

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the school system was still legally grappling

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with whether you were Catholic, Protestant, or

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this bizarre third honorary thing. It really

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puts the long in the long 20th century. And you're

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right to focus on the bureaucracy of it, because

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that is exactly where David Frazier lives. He

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isn't just a historian. He's a professor of law

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and social theory at the university Nottingham.

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Okay, so he's not writing a personal memoir here.

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No, not at all. He's looking at the plumbing

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of the state. He's looking at the wiring, the

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contracts, and specifically this massive legal

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fiction. To set the stage a bit, you have to

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understand that Montreal's public school system

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wasn't divided by language or by neighborhood

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like we see in most modern systems. It was constitutionally

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protected as a strict binary. You were Catholic

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or you were Protestant. That was it. Just those

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two boxes. Exactly. The British North America

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Act of 1867. Lock that in. Which I guess makes

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sense for 1867 if you're really only thinking

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about French Catholics and English Protestants.

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But then you have this massive influx of Jewish

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immigration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

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You've got thousands of families arriving. They're

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settling down, paying taxes and obviously expecting

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to send their kids to school. And the system

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basically hits a syntax error. It just does not

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compute. The Catholic schools were largely French

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and deeply doctrinal at the time, so they really

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weren't an option. So by custom, and I want to

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stress that word, custom is doing a lot of heavy

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lifting there. Jewish K through 12 students were

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absorbed into the Protestant system. Hence the

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title, the honorary Protestants. Exactly. And

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that is the mission of our deep dive today. We

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want to explore how a community navigates a system

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that was fundamentally not built for them, because

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absorbed does not mean accepted as equals. Yeah,

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let's dig into that honorary status, because

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just hearing it, it sounds incredibly patronizing.

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It implies you're a guest in the house, like

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you're allowed in the building, but we are absolutely

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not giving you a set of keys. That is a perfect

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way to put it. This book has split into 14 chapters.

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And the core struggle across all of them isn't

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just about where kids sat to learn algebra. It's

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about the fight for rights. The legal struggle.

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Yes. For a huge chunk of this history, Jewish

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families paid school taxes. And often they paid

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at the higher Protestant rate. Right. But they

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had zero representation on the school boards.

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They couldn't vote for the trustees. They couldn't

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be trustees. Taxation without representation.

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A classic case. And Frasier maps out how the

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Jewish community was not passive in this. They

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were negotiating the environment constantly to

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gain rights to education. They were lobbying,

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leveraging their growing numbers, trying to get

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a say in how these districts were actually run.

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But I have to ask, why didn't the system just

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adapt? If you have a massive third group of people,

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just make a third panel. Why cling to this strict

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Catholic or Protestant label for 130 years? Because

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of the constication. That religious divide was

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baked right into the founding documents of Canada.

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Changing it would have required a constitutional

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amendment. Oh, and nobody wants to open that

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can of worms. It's a political nightmare. So

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instead of changing the structure, they just

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changed the definitions. They stretched the legal

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definition of Protestant to basically mean non

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-Catholic. Wow. which is a very lawyerly solution

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to the problem. We can't build a new door, so

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we'll just legally redefine who gets to walk

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through this one. Precisely. And this gets us

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into the absolute meat of Frazier's analysis

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and why it got the academic reception that it

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did. Frazier uses this concept throughout the

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book called the contextual stance on the rule

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of law. Okay, let's unpack that phrase, because

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when I hear rule of law, I usually think of something

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rigid. You know, the law is the law. You follow

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the rules as written. Right. The traditional

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black letter law view. It's written down. It's

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clear. It's binding. But Fraser is arguing that

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law is actually a living social negotiation.

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This contextual stance looks at how the law actually

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functions on the ground in society versus what

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is just printed on the paper. So the text on

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the paper said Catholic or Protestant. But the

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context on the ground said, hey, we have 20 ,000

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Jewish kids in this city. Exactly. And the rule

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of law becomes the messy bridge between those

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two realities. Frazier argues that the law isn't

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just the statute. It's the compromise. Right.

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It's the school board minutes where they decide

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to, you know, hire a few Jewish teachers to keep

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the peace, even if the strict regulations don't

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mandate it. It's those backroom negotiations.

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It sounds exhausting, honestly, just a constant,

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century -long, low -grade friction. It was. And

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the reviewers who praised this book really keyed

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in on how well Frazier captured that legal friction.

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Yeah. Let's talk about the reception. Because

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when you write a book, this hyper specific, a

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legal history of one minority groups schooling

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in one specific city, you are inviting a very

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particular kind of academic scrutiny. So who

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read this and what did they actually think? Well,

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the legal scholars absolutely ate it up. Jory

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Binder from Osgoode Hall Law School wrote a review

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that highlighted exactly what we just talked

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about, that contextual stance. Binder praised

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how Frazier skillfully explained these complex

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historical developments. Because if you're a

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law student or a legal scholar, This is basically

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a master class in how rigid systems are forced

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to adapt, right? Yes. It's a brilliant case study

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in legal flexibility. And there was a broad academic

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consensus on that side of things. Anthony Dimaccio

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over at Bishop's University called it a valuable

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new contribution to the field. High praise. But

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the strongest praise actually came from David

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S. Kaufman at York University. He used the word

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unassailable to describe the scholarship. Unassailable.

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I mean, that is the academic mic drop right there.

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When another scholar calls your work unassailable,

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they're saying, I checked your footnotes, I went

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through your bibliography, and you are bulletproof.

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It implies the archival work is just flawless.

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And it is. Frasier clearly spent years in the

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dusty basements of these school boards. He's

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reading meeting minutes from 1903, 1925, 1950.

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He meticulously reconstructed the entire legal

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skeleton of this system bone by bone. And Kaufman

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loved that. did, although even Kaufman noted

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a slight wish that the book had covered other

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related aspects, which kind of hints at how incredibly

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narrow Frazier's focus is. Right, and I'm sensing

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a bigger but coming here, because unassailable

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scholarship is great, but reconstructing a skeleton

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means you might be forgetting the flesh and blood.

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And that is exactly the pivot point of the controversy

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surrounding this book. Okay, let's get into the

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plot twist, because there is a dissenting voice

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here, and it is a loud one. Roderick McLeod.

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Yes. Roderick McLeod's review is by far the most

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critical of the bunch. And to understand why,

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we have to look at where the title of Frazier's

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book came from. Right. I asked you earlier about

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the origin of honorary Protestants. Where did

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Frazier actually get that phrase? He got it from

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a different book, a book called A Meeting of

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the People, School Boards and Protestant Communities

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in Quebec, 1801 -1998. And let me guess, who

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co -wrote that book? Roderick MacLeod. Wow! Okay,

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that is just delicious academic drama. So Fraser

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borrows MacLeod's own term to use as the title

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of his book, and then MacLeod turns around and

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reviews Fraser's book. Yes. The stakes were very

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high. I am assuming MacLeod did not send him

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a thank you basket. Definitely not. Because McLeod's

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review isn't just nitpicking facts. He attacks

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the entire tone of the project. He actually accuses

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Frazier of using the title honorary protestants

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sarcastically. Sarcastically. How do you use

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a historical label sarcastically in an academic

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book? Well, McLeod feels that Frazier is using

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the term to sneer at the system a little bit,

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to highlight the bureaucratic absurdity of it,

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much like you did at the start of our conversation.

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Guilty as charged. Right. It's easy to look back

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and say, look at these ridiculous legal contortions

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they went through. But for McLeod, who deeply

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studied these Protestant communities, that term

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wasn't a joke. It represented a genuine, pragmatic

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attempt at inclusion during a very restricted

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time. It was a lifeline. I see. So McLeod thinks

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Frazier is looking down his nose at the historical

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actors. He's taking McLeod's term, which was

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meant to show a practical compromise, and using

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it to mock the inadequacy of the Protestant boards.

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That is bound to cause some serious academic

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friction. Oh, absolutely. But the sarcasm accusation

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is just the start. McCloud's main substantive

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criticism of the book is what he calls a total

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lack of a sense of human agency. human agency,

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meaning the people in the book don't actually

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feel like people. Exactly. McLeod argues that

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Frazier is so completely obsessed with the legal

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structures, the board minutes and the statutes

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that he completely fails to show how individuals

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felt or how they actually acted on a human level.

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It's like the difference between reading the

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blueprints of a house and actually living in

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it. You know, Frazier is handing you the blueprints.

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Every beam, every wire, every load bearing wall

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is perfectly unassailably drawn. Yes. But McLeod

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is looking at the blueprints. and asking, okay,

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but what was it like to cook dinner in that kitchen?

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Did the roof leak? Were the neighbors awful to

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you? That is the perfect analogy. McLeod is asking,

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where are the parents in this narrative? Where

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are the actual students? Where's the emotional

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toll of looking a child in the eye and saying,

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you are an honorary citizen here? Frazier's book

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treats the Jewish community almost like a legal

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entity navigating a contract, rather than a marginalized

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group of human beings living through exclusion.

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Let's play devil's advocate for a second. Isn't

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that the point of a legal history? I mean, we

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established Frasier as a law professor. If you

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buy a book by a law professor about legal structures,

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isn't it a bit unfair to criticize it for not

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being an emotional social history? It feels a

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bit like yelling at a cookbook because it doesn't

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have a good plot. And that is exactly the defense

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that reviewers like Binder and Kaufman would

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make. They would argue that you need the blueprint

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first. You have to... meticulously reconstruct

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the legal trap before you can understand the

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people caught in it. But McLeod's counter argument

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is that you cannot fully understand the law if

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you ignore the human element that forces the

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law to change. Why did a school board suddenly

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hire a Jewish teacher in 1930? If you only look

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at the official documents, it looks like a spontaneous

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administrative choice. But what if it happened

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because a group of angry mothers staged a protest

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outside the board office? If you strip away the

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emotion and the human activism, McLeod argues

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you miss the actual cause and effect. You make

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history look like this inevitable, sterile evolution

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of rules. That makes a lot of sense. If you ignore

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how people felt, you miss why they fought back.

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back. Did McLeod have any other critiques or

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was it purely about this lack of human agency?

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He also pointed out what he called errors and

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confusing passages. He found the legal jargon

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so dense at times that it actually obscured the

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narrative. So put all that together and you have

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by far the most critical review of the bunch.

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It really is a clash of fundamental philosophies

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on how history should be told. What matters more?

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The unassailable reconstruction of the legal

00:12:12.029 --> 00:12:16.190
framework or the messy emotional reality of the

00:12:16.190 --> 00:12:18.490
people living inside that framework. And when

00:12:18.490 --> 00:12:21.590
we look at the Montreal school system, both perspectives

00:12:21.590 --> 00:12:25.320
are vital. You really can't understand the emotion

00:12:25.320 --> 00:12:27.700
of the Jewish community without understanding

00:12:27.700 --> 00:12:30.299
the rigid constitutional trap they were placed

00:12:30.299 --> 00:12:33.179
in. Frazier builds that trap for us to examine.

00:12:33.559 --> 00:12:35.179
While McLeod wants to hear the voices of the

00:12:35.179 --> 00:12:37.340
people stuck inside it. Exactly. And for you

00:12:37.340 --> 00:12:39.179
listening, I think it's really worth remembering

00:12:39.179 --> 00:12:42.340
that this specific trap shaped the identity of

00:12:42.340 --> 00:12:45.460
Montreal for well over a century. It created

00:12:45.460 --> 00:12:47.659
a Jewish community that had to be integrated

00:12:47.659 --> 00:12:50.340
into the city's fabric, but remained legally

00:12:50.340 --> 00:12:53.539
distinct. inside the schools, but outside the

00:12:53.539 --> 00:12:56.120
power structure. It forced them to become incredibly

00:12:56.120 --> 00:12:58.039
adept at civic maneuvering. They couldn't just

00:12:58.039 --> 00:12:59.720
rely on the ballot box to protect their kids

00:12:59.720 --> 00:13:01.399
because they couldn't vote for the board. So

00:13:01.399 --> 00:13:03.159
they had to master the back channel. They had

00:13:03.159 --> 00:13:05.720
to become experts in legal negotiation. It's

00:13:05.720 --> 00:13:08.019
the ultimate training ground for civic resilience.

00:13:08.639 --> 00:13:10.480
If the front door of the school is locked to

00:13:10.480 --> 00:13:12.500
you and the back door is locked, you have to

00:13:12.500 --> 00:13:14.820
learn how to pick the lock on the window. Or,

00:13:15.320 --> 00:13:17.200
in Frazier's view of the law, you convince the

00:13:17.200 --> 00:13:19.320
state that the window is actually a door. Right.

00:13:19.450 --> 00:13:21.450
Say, no, no, no, this is an honorary door. Exactly.

00:13:22.149 --> 00:13:25.029
So synthesizing all of this, we have a book by

00:13:25.029 --> 00:13:27.970
David Frazier that is undeniably brilliant on

00:13:27.970 --> 00:13:31.090
a legal level, but potentially emotionally hollow,

00:13:31.330 --> 00:13:33.549
according to its biggest critic. We have a title.

00:13:33.840 --> 00:13:36.519
Honorary Protestants, that is either a sarcastic

00:13:36.519 --> 00:13:39.059
jab at a broken system or a respectful nod to

00:13:39.059 --> 00:13:42.019
a historical lifeline. And we have the legacy

00:13:42.019 --> 00:13:45.620
of a public school system that spent 130 years

00:13:45.620 --> 00:13:48.840
trying to fit a complex changing world into two

00:13:48.840 --> 00:13:51.700
rigid religious boxes. And a system that ultimately

00:13:51.700 --> 00:13:54.840
failed to do so. It did eventually change, obviously,

00:13:54.840 --> 00:13:57.639
but it took until 1997 for Quebec to finally

00:13:57.639 --> 00:13:59.679
move away from religious school boards and switch

00:13:59.679 --> 00:14:02.740
to linguistic boards, French and English. But

00:14:02.740 --> 00:14:05.080
for all those decades before that, being an honorary

00:14:05.080 --> 00:14:07.500
Protestant was simply the best the system could

00:14:07.500 --> 00:14:10.059
do. It really highlights the danger of building

00:14:10.059 --> 00:14:12.820
completely binary systems. When you divide the

00:14:12.820 --> 00:14:16.200
entire world into just box A and box B, you are

00:14:16.200 --> 00:14:19.120
inevitably going to alienate person C. And you

00:14:19.120 --> 00:14:22.259
force person C to negotiate their very existence

00:14:22.259 --> 00:14:24.899
just to get a basic public service like education.

00:14:25.149 --> 00:14:27.610
Which brings me to a final thought. I want you,

00:14:27.730 --> 00:14:29.549
the listener, to really sit with and explore

00:14:29.549 --> 00:14:32.429
on your own after this steep dive. We so often

00:14:32.429 --> 00:14:34.750
look to history books for the definitive truth.

00:14:35.029 --> 00:14:37.710
We want the final word on what happened. But

00:14:37.710 --> 00:14:40.029
here we have two groups of highly educated scholars

00:14:40.029 --> 00:14:42.190
looking at the exact same history, the exact

00:14:42.190 --> 00:14:45.129
same book. One group sees an unassailable masterpiece

00:14:45.129 --> 00:14:47.929
of legal research. The other sees a cold, confusing

00:14:47.929 --> 00:14:50.230
text that completely misses the human point.

00:14:50.429 --> 00:14:52.149
It's a great example of how history is never

00:14:52.149 --> 00:14:54.740
just one thing. Exactly. So the question is,

00:14:54.919 --> 00:14:57.000
when you look back at history, what matters more

00:14:57.000 --> 00:14:59.519
to you? Do you want to understand the machine,

00:15:00.080 --> 00:15:03.039
the laws, the structures, the cold mechanics

00:15:03.039 --> 00:15:06.899
of how a society operated? Or do you want to

00:15:06.899 --> 00:15:09.779
understand the ghost in the machine, the anger,

00:15:09.919 --> 00:15:12.919
the hope, the actual agency of the people pushing

00:15:12.919 --> 00:15:15.980
against those walls? Can a history book truly

00:15:15.980 --> 00:15:18.799
be true if it gets all the laws right, but ignores

00:15:18.799 --> 00:15:21.519
how the people felt? That is a phenomenal question.

00:15:22.059 --> 00:15:24.360
And based on these reviews, I think Fraser McLeod

00:15:24.360 --> 00:15:26.299
would give you very different answers. I think

00:15:26.299 --> 00:15:28.259
they would, too. And honestly, it makes me think

00:15:28.259 --> 00:15:30.320
we need both kinds of books on the shelf if we

00:15:30.320 --> 00:15:32.100
ever want to see the whole picture. I completely

00:15:32.100 --> 00:15:35.000
agree. Well, thank you for unpacking this incredibly

00:15:35.000 --> 00:15:37.960
dense but really fascinating topic with me today.

00:15:38.059 --> 00:15:40.039
It was my pleasure. And to everyone listening,

00:15:40.279 --> 00:15:42.720
we will catch you on the next Deep Dive.
