WEBVTT

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You know, you know that specific feeling when

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you're scrolling through a comment section? Oh,

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yeah. Or maybe you're at a dinner party and someone

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brings up a controversial opinion. It could be

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about a protest or a banned book or just something

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spicy on the news. And you can just see it coming

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a mile away. Right. Someone is just waiting to

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drop the ultimate Trump card. It's the conversational

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equivalent of a nuclear option. It just shuts

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everything down. Exactly. They lean back. Look

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you in the eye and say, well, you know, the First

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Amendment is an absolute. You can't shout fire

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in a crowded theater. And that's it. Mic drop.

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Yeah. You're supposed to just nod and admit defeat

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because, well, obviously you can't shout fire

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in a crowded theater. It is easily the most famous

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six word phrase in American legal history. I

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mean, it's catchy, it's visual, and it really

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just feels like common sense. It's the one thing

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everyone thinks they know about constitutional

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law. Right. But here is the thing that drove

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me crazy while I was prepping for this deep dive.

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That phrase, it is a total lie. It's what you

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might call a zombie legal idea. A zombie, yes.

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It keeps walking around eating brains and Internet

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arguments, even though the Supreme Court actually

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put a stake in its heart more than 50 years ago.

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It really is a zombie. Yeah. And the irony is

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that most people who use it think they're citing

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binding law. But they're actually quoting a case.

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That was overturned because it was used to put

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people in prison for things that are completely

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legal today. So the mission for this deep dive

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is pretty clear. We are going to completely dismantle

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the myth of the crowded theater. Let's do it.

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We're going to look at where this phrase actually

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came from. Hint, it wasn't a theater. Right.

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And we'll get into why the judge who wrote it,

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the legendary Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., eventually

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realized he had made a huge mistake. And we definitely

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have to talk about why that metaphor worked so

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well on people. Because it wasn't just a clever

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line. It tapped into a very specific, very traumatic

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fear that Americans had in the early 20th century.

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I want to start with the origin story because

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I think this is where the biggest misconception

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lies. I mean, I always assumed this quote came

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from a case where some jerk actually pulled a

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prank in a theater and caused a stampede. Like

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the Supreme Court had to step in and say, OK,

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pranks are fine, but not that kind of prank.

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Exactly. Which would make total sense. It would.

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But the reality is much more political. The case

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is Schenck v. United States from 1919. And there

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was no theater. No fire either. No fire. There

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wasn't even a shout. There was just a man named

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Charles Schenck. And he wasn't exactly a chaos

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agent causing trouble in public. He was the general

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secretary of the Socialist Party in Philadelphia.

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Right. And his big crime, the thing that got

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him all the way to the Supreme Court. was paperwork

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paperwork he oversaw the printing and mailing

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of about 15 000 pamphlets and i actually looked

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up the text of these pamphlets and honestly by

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today's standards they're pretty tame very tame

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they weren't calling for violence or a riot they

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were opposing the military draft during world

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war one there were strictly political arguments

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shank was arguing that the draft violated the

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13th Amendment. Which is the amendment that abolished

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slavery. Correct. The 13th Amendment prohibits

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involuntary servitude. So Schenck's logic was

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that grabbing young men off the street and forcing

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them to fight in a war against their will was

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literally involuntary servitude. I mean, that

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is a bold constitutional take. But whether you

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agree with it or not, that sounds like the very

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definition of political speech. You would think

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so. You're criticizing a government policy, the

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draft, using the Constitution as your primary

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argument. Right. But you really have to put yourself

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in the headspace of 1917 and 1918. Everything

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was different. The United States is in the thick

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of the Great War. Nationalism is through the

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roof. Paranoia is even higher. So Congress passes

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the Espionage Act, which basically makes it a

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crime to hinder the war effort. Because the government

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needed bodies for the trenches. Exactly. They

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viewed Schenck's pamphlets not as political criticism,

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but as act of sabotage. So they charge him with

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conspiring to cause insubordination in the military.

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And when the Supreme Court finally hears the

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case in 1919. Justice Holmes has to write the

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opinion explaining why it's OK to send this guy

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to jail for mailing flyers. And that is the exact

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moment he reaches for the metaphor. Yeah. He

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needs to explain why the First Amendment doesn't

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apply here. So he writes. The most stringent

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protection of free speech would not protect a

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man falsely shouting fire in a theater and causing

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a panic. I want to stop you right there because

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there is a word in that sentence that gets dropped

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almost every single time I see this argued online.

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Falsely. Is the most critical word in the entire

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opinion. Holmes wrote falsely shouting fire.

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Because if the theater is actually on fire. Then

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you better shout it. Right. If there's a fire,

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shouting fire isn't a crime. It's a public service.

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It's a moral duty. The falsely part is what makes

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it dangerous. But Holmes was using this to talk

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about a draft protest. So in his mind, Schenck's

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argument that the draft was bad was a lie. In

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a way, yes. Holmes viewed the war effort as the

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theater and the draft resistance as the panic.

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He argued that during wartime speech that hinders

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the recruiting service creates a clear and present

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danger. So this is the famous clear and present

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danger test. Exactly. Holmes was saying that

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context is everything. He said that when a nation

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is at war, many things that might be said in

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times of peace will not be endured so long as

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men fight. So he essentially equated handing

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out a pamphlet to causing a deadly stampede.

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Legally speaking, he drew an equal sign between

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those two acts. He did. And that's what condemned

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Charles Schenck. But we really have to ask, why

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did that specific image that crowded theater...

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work so well? Why did the public just nod along

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and say, yeah, that makes sense? This was the

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part of the research that really hit me hard.

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I think we living in the 21st century take fire

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safety totally for granted. Oh, absolutely. We

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have sprinklers. We have strict occupancy limits.

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We have those glowing exit signs that work even

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when the power goes out. But in 1919... Theaters

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were terrifying. Oh, well. They were routinely

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referred to as fire traps. The film stock back

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then was nitrocellulose, which is incredibly

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flammable. The lighting was often open flame

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or hot electric arcs. And the exits were a nightmare.

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They were often confusing, hidden, or in some

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really tragic cases, locked to keep people from

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sneaking in without paying. So fear of being

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trapped in a burning building was a very real,

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very daily anxiety for people. It was a recurring

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nightmare. And there had been these massive,

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high -profile disasters that were just burned

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into the public consciousness. I was reading

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about the Cannonsburg Opera House disaster in

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Pennsylvania. This was 1911, so just a few years

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before the Schenck case. That one was just heartbreaking.

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It wasn't even a real fire. No. A projector malfunctioned

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and flashed a super bright light on the screen.

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Someone in the audience shouted, fire, and panic

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ensued immediately. And the result wasn't just

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a ruined movie. No. 26 people were crushed to

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death in the stairwell trying to get out. 26

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people dead literally because of a word. Yep.

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And then there was the Shiloh Baptist Church

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disaster even earlier in 1902. Oh, right. I remember

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looking at that one. That wasn't even a theater.

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No, it was a church. A fight broke out in the

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choir during a speech. Someone shouted, fight,

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to alert people. But in the chaos, people heard

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fire. And over 100 people died in the crush toward

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the doors. Over 100. Over a misunderstanding.

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And then two years after Cannonsburg in 1913,

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you have the Italian Hall disaster in Calumet,

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Michigan. This story is just, it's heavy. It's

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one of the darkest moments in American labor

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history. This was a Christmas party, right? Yes.

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Okay. It was a Christmas Eve party for striking

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copper miners and their families. These were

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Union folks, many of them immigrants, who were

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locked in this bitter struggle with the mine

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owners. And the Hall was up on the second floor.

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packed with families. Tensions must have been

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so high because of the strike. Extremely high.

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And in the middle of the party, someone, and

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history, suggests it might have been an anti

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-union agitator wearing a specific button, opened

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the door and shouted fire into the crowded room.

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And again, there was no fire. No fire at all.

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But the terror was absolute. People rushed for

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the stairs. It became a massive crush. 73 people

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died. 73 people. And 59 of them were children.

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God. 59 tits. So when Justice Holmes writes that

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opinion in 1919, he isn't just coming up with

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a clever hypothetical to make a point. He's tapping

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into a raw national trauma. Precisely. Everyone

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reading that decision would have instantly pictured

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the bodies at Italian Hall or Cannonsburg. Holmes

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knew exactly what he was doing. He took a political

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dissident, just a guy handing out flyers, and

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psychologically linked him to the kind of monster

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who would kill children at a Christmas party?

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It's a brilliantly effective rhetorical weapon.

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It bypasses your logic entirely and goes straight

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to your lizard brain. You think, well, obviously

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we have to stop people from killing kids. And

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before you know it, you've agreed to jail a socialist

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for opposing the draft. And here's a little secret

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that legal historians have dug up, which blew

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my mind. Holmes didn't even invent the analogy.

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He copied it. He copied it. Yeah. From where,

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though? From a prosecutor. In 1918, Eugene V.

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Debs, the really famous socialist leader, was

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on trial for an anti -war speech. And the federal

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prosecutor in that case, a guy named Edwin Wurtz,

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used the fire in a crowded theater argument in

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his closing statement to the jury. Wait, so the

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Supreme Court justice effectively copy pasted

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a prosecutor's closing argument into the law

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of the land? He did, which explains why it feels

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so aggressive. It was designed to win a conviction

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not to provide a balanced analysis of civil liberties.

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OK, so that's 1919. We have the clear and present

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danger test. And for decades, the government

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uses this test to suppress all kinds of speech.

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Communists, union organizers, pacifists, anyone

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who rocked the boat was shouting fire. Right.

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It gave the government incredibly broad power

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to define what danger meant. But you said this

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is a zombie idea. That means it's legally dead.

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When did the legal system finally say enough

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is enough? The big shift happens exactly 50 years

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later in 1969. The case is Brandenburg v. Ohio.

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And by then, the world has changed. We've been

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through the civil rights movement, the anti -Vietnam

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War protests. The culture had shifted. Exactly.

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The Supreme Court is realizing that maybe silencing

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dissent isn't the best way to run a democracy.

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And Brandenburg is kind of a wild case because

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unlike Schenck, who was a pacifist, Brandenburg

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was, well, he was a really bad guy. He was a

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leader in the Ku Klux Klan. The speech in question

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was filmed at a Klan rally. It was racist. It

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was hateful. And it vaguely threatened what he

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called revengeance against the government. It's

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always the worst people who end up setting the

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most important free speech precedents. It really

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is a paradox of the First Amendment. But the

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Supreme Court looked at his conviction and said,

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you know what? This doesn't stick. They effectively

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threw out the clear and present danger test.

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They decided it was just too loose. So they replaced

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it with something stricter. Much stricter. They

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established what we call the imminent lawless

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action test. Imminent lawless action. I want

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to break this down because this is the technical

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part that actually matters today. How is this

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different from Holmes' test? The key differences

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are time and intent. Under Holmes and Schenck,

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you could punish speech if it might cause a problem

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eventually. Like someday down the line. Right.

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But under Brandenburg, the government can only

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ban speech if it is directed to inciting immediate

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lawless action and is likely to produce such

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action. Okay, let me try to apply this. If I

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stand on a soapbox in the park and say, the government

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is corrupt and we should burn it all down someday,

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is that protected? Yes. That is abstract advocacy.

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You are advocating for an idea even if it's a

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violent idea. But if I'm standing in front of

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an angry mob and I hand them bricks and I point

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at a specific building and scream smash those

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windows right now? That is imminent lawless action

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that is not protected. The danger is immediate

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and your words are the literal trigger. So applying

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this back to Charles Schenck and his anti -draft

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pamphlets. Under the 1969 Brandenburg Standard,

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Schenck is an innocent man. Handing out a flyer

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is advocacy. It takes time for someone to read

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it and think about it and decide what to do.

00:12:11.360 --> 00:12:13.779
It's not a reflex. Exactly. It's not a stampede.

00:12:13.860 --> 00:12:15.620
Which means the clear and present danger test

00:12:15.620 --> 00:12:17.580
and the fire in a crowded theater justification

00:12:17.580 --> 00:12:20.340
for it is legally obsolete. Totally obsolete.

00:12:20.600 --> 00:12:23.799
It was dictum, which just means an illustration

00:12:23.799 --> 00:12:26.100
in a case that has been completely overturned.

00:12:26.399 --> 00:12:29.720
Citing it today to justify censorship is like

00:12:29.720 --> 00:12:32.139
citing the Dred Scott decision to argue about

00:12:32.139 --> 00:12:34.740
citizenship laws. It's just really bad history.

00:12:35.149 --> 00:12:37.370
What I find really fascinating about this story,

00:12:37.429 --> 00:12:39.730
though, and maybe a little hopeful, is that Holmes

00:12:39.730 --> 00:12:42.590
himself seemed to realize he messed up. He did.

00:12:42.769 --> 00:12:44.830
And it didn't take him 50 years. It happened

00:12:44.830 --> 00:12:47.350
almost immediately. After the Schenck decision,

00:12:47.649 --> 00:12:50.809
he faced some serious criticism from legal scholars.

00:12:51.309 --> 00:12:53.750
One in particular, a young Harvard professor

00:12:53.750 --> 00:12:56.649
named Zachariah Chafee, actually sat down with

00:12:56.649 --> 00:12:59.240
Holmes. What did Chafee tell him? He challenged

00:12:59.240 --> 00:13:01.399
the metaphor directly. He basically told Holmes,

00:13:01.519 --> 00:13:03.659
you got the analogy wrong. Schenck wasn't the

00:13:03.659 --> 00:13:06.639
guy falsely shouting fire to cause a panic. Schenck

00:13:06.639 --> 00:13:08.860
was like a man in a theater standing up and telling

00:13:08.860 --> 00:13:10.759
the audience, hey, there aren't enough fire exits.

00:13:11.000 --> 00:13:13.320
Management has locked the doors. Oh, wow. That

00:13:13.320 --> 00:13:16.200
completely flips the script. It changes everything.

00:13:16.980 --> 00:13:20.179
If you are warning people about a real danger

00:13:20.179 --> 00:13:23.179
like a war or the draft or unsafe working conditions,

00:13:23.279 --> 00:13:26.419
that isn't a false alarm. That is the exact kind

00:13:26.419 --> 00:13:28.259
of warning the First Amendment is designed to

00:13:28.259 --> 00:13:30.139
protect. Did Holmes actually listen to this?

00:13:30.320 --> 00:13:33.299
He did. Later that very same year, in a case

00:13:33.299 --> 00:13:36.340
called Abrams v. United States, Holmes dissented.

00:13:36.379 --> 00:13:38.899
He switched sides. No way. Yeah, he argued that

00:13:38.899 --> 00:13:40.720
the government shouldn't be jailing people for

00:13:40.720 --> 00:13:43.799
a silly leaflet by an unknown man. He started

00:13:43.799 --> 00:13:46.139
talking about the marketplace of ideas. It's

00:13:46.139 --> 00:13:48.519
amazing that the guy who created the weapon to

00:13:48.519 --> 00:13:51.080
destroy free speech eventually tried to disarm

00:13:51.080 --> 00:13:53.929
it himself. But the phrase stuck anyway. It's

00:13:53.929 --> 00:13:55.710
like it's deeper in our culture than the correction.

00:13:55.970 --> 00:13:58.330
It is. But smart people have been trying to kill

00:13:58.330 --> 00:14:00.629
it for a long time. The late Christopher Hitchens,

00:14:00.769 --> 00:14:03.129
who was never one to hold back, had a brilliant

00:14:03.129 --> 00:14:05.029
take on this. Oh, I love a good Hitchens rant.

00:14:05.129 --> 00:14:07.190
What was his angle? He called the Schenck verdict

00:14:07.190 --> 00:14:10.970
fatuous. He pointed out that the socialists opposing

00:14:10.970 --> 00:14:14.570
World War I were the real firefighters. They

00:14:14.570 --> 00:14:16.409
were the ones shouting fire when there really

00:14:16.409 --> 00:14:19.110
was a fire. The fire was the war itself. And

00:14:19.110 --> 00:14:20.990
that leads to the ultimate question of censorship.

00:14:21.519 --> 00:14:24.860
Who decides? Exactly. Hitchens asked who is to

00:14:24.860 --> 00:14:28.659
decide. If the state gets to decide that your

00:14:28.659 --> 00:14:31.899
political protest is a false alarm, then the

00:14:31.899 --> 00:14:34.700
state can silence any dissent it finds inconvenient

00:14:34.700 --> 00:14:38.580
just by labeling it dangerous. This reminds me

00:14:38.580 --> 00:14:40.940
of Ken White. He's a well -known First Amendment

00:14:40.940 --> 00:14:42.960
attorney who writes under the name Pope Hat.

00:14:43.139 --> 00:14:45.679
He calls the fire phrase a red herring. Yes,

00:14:45.720 --> 00:14:48.559
Ken White is fantastic on this. He argues that

00:14:48.559 --> 00:14:50.500
when people use the fire in a crowded theater

00:14:50.500 --> 00:14:53.220
line, they are actively trying to distract you.

00:14:53.299 --> 00:14:55.340
They use it to suggest that the First Amendment

00:14:55.340 --> 00:14:58.279
is this vague, squishy thing where we just balance

00:14:58.279 --> 00:15:00.519
free speech against social harm. But the law

00:15:00.519 --> 00:15:03.279
isn't squishy anymore. No, it's not. Under current

00:15:03.279 --> 00:15:05.659
law, like cases such as United States v. Stevens,

00:15:06.279 --> 00:15:08.360
The exceptions to the First Amendment are historic

00:15:08.360 --> 00:15:10.659
and well -defined. We're talking about true threats,

00:15:10.860 --> 00:15:13.200
defamation, fraud, incitement. You can't just

00:15:13.200 --> 00:15:15.159
invent new exceptions because you think speech

00:15:15.159 --> 00:15:17.700
is harmful or hateful. So when someone says you

00:15:17.700 --> 00:15:19.860
can't shout fire, they're basically saying, I

00:15:19.860 --> 00:15:22.120
wish the law allowed us to ban things I personally

00:15:22.120 --> 00:15:25.139
think are bad? Exactly. They are wishing for

00:15:25.139 --> 00:15:28.539
a flexibility that the Constitution simply does

00:15:28.539 --> 00:15:31.139
not allow. Okay, so we've established it's a

00:15:31.139 --> 00:15:33.240
bad analogy, it's bad law, and it's a distraction.

00:15:33.639 --> 00:15:35.940
But I have to ask the practical question, because

00:15:35.940 --> 00:15:38.519
I know listeners are wondering, can I actually

00:15:38.519 --> 00:15:42.200
shout fire in a crowded theater? Like, practically

00:15:42.200 --> 00:15:44.000
speaking, if I go to the movies tonight and scream

00:15:44.000 --> 00:15:46.700
it, what happens to me? This is where we need

00:15:46.700 --> 00:15:50.220
to be really precise. It is not a speech crime

00:15:50.220 --> 00:15:54.120
to say the word fire. The First Amendment doesn't

00:15:54.120 --> 00:15:56.840
have a list of forbidden words. However... You

00:15:56.840 --> 00:15:58.639
are responsible for the consequences of your

00:15:58.639 --> 00:16:00.659
actions. So if I yell it and everyone just looks

00:16:00.659 --> 00:16:02.059
at me, rolls around and tells me to shut up.

00:16:02.120 --> 00:16:03.820
You haven't committed a crime. You might get

00:16:03.820 --> 00:16:05.740
kicked out by the manager for being a nuisance,

00:16:05.840 --> 00:16:08.120
but you aren't going to jail. But if I do it

00:16:08.120 --> 00:16:11.120
falsely, knowing there is no fire and it causes

00:16:11.120 --> 00:16:13.259
a panic where someone gets trampled. Then you

00:16:13.259 --> 00:16:16.080
are in serious trouble, but not for speech. You

00:16:16.080 --> 00:16:18.899
are in trouble for involuntary manslaughter or

00:16:18.899 --> 00:16:21.059
at the very least disorderly conduct. Right.

00:16:21.139 --> 00:16:23.740
In Colorado, for example, falsely reporting an

00:16:23.740 --> 00:16:26.590
emergency is a misdemeanor. But if that report

00:16:26.590 --> 00:16:29.029
leads to someone getting seriously hurt or dying,

00:16:29.230 --> 00:16:32.710
it upgrades to a felony. So the law focuses on

00:16:32.710 --> 00:16:35.529
the fraud and the physical harm, not the words

00:16:35.529 --> 00:16:37.909
themselves. Correct. Think of it like fraud.

00:16:38.129 --> 00:16:41.070
You can say the words, I have a gold watch. That's

00:16:41.070 --> 00:16:43.809
free speech. But if you take my money and give

00:16:43.809 --> 00:16:46.269
me a fake watch, you've committed a crime. A

00:16:46.269 --> 00:16:48.769
crime isn't the words. It's the theft by deception.

00:16:49.509 --> 00:16:52.330
Shouting fire falsely is causing a panic by deception.

00:16:52.720 --> 00:16:55.019
And just to be absolutely clear, because we don't

00:16:55.019 --> 00:16:57.100
want this deep dive to be cited in a lawsuit

00:16:57.100 --> 00:16:59.460
if the theater is on fire. Please, for the love

00:16:59.460 --> 00:17:02.440
of everything, shout fire. The law protects you

00:17:02.440 --> 00:17:04.319
if you reasonably believe there is a danger.

00:17:04.740 --> 00:17:06.880
The myth implies that you can never speak if

00:17:06.880 --> 00:17:09.759
it causes a panic. But if the panic is necessary

00:17:09.759 --> 00:17:12.519
to get people to the exits, the speech is not

00:17:12.519 --> 00:17:16.000
only legal, it's absolutely necessary. It really

00:17:16.000 --> 00:17:18.019
circles back to that point Chafee made to Holmes.

00:17:18.220 --> 00:17:19.859
The socialists thought the house was burning

00:17:19.859 --> 00:17:22.319
down. They thought the draft was the fire. And

00:17:22.319 --> 00:17:24.579
that is why the crowded theater analogy is so

00:17:24.579 --> 00:17:28.220
dangerous. It frames the status quo as safe and

00:17:28.220 --> 00:17:31.480
the dissenter as the danger. But in a healthy

00:17:31.480 --> 00:17:34.299
democracy, we need people to be able to say,

00:17:34.380 --> 00:17:37.930
hey. I think I smell smoke, even if the government

00:17:37.930 --> 00:17:40.349
insists everything is totally fine. We've covered

00:17:40.349 --> 00:17:43.349
a lot of ground today. We went from a 1919 draft

00:17:43.349 --> 00:17:45.670
protest to a misunderstanding that has lasted

00:17:45.670 --> 00:17:48.390
a century. We learned that the clear and present

00:17:48.390 --> 00:17:51.710
danger test is dead, replaced by the much stricter

00:17:51.710 --> 00:17:54.349
imminent lawless action standard. And we learned

00:17:54.349 --> 00:17:56.309
that even the man who wrote the phrase Justice

00:17:56.309 --> 00:17:59.150
Holmes eventually realized that comparing political

00:17:59.150 --> 00:18:01.650
pamphlets to a death trap was a major mistake.

00:18:02.119 --> 00:18:03.460
So the next time you're in a comment section

00:18:03.460 --> 00:18:05.539
or at that dinner party and someone plays the

00:18:05.539 --> 00:18:07.940
fire in a crowded theater card to shut you down,

00:18:08.059 --> 00:18:10.400
you don't have to just take it. You can tell

00:18:10.400 --> 00:18:12.119
them it's a red herring. Yeah. You can tell them

00:18:12.119 --> 00:18:14.359
that unless they are inciting an immediate riot,

00:18:14.599 --> 00:18:16.640
the First Amendment is a lot stronger than they

00:18:16.640 --> 00:18:18.839
think. I want to leave you with one final thought

00:18:18.839 --> 00:18:21.960
to mull over. We cling to this myth because we

00:18:21.960 --> 00:18:24.680
crave safety. We want to believe there's a clear

00:18:24.680 --> 00:18:27.480
line where speech becomes too dangerous so we

00:18:27.480 --> 00:18:30.440
can stop it. But the history we looked at today,

00:18:30.539 --> 00:18:33.039
from Schenek to the tragedies at Italian Hall,

00:18:33.220 --> 00:18:35.880
shows us that when we draw those lines too broadly,

00:18:36.059 --> 00:18:38.539
we don't just stop the false alarms, we stop

00:18:38.539 --> 00:18:40.859
the warnings. We silence the people pointing

00:18:40.859 --> 00:18:43.420
at the smoke. And in the marketplace of ideas,

00:18:43.519 --> 00:18:45.799
isn't it better to risk a few false alarms than

00:18:45.799 --> 00:18:48.160
to burn down with the exits locked? That is the

00:18:48.160 --> 00:18:50.259
ultimate question. Who do you trust to decide

00:18:50.259 --> 00:18:52.619
when the fire is real? Thanks for joining us

00:18:52.619 --> 00:18:54.220
on this deep dive. See you next time.
