WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the deep dive. I want to start

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today by looking at a specific number from the

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research stack that that really stopped me in

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my tracks. Oh, yeah. What was it? Twenty thousand.

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OK, that was the monthly circulation of a publication

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we're discussing today. And, you know, for the

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early 20th century, that is a highly respectable

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number for like a local daily or a specialized

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trade journal. Right. That's a lot of paper moving

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around. Exactly. But the publication we are talking

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about today. wasn't run by a media tycoon. It

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wasn't run by a traditional trade union. It was

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run entirely by homeless migrant workers. It

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really creates this intense cognitive dissonance,

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doesn't it? Because we have these modern assumptions

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about homelessness. We think of it as a state

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of total disconnection socially, economically,

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informationally. But then here you have this

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highly organized, widely distributed media apparatus

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created specifically by that demographic. Right.

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We are talking about hobo news, sometimes stylized

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with quotation marks around the word hobo. And

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this ran out of St. Louis and Cincinnati starting

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in the 1910s, and then had this massive second

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wind in New York City in the 30s and 40s. And

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looking at the documents we have, this wasn't

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just a newsletter passed around a campfire. Not

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at all. This is a 16 -page monthly newspaper

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with serious literary ambitions, foreign correspondents,

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and a very specific political agenda. It really

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was a media empire of the disenfranchised, if

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you want to call it that. And our mission today

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is to unpack not just the history of this paper,

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but the actual mechanics of it. Yeah, how it

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work. Exactly. Because when you look at how it

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operated, you realize it wasn't just sharing

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news. It was legitimizing an identity. It was

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creating a distinct culture. And perhaps most

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surprisingly, it built the economic blueprint

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for the street newspapers that we still see in

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major cities today. I definitely want to get

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into the mechanics of the printing press and

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the business model. But first, I think we have

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to deal with the terminology. Oh, absolutely.

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The language is key here. Because the word hobo

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has drifted a lot in the last 100 years. Today,

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it's often used pejoratively or just as a generic

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catch -all term for homelessness. But reading

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through the editorials in Hobo News, they were

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incredibly specific and honestly really defensive

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about what that word meant. They weren't just

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quote unquote homeless. That is a crucial distinction

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to make for anyone listening. In the sociology

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of the early 20th century, there was a strict

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acknowledged hierarchy. You had hobos, cramps,

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and bums. Right. And this wasn't just street

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slang. It was a legitimate class distinction

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within that community. A hobo was a migratory

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worker. These were men and some women, too, who

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traveled to work. They followed the seasons.

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Exactly. They followed the harvest. They laid

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railroad track. They worked in the lumber camps.

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They were the mobile labor force of an industrializing

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America. I actually found a quote in the source

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notes that sums it up perfectly. It says, a hobo

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works and wanders. A tramp dreams and wanders,

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and a bum drinks and wanders. That's the classic

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definition right there. Yeah. And the organization

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that published the paper, the International Brotherhood

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Welfare Association, or IVWA, they seemed absolutely

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obsessed with this worker identity. They weren't

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asking for charity at all. They were demanding

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recognition as a vital labor force. Precisely.

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They called themselves the Knights of the Road.

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They viewed themselves as an essential part of

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the American economy that was just being exploited

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and ignored by the mainstream. So Hobo News wasn't

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a cry for help. It was essentially a union newsletter

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for a union that didn't officially exist yet.

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It was fundamentally about dignity. Let's talk

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about the man who sparked all this, because he

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is a fascinating contradiction. James Eads Howe.

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The millionaire hobo. A millionaire hobo. And

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that is not an exaggerated nickname. He was literally

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an heir to a massive family fortune in St. Louis.

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Yes, his family built the Eads Bridge, among

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other things. Right, but he gated all away. He

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chose to live on the rails and organize migrant

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workers. He is such a singular figure in American

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labor history. He could have lived a life of

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absolute, untouchable luxury. Instead, he founded

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the IBWA and in 1913, launched the predecessor

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to Hobo News. Which had the most incredible title.

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Hobo's Jungle Scout. Hobo's Jungle Scout. It

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just captures the vibe perfectly. It really does.

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But by 1915, they professionalized it, changed

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the name to Hobo News. Now, the business model

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here is where this deep dive gets really interesting.

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Because this was not a free pamphlet handed out

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at Soup Kitchen. Right, it cost money. It did.

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It was five cents a copy initially and later

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raised to 10 cents. And this is the genius of

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the model that James Yead's Howe championed.

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The paper wasn't just something for a migrant

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worker to read. It was a product for them to

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sell. This is the street seller model. Exactly.

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The organization would print the papers and sell

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them to the hobos at a wholesale rate, say three

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cents a copy, and then the hobo would sell it

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to the public for a nickel. And they kept the

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two cent profit. Yes, which meant that a migrant

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worker who is maybe too old to shovel coal or

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couldn't find a harvest job that week could still

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earn a living. They weren't begging for change

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on the corner. They were merchants. They were

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newspaper men. That distinction between begging

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and selling is huge psychologically, and it connects

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directly to what you might see today with papers

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like The Big Issue in the UK or Real Change in

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Seattle. It's the exact same mechanism. It is

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identical. And it's so effective because it completely

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breaks the barrier between the housed and the

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unhoused. It forces an interaction based on commerce,

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not pity. You are making a transaction with a

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fellow citizen. But there's another economic

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detail about this early St. Louis era of hobo

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news that I think is even more significant. You

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mentioned it was 16 pages long earlier. Right.

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Did you notice what was missing from those pages?

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Ads. Zero advertisements. And looking at the

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context of 1910's publishing, this was the era

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of the penny press. were dirt cheap, specifically

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because they were absolutely plastered with ads

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for patent medicines in department stores. For

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Hobo News to refuse ads, they were leaving so

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much money on the table. It was a massive financial

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sacrifice. But for James Eadshow, it was non

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-negotiable. He believed that the moment you

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took advertising money, you were censored. You

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couldn't genuinely write about the abuses of

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capitalism if you were literally being funded

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by capitalists. That makes sense. He wanted the

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paper to be, and this was their official slogan,

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of the hobos, by the hobos, and for the hobos.

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Very Gettysburg address. It really is, and it

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meant they were answerable only to their readers.

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If the readers stopped buying it, the paper died.

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It was pure market validation coming straight

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from the bottom of the social ladder. And because

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they didn't have advertisers to please, the content

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was wild. I went in expecting, I don't know,

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train schedules or lists of safe zones for camping.

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Extractical tips. Yeah. And there was some of

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that. News about labor strikes and police crackdowns.

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But the actual texture of the paper is shockingly

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literary. That's what often surprises people

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when they look at the archives. The sheer intellectual

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density of it. I mean, they had robust poetry

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sections. There were travelogues written in this

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really flowery, almost Victorian style describing

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the beauty of the American landscape. from the

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top of a moving boxcar. And the contributor's

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list is basically a who's who of the radical

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left at the time. It wasn't just migrant workers

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writing in. You had people like Nina Van Zant

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Spies, who was the widow of the Haymarket anarchist

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August Spies. Wow. You had Voltairine Déclair,

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one of the most prominent feminist anarchists

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of the era. And of course, Eugene Debs. The five

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time socialist presidential candidate. The very

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same. Debs wrote for Hobo News. Now, we're just

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looking at what the source material shows us,

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not taking any political sides here, but it clearly

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demonstrates that the Hobo community wasn't isolated.

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They were deeply integrated into the intellectual

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radicalism of the early 20th century. They saw

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themselves as the vanguard of a labor revolution.

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They even had high -quality art. I saw that John

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Buscema, who later became an absolute legend

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at Marvel Comics drawing the Avengers and Conan,

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he contributed artwork. It's incredible. It paints

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a picture of this vibrant creative intellectual

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hub that just happened to be mobile. It was a

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counterculture before we even had the phrase

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counterculture. But as you can imagine, publishing

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Eugene Debs and railing against capitalism during

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World War One, that puts a target on your back.

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Yeah, this is where the story takes a darker

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turn. We have to talk about the Espionage Act

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of 1917 and the Red Scare. The government was

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cracking down hard on the IWW, the Wobblies.

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Oh, right. And since the IBWA and the IWW shared

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a lot of the same members and the same radical

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ideology, hobo news got caught right in the crossfire.

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It was inevitable, really. After the war, the

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paper shifted tone. It became less about immediate

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welfare and much more about systemic revolution.

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And the government didn't just ban the paper

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outright because that would be a messy First

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Amendment issue. They used a much more subtle

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weapon. The post office. The post office. Specifically,

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they revoked the paper's second class mailing

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privileges. Can you explain how big of a deal

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that is for a publication back then? It's a death

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sentence. Second class mailing is essentially

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a government subsidy for newspapers. It allows

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you to mail periodicals at a tiny fraction of

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the cost of regular mail. It's the only thing

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that makes a national subscription model viable.

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If you lose that privilege, your distribution

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costs triple or quadruple overnight. So the government

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declares Hobo News subversive, strips the privilege,

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and basically bankrupts their distribution. Exactly.

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It's a form of soft censorship. You don't burn

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the printing press down, you just make it too

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expensive to operate. They couldn't get the papers

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out to the sellers in different cities efficiently

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anymore. And reading between the lines of the

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historical record, this external pressure caused

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internal fractures, too. We start seeing this

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other paper, Hobo World, popping up around the

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same time. Yes. And it's not totally clear if

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that was a rival competitor or just Hobo News

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trying to rebrand to escape the government heat.

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The historical record gets very murky right there.

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It seems like the broader movement splintered.

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James Eads Howe was aging, the Great Depression

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was looming on the horizon, and that original

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radical energy was being systematically crushed

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by the state. By the time Howe died in 1930,

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the St. Louis iteration of the paper effectively

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faded away. But, and this is the plot twist I

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didn't see coming, the brand didn't die. It went

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dormant for a few years and then right in the

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middle of the Great Depression, it popped back

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up. It did. But this time in New York City. And

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the vibe was completely different. Night and

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day difference. We move from the 1910s radical

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labor struggle in the Midwest to the 1930s and

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40s New York media spectacle. The second era,

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which ran roughly from 1936 to 1948, wasn't funded

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by a socialist philanthropist. It was funded

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by a banker. Gary A. Solsberg. It is such a strange

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pairing. A Wall Street banker financing a hobo

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newspaper. Was this just a pure business opportunity

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for him or was it a kind of poverty tourism?

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It's likely a mix of both, honestly. Stoltzberg

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clearly saw a market. The Depression had created

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a massive underclass, and the hobo figure had

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suddenly become a kind of folk hero in popular

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culture. But the guys actually running the paper

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on the ground, they were the real deal. You had

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Ben Benson, who is known as the Coast Kid. Right.

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And Pat Mulkern, whose moniker was The Roaming

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Dreamer. The Roaming Dreamer. You just have to

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love the commitment to the persona. They were

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incredibly colorful characters. And under their

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leadership, the paper became less of a political

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weapon and much more of a mainstream curiosity.

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It was slicker. It had cartoons. It had advice

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columns. It was explicitly designed to entertain

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as much as to inform. And the numbers completely

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reflect that shift. The St. Louis paper hit 20

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,000, which was impressive, but the NYC Hobo

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News hit 50 ,000 in circulation. That is a massive

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reach for the 1940s. Massive. It was sold on

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street corners all over New York. It became part

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of the city's fabric. If you were a tourist visiting

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Times Square in 1940, you might buy a copy of

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Hobo News just to see what the Underground was

00:12:10.740 --> 00:12:13.679
thinking. It was lighter, sure, but we shouldn't

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dismiss it. It still provided vital income for

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the sellers and it still gave a platform to that

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community. It just adapted to the commercial

00:12:20.759 --> 00:12:23.470
reality of New York City. It does feel like it

00:12:23.470 --> 00:12:26.330
became a bit of a novelty act, though. The source

00:12:26.330 --> 00:12:28.669
material mentions they printed these stylized

00:12:28.669 --> 00:12:31.809
cartoons and hobo advice that felt a bit like

00:12:31.809 --> 00:12:34.230
they were playing up the stereotype for a mainstream

00:12:34.230 --> 00:12:36.450
audience rather than fighting for labor rights.

00:12:36.649 --> 00:12:38.750
To an extent, yes, they definitely leaned into

00:12:38.750 --> 00:12:41.889
the lovable rogue archetype. But remember the

00:12:41.889 --> 00:12:45.129
context. This was the 1940s. The world was at

00:12:45.129 --> 00:12:47.789
war again. The labor movement had fundamentally

00:12:47.789 --> 00:12:50.929
changed. The IWW was a shadow of its former self.

00:12:51.090 --> 00:12:54.019
Right. The hobo, as a distinct, organized labor

00:12:54.019 --> 00:12:56.600
class, was disappearing, being replaced by the

00:12:56.600 --> 00:12:59.379
modern, much more disenfranchised concept of

00:12:59.379 --> 00:13:02.039
homelessness. So the paper became almost a nostalgia

00:13:02.039 --> 00:13:04.039
trip for a lifestyle that was actively fading

00:13:04.039 --> 00:13:07.039
away. And eventually the paper faded too. It

00:13:07.039 --> 00:13:10.480
folded in 1948. There was a brief attempt to

00:13:10.480 --> 00:13:13.139
revive it as bowery news, but that didn't stick.

00:13:13.879 --> 00:13:15.879
And this brings us to the legacy part of our

00:13:15.879 --> 00:13:18.820
dive, which I found surprisingly emotional. I

00:13:18.820 --> 00:13:21.799
so. Well, we're talking about a paper that printed

00:13:21.799 --> 00:13:25.580
tens of thousands of copies a month for decades.

00:13:26.440 --> 00:13:28.759
But if you want to go find one today, good luck.

00:13:28.919 --> 00:13:31.620
It is the ultimate tragedy of ephemeral media.

00:13:32.279 --> 00:13:34.779
These papers were printed on the cheapest possible

00:13:34.779 --> 00:13:37.240
newsprint. They were sold to people living outdoors.

00:13:37.419 --> 00:13:39.620
They were read, passed around, and then used

00:13:39.620 --> 00:13:42.179
to insulate a coat or start a campfire. Right,

00:13:42.320 --> 00:13:44.000
they're a utility. They were never meant to be

00:13:44.000 --> 00:13:46.740
saved for posterity. The numbers in the archive

00:13:46.740 --> 00:13:49.570
report are stark. The New York Public Library,

00:13:49.710 --> 00:13:51.850
one of the biggest archives in the world, only

00:13:51.850 --> 00:13:55.029
has 19 issues of the original run. And the St.

00:13:55.090 --> 00:13:58.250
Louis Public Library has 63 issues out of hundreds

00:13:58.250 --> 00:14:00.610
and hundreds that were published. It really drives

00:14:00.610 --> 00:14:03.990
home how fragile this history is. If those specific

00:14:03.990 --> 00:14:06.490
librarians hadn't decided to save this quote

00:14:06.490 --> 00:14:08.970
-unquote trash literature, we wouldn't know any

00:14:08.970 --> 00:14:11.649
of these details. We would have completely lost

00:14:11.649 --> 00:14:14.009
the internal voice of an entire generation of

00:14:14.009 --> 00:14:16.210
workers. We would only know them through police

00:14:16.210 --> 00:14:19.210
arrest reports or charity ledgers. Because the

00:14:19.210 --> 00:14:21.570
paper survived, even in fragments, we know them

00:14:21.570 --> 00:14:24.629
as poets and political theorists and businessmen.

00:14:24.990 --> 00:14:27.169
And we can see their DNA in the present day.

00:14:27.809 --> 00:14:29.110
We touched on this earlier, but I want to make

00:14:29.110 --> 00:14:30.750
the connection explicit for everyone listening.

00:14:31.230 --> 00:14:33.990
When you walk past a vendor selling real change

00:14:33.990 --> 00:14:37.009
or streetwise today, you were looking at the

00:14:37.009 --> 00:14:39.389
direct descendant of James Ede's house experiment.

00:14:39.470 --> 00:14:42.190
Absolutely. The street paper movement is a global

00:14:42.190 --> 00:14:44.730
phenomenon now. The international network of

00:14:44.730 --> 00:14:47.289
street papers supports over 100 publications

00:14:47.289 --> 00:14:50.830
in 35 countries, and every single one of them

00:14:50.830 --> 00:14:53.669
operates on the core principle laid down in St.

00:14:53.789 --> 00:14:56.789
Louis in 1915. Economic independence through

00:14:56.789 --> 00:14:59.169
media completely shifts the power dynamic. It

00:14:59.169 --> 00:15:01.110
does. It says, I am not asking for your spare

00:15:01.110 --> 00:15:03.889
change. I am offering you a service. I am offering

00:15:03.889 --> 00:15:05.850
you a perspective you can't get anywhere else.

00:15:05.990 --> 00:15:08.710
It turns the homeless individual into a cultural

00:15:08.710 --> 00:15:11.190
con. That actually brings me to the thought I

00:15:11.190 --> 00:15:14.169
want to leave everyone with today. We live in

00:15:14.169 --> 00:15:17.730
the information age. We have blogs, tweets, an

00:15:17.730 --> 00:15:19.950
endless stream of content. Everyone has a platform.

00:15:20.850 --> 00:15:22.830
But there's something fundamentally different

00:15:22.830 --> 00:15:25.389
about Hobo News. It wasn't just information.

00:15:25.529 --> 00:15:27.950
It was a physical badge of belonging. That's

00:15:27.950 --> 00:15:30.389
a really great point. Carrying that paper meant

00:15:30.389 --> 00:15:32.909
something tangible. Right. If you had Hobo News

00:15:32.909 --> 00:15:36.029
in your pocket in 1920, you were part of a brotherhood.

00:15:36.269 --> 00:15:38.750
You were a knight of the road. In our digital

00:15:38.750 --> 00:15:40.950
world, where we have infinite content but often

00:15:40.950 --> 00:15:43.769
feel totally isolated, do we have anything that

00:15:43.769 --> 00:15:46.830
compares? Do we have communities as distinct

00:15:46.830 --> 00:15:49.649
and organized as those hobo jungles, or have

00:15:49.649 --> 00:15:52.370
we traded that deep physical connection for just

00:15:52.370 --> 00:15:55.750
more scrolling? It's a profound question. Hobo

00:15:55.750 --> 00:15:58.070
news proved that real community isn't built by

00:15:58.070 --> 00:16:00.549
algorithms, it's built by shared struggle and

00:16:00.549 --> 00:16:03.690
shared stories, and sometimes by a printing press

00:16:03.690 --> 00:16:06.019
in a basement. Something to think about the next

00:16:06.019 --> 00:16:08.559
time you see a street paper vendor. Don't just

00:16:08.559 --> 00:16:11.460
walk by. Buy a copy. You're buying a piece of

00:16:11.460 --> 00:16:13.919
history. Thanks for joining us on The Deep Dive.

00:16:14.019 --> 00:16:15.379
A pleasure as always. See you next time.
