WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the deep dive. You know, we often

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talk about people who have second acts in their

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life. Right. Like maybe a lawyer who becomes

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a baker or a tech CEO who goes into philanthropy.

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But today we are jumping into our source material

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on a figure who He didn't just have a second

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act. He had three or four distinct lives that

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were so different, they almost feel like they

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belonged to totally different people. It really

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is a dizzying biography to look at. If you just

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looked at his resume in chunks, you would absolutely

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assume it was three different men. Exactly. We

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are talking about Ewert Kinier. And for a lot

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of you listening, that last name, Guinier, probably

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rings a bell because of his daughter. Lani Guinier

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was a huge figure in legal scholarship. Yes,

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she was. But her father. His story is really

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the prequel that explains everything. It really

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is. And it's a story that spans the entire 20th

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century struggle for racial justice. But it's

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not a straight line. It is a jagged, messy, fascinating

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arc. To give everyone sort of the quick version

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before we really dive into the details of the

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biographical records and historical accounts

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here, our mission today is exploring how one

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man's life connects the dots between Caribbean

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immigration, the U .S. labor movement, and the

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fight for black studies in the Ivy League. Which

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sounds like a lot to pack into one life. It is.

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We are talking about a man born in the Panama

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Canal Zone. who immigrated to Boston, got into

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Harvard, was forced to drop out, became a freight

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elevator operator, rose up to be a massive labor

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leader in New York, got purged during the Red

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Scare, and then... And then in a twist that you

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really couldn't write in a movie because it would

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just seem too fake. Right. He returned to Harvard

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40 years later to become the first chairman of

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their Afro -American Studies department. It is

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the ultimate irony. The institution that rejected

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him basically had to hire him to fix their problems.

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Yeah, but I think what we need to explore today

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isn't just that comeback narrative. It's how

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all those pieces actually fit together. You literally

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cannot understand the way black studies exist

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in the Ivy League today. without understanding

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the trade union battles of the 1940s. So let's

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start at the very beginning. The records show

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he was born in the Panama Canal Zone in 1910.

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Now I know my geography, but I feel like the

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Canal Zone in 1910 is a very specific type of

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place. Oh, it was essentially a colony. It wasn't

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just Panama. It was a strip of land controlled

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entirely by the United States. And because it

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was run by the U .S. in 1910, they imported the

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U .S. social structure. Meaning Jim Crow segregation.

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Precisely. They exported segregation right down

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to the tropics. They had a gold role for white

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American employees, so they were paid in gold,

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had better housing, better schools, and they

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had a silver role for the Caribbean workers.

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And his parents were Jamaican immigrants, right?

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Exactly. So they were on that silver roll. They

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were paid in silver, lived in substandard housing,

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and were strictly segregated. So Ewer Guignere

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is born into American segregation without actually

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being in America yet. That completely sets the

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stage for everything. He knows the system before

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he even gets on the boat. But his family eventually

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leaves. Yes, but it's born out of tragedy. His

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father, who was actually quite educated, he was

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a lawyer and a real estate agent, died when Ewert

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was only nine years old. That was in 1919. Wow.

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Yeah. So his mother, struggling to make ends

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meet, moves to Boston to find work. Ewert joins

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her there a few years later in 1925. He's 15.

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He's in a new country. And the climate shock

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alone, going from Panama to Boston, must have

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been brutal. Oh, absolutely. But the academic

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shock didn't seem to faze him at all. He goes

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to Boston English High School and just crushes

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it. And in 1929, he gets accepted into Harvard

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College. Which is a massive achievement. We really

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have to contextualize this for you. In 1929,

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the number of black students at Harvard could

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probably be counted on one hand. It was an incredibly

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isolating environment. And this is where I ran

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into a detail in the historical accounts that

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really stopped me in my tracks. It's called the

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Phantom Letter. I mean, I've heard of ghosting,

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but this is next level bureaucratic gaslighting.

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Can you break down exactly what happened here?

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It is so insidious. So Guigné is a freshman,

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he's poor, he needs financial aid, and he really

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needs a place to live. So he applies for a room

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in the dormitories, just like every other incoming

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freshman. But then he receives a letter from

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the administration. and the letter very politely

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informs him that his request to live off campus

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has been approved. But he never asked to live

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off campus. No, he never made that request. So

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the university just completely fabricated it.

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Exactly. It was a way to exclude him from the

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dorms without having a written policy that explicitly

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said, no black students allowed. If they rejected

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him outright, it looks like discrimination. But

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if they just grant his request to live elsewhere,

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Well, they're just being helpful administrators.

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That is maddening. It's so polite and yet so

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incredibly destructive. It worked, too. He was

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physically barred from the social life of the

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college. And on top of that, he was also ruled

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ineligible for financial aid. Largely because

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of his race, though, they found other administrative

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excuses. So he was isolated, broke, and freezing

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in Boston. And then, of course, the Great Depression

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hits right then in 1929. The final nail in the

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coffin. Without financial aid, he just couldn't

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survive. He finished his sophomore year, but

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he couldn't pay the tuition anymore. He had to

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drop out. I just can't imagine the psychological

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toll of that. You work your whole life to get

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into the best school, you get there, they treat

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you like a ghost, and then you have to leave

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because you're broke. I feel like most people

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would be totally crushed. Disappointed, certainly.

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But this is where we start to see the grit that

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really defines him. He doesn't go back home.

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He doesn't give up. He moves to New York City

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and enters what we could call his bootstrap or

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labor hustle phase. This is the part that feels

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like a movie montage. He's not sitting around

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feeling sorry for himself. He gets a job at the

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New York Times building, right? Yes. But not

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as a writer or an editor. He's a freight elevator

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operator. Literally the ground floor. Lower than

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the ground floor usually. But picture this. By

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day, he's hauling heavy newsprint and executives

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up and down a shaft. By night, he's sprinting

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to City College of New York, taking tuition -free

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night classes. And he's not just scraping by.

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He graduates summa cum laude in 1935. Which just

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proves that Harvard's issue with him was never

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about his intellect. Never. And armed with that

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degree, he enters the Civil Service. He starts

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as an examiner and rises up to chief of the Civil

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Service Commission eventually. But early on,

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he gets a job at the New York City Department

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of Welfare. And this is where he encounters the

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actual mechanism of Northern racism. Right, because

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it wasn't the whites' only signs of the South.

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Exactly. It was a temporary employee designation.

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Break that down for us. How does being temporary

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relate to racism? It was a very clever loophole.

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If you were a permanent civil service employee,

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you had job security, a pension, and a clear

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path to promotion. But the city would hire black

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workers almost exclusively as provisionals or

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temporaries. Meaning they could just be fired

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at any time. Fired without cause. paid less,

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and crucially ineligible for the benefits that

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white workers got. It was a way to maintain a

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segregated workforce within an integrated system.

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Guinea saw this, and he realized he couldn't

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fix it by just being a good employee. He could

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only fix it if they organized. So he becomes

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a union man. And not just a member, he climbs

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the ladder fast. Looking at his biography, there

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are a lot of acronyms here. SCMA, SCMU, UPW.

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It's a bit of an alphabet soup. What was he actually

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leading? Well, it starts small. Organizing his

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local welfare office. But he's really good at

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it. He merges his group with others and eventually

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they become part of the state, county, and municipal

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workers union, and then the UPW, the United Public

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Workers. Got it. And this is all under the umbrella

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of the CIO. Think of the CIO at the time as the

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militant aggressive wing of the labor movement

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that was actually willing to organize black workers

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when other unions wouldn't touch them. So he's

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moving up in the major leagues of labor. Well,

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yeah, by 1948, he is the international secretary

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treasurer of the UPW. That's the second highest

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rank in the entire union. He's representing.

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tens of thousands of government employees. And

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he wasn't afraid to take shots at the boss either.

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There's a quote in the sources from 1951 that

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blew me away. He explicitly stated that the U

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.S. government was the nation's biggest Jim Crow

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employer. It's a devastating critique. because

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it was demonstrably true. He was pointing out

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the sheer hypocrisy of the U .S. fighting for

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freedom abroad while systematically underpaying

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and segregating Black workers in its own federal

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bureaus. He wasn't just asking for a 20 -cent

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raise. He was attacking the structural racism

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of the government. He had serious political ambition,

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too. He ran for Manhattan borough president in

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1949. A historic run. He was the first Black

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candidate nominated for that office by any party.

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He ran on the American Labor Party ticket. And

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he didn't win, but looking at the numbers, he

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didn't exactly get embarrassed either. No, not

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at all. He lost to Robert Wagner, but he secured

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38 percent of the vote for a black third party

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candidate to pull nearly 40 percent of the vote

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in 1949. That shows he had massive support on

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the streets. He was a powerhouse. But then the

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wind shifts. We enter the 1950s. The Red Scare

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is kicking off. And being a loud, aggressive

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labor leader who talks openly about race and

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inequality suddenly becomes very dangerous. This

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is a major turning point in the mid -century

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labor movement. Cold War anxiety was at its absolute

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peak. And what we see in the historical record

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is that the UPW was scrutinized heavily for connections

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to the Communist Party. Right. And to be clear

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to our listeners, we are just looking at the

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historical facts of what happened here. The political

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establishment at the time targeted these groups.

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Exactly. The UPW was one of the most anti -racist

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unions in the country and it was purged. The

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CIO, under immense political pressure, kicked

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the UPW out in 1950 due to those communist affiliations.

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By 1953, the union was effectively dissolved.

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So let's pause on the implication of that. This

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effectively destroyed a massive vehicle for black

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labor power in the public sector. Yes. Guinier

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was left without a union, without a platform,

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and facing intense scrutiny. This is what I'd

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call his wilderness years. Most people would

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have vanished into obscurity here, but Guinier

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just pivots again. He absolutely refuses to disappear.

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He's ousted from national labor leadership, so

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what does he do? He goes back to school again.

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In the mid -1950s, he enrolls at NYU Law School.

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In his mid -40s. Yeah. He earns his law degree

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in 1959. And during this time, he shifts his

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focus to local community organizing. He's involved

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with the Harlem Affairs Committee, the National

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Negro Labor Council. He basically keeps his organizational

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skills sharp. He stays in the fight, even if

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he's not on the national stage. Which brings

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us to the final and maybe most surprising act.

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The year is 1968, 1969. The context here is huge.

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Student protests are everywhere. Demands for

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representation are forcing institutions to change.

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Right. The Urban Center at Columbia is found

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around this time where Guinea actually worked

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briefly. Yeah. And Harvard is not immune to this

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pressure. The students that are demanding a curriculum

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that actually reflects their history, they want

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an Afro -American studies department. And the

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administration is cornered. They have to do something,

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but they need someone to run it. And this is

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where the stars align in the weirdest way, because

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they need someone with academic credentials,

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but who also deeply understands the Black experience,

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community organization, and struggle. And who

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is sitting in New York. with a Harvard background,

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sort of a city college degree, a law degree,

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and decades of hardcore organizational leadership.

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So in 1969, the man who was bureaucratically

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gaslit out of the dorms returns as a full professor

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and the first chairman of the Afro -American

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Studies Department. It's incredible vindication.

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It is. But we can't let the feel -good headline

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fool us. He wasn't walking into a victory lap.

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He was walking into a new battleground. Right.

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He had a quote about this time that was just

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incredibly vivid. He said, the faculty council

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expects me to run the department as I would run

00:11:56.149 --> 00:11:59.190
a race. They bind my feet, tie my hands, gag

00:11:59.190 --> 00:12:01.649
and blindfold me, and then want me to do a good

00:12:01.649 --> 00:12:04.779
job. He knew exactly what was happening. You

00:12:04.779 --> 00:12:06.639
have to understand the traditional Harvard faculty

00:12:06.639 --> 00:12:09.299
largely looked down on black studies. They didn't

00:12:09.299 --> 00:12:11.320
think it was a serious standalone discipline.

00:12:11.740 --> 00:12:13.639
They thought it should just be folded into existing

00:12:13.639 --> 00:12:16.919
departments like history or English. This led

00:12:16.919 --> 00:12:19.980
to a huge public clash, didn't it? The records

00:12:19.980 --> 00:12:22.539
detail a televised debate he had on a show called

00:12:22.539 --> 00:12:26.740
Positively Black in 1973. He was debating another

00:12:26.740 --> 00:12:29.379
black professor, Martin Kielsen. This debate

00:12:29.379 --> 00:12:32.500
is crucial to understanding the era. Martin Kilson

00:12:32.500 --> 00:12:35.200
was a professor of government at Harvard, and

00:12:35.200 --> 00:12:38.179
Kilson argued the integrationist view. He essentially

00:12:38.179 --> 00:12:40.419
said we shouldn't segregate ourselves into a

00:12:40.419 --> 00:12:42.700
separate department. We should be part of the

00:12:42.700 --> 00:12:44.440
history department, the political science department.

00:12:44.759 --> 00:12:46.759
That's how the field gains legitimacy. Which

00:12:46.759 --> 00:12:49.279
on paper sounds reasonable to some. Why isolate

00:12:49.279 --> 00:12:51.600
yourself right? But Guinear came back with the

00:12:51.600 --> 00:12:55.110
ultimate labor organizer reality tech. He pointed

00:12:55.110 --> 00:12:57.009
out that it's impossible to integrate when those

00:12:57.009 --> 00:12:59.409
departments, like English and Economics at Harvard

00:12:59.409 --> 00:13:02.830
at that very moment, had zero black faculty members.

00:13:03.649 --> 00:13:06.490
Zero. So his argument was, if we don't have our

00:13:06.490 --> 00:13:08.750
own house, we're just going to be guests in someone

00:13:08.750 --> 00:13:11.029
else's house. Someone who historically hasn't

00:13:11.029 --> 00:13:14.409
even wanted us there. Exactly. He argued fiercely

00:13:14.409 --> 00:13:17.220
for autonomy. His mission statement was that

00:13:17.220 --> 00:13:20.059
he wanted to study the Black experience from

00:13:20.059 --> 00:13:22.159
the point of view of the people who have lived

00:13:22.159 --> 00:13:24.279
that experience. That phrase, from the point

00:13:24.279 --> 00:13:26.299
of view of the people who have lived that experience,

00:13:26.419 --> 00:13:28.820
that's the key, isn't it? It's about agency.

00:13:29.320 --> 00:13:31.899
It is all about agency. And remember his background.

00:13:32.500 --> 00:13:34.659
He wasn't a traditional ivory tower academic.

00:13:35.000 --> 00:13:37.419
He wanted that department to be a hub. He was

00:13:37.419 --> 00:13:39.159
bringing the perspective of the working people

00:13:39.159 --> 00:13:42.059
into Harvard, and the administration often fought

00:13:42.059 --> 00:13:44.570
him on it. But he held that line until he retired

00:13:44.570 --> 00:13:47.750
in 1980 as Professor Emeritus. And we really

00:13:47.750 --> 00:13:49.769
can't talk about his legacy without talking about

00:13:49.769 --> 00:13:52.230
his personal life in the next generation. He

00:13:52.230 --> 00:13:55.149
was married to Doris Cumberbatch and later Eugenia

00:13:55.149 --> 00:13:58.450
Papron, known as Jeannie. And they raised a daughter

00:13:58.450 --> 00:14:00.669
who took that fighting spirit and ran with it.

00:14:00.870 --> 00:14:03.149
Lani Guinia. She became a famous civil rights

00:14:03.149 --> 00:14:05.710
lawyer and a tenured professor at Harvard Law

00:14:05.710 --> 00:14:08.350
School. So the granddaughter of the woman who

00:14:08.350 --> 00:14:10.789
moved to Boston with nothing becomes a tenured

00:14:10.789 --> 00:14:12.909
law professor at the very place that kicked her

00:14:12.909 --> 00:14:16.210
father out. It's incredibly poetic. Lonnie actually

00:14:16.210 --> 00:14:18.370
had a beautiful tribute to her father. She said

00:14:18.370 --> 00:14:20.789
he taught me to speak in my own voice. You can

00:14:20.789 --> 00:14:23.450
see the direct line there. Ewert fought for a

00:14:23.450 --> 00:14:26.009
space to exist and Lonnie fought for the legal

00:14:26.009 --> 00:14:28.950
frameworks to protect that existence. Ewert Guigné

00:14:28.950 --> 00:14:32.269
passed away in 1990. When you step back and look

00:14:32.269 --> 00:14:34.590
at this whole map, from the segregated canal

00:14:34.590 --> 00:14:37.429
zone, to the phantom letter, the freight elevator,

00:14:37.730 --> 00:14:40.090
the union organizing, and finally the Harvard

00:14:40.090 --> 00:14:43.029
chair, what is the big takeaway for you? I think

00:14:43.029 --> 00:14:46.350
his life proves that academic careers and intellectualism

00:14:46.350 --> 00:14:49.450
aren't just formed in libraries. His academic

00:14:49.450 --> 00:14:51.950
perspective was completely informed by his gritty

00:14:51.950 --> 00:14:54.289
labor roots. He showed that the knowledge gained

00:14:54.289 --> 00:14:56.629
from struggle is rigorous, and it's necessary

00:14:56.629 --> 00:14:58.870
for institutions to actually reflect reality.

00:14:58.970 --> 00:15:01.090
And it highlights how the intersection of labor

00:15:01.090 --> 00:15:03.129
rights and civil rights has always been tied

00:15:03.129 --> 00:15:05.649
together. You can't separate the two. You really

00:15:05.649 --> 00:15:07.789
can't. That brings me to a question I want to

00:15:07.789 --> 00:15:11.269
leave you, our listeners, with today. Guinier

00:15:11.269 --> 00:15:14.190
was adamant about having a standalone autonomous

00:15:14.190 --> 00:15:17.309
space for black studies because he knew the existing

00:15:17.309 --> 00:15:20.250
departments excluded those voices. Right. Today,

00:15:20.389 --> 00:15:22.289
in universities and even in corporate structures,

00:15:22.350 --> 00:15:24.850
we hear a lot about interdisciplinary work or

00:15:24.850 --> 00:15:27.669
integration. But looking at the world today,

00:15:28.159 --> 00:15:30.740
Have those traditional structures actually changed

00:15:30.740 --> 00:15:33.600
enough to make Guinier's standalone model obsolete?

00:15:34.240 --> 00:15:37.159
Or is his argument about complete autonomy still

00:15:37.159 --> 00:15:40.120
the only way to ensure the story is told correctly

00:15:40.120 --> 00:15:42.240
by the people who lived it? It's a fascinating

00:15:42.240 --> 00:15:44.419
question to ponder. Something for you to chew

00:15:44.419 --> 00:15:46.639
on as you go about your day. Thanks for helping

00:15:46.639 --> 00:15:49.299
us unpack the incredible lives of Uart Guinier.

00:15:49.620 --> 00:15:51.340
Always a pleasure to be here. And thank you for

00:15:51.340 --> 00:15:53.700
listening. We'll see you on the next Deep Dive.
