WEBVTT

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You know, usually when we talk about endangered

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languages, we tend to frame it as a loss of history.

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We say things like, oh, we're losing stories

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or, you know, we're losing songs. Which is absolutely

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true. Of course, that is a huge, huge part of

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it. Right. But today's deep dive into the key

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language suggests something. Well, something

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much more profound. It suggests that when we

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lose a language like this. we might actually

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be losing a specific way of processing reality,

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that we aren't just losing words, we're losing

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a different way to smell or taste or even touch.

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That is not an exaggeration at all. We are looking

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at the key language today, this linguistic marvel

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hidden away in the Okavango Delta region of southwestern

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Africa. And if you think English is complex,

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Kwee is, I mean, it's running on a different

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operating system entirely. We have a pretty big

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stack of sources to get through, linguistic papers,

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historical records, and some, frankly, tragic

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reports on modern displacement. But maybe let's

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start with the basics. Who are we actually talking

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about here? We're talking about a group of roughly

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8 ,000 people. They're part of the Kaukwadi language

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family. And geographically, you should picture

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the Caprivi Strip, that narrow panhandle of Namibia,

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and then into the wetlands of Botswana, Angola,

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and Zambia. It's a dialect continuum. A dialect

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continuum, which means... This just means the

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language isn't one single thing. It shifts and

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it morphs as you move across the map, sort of

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like a gradient of color, but it's all recognizably

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the same language. Okay, got it. And just to

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clear this up right at the top, the name, I've

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seen it spelled K -X -O -E, sometimes K -H -O

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-E. Right. So the standard now, based on something

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called the Penduka Declaration from back in 2000,

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is K. K -H -W -E. And it's really important to

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stick to that because a lot of the older terms

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you'll find in the literature names like Barraguina

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are actually pejorative. Those are names that

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outsiders gave them then. Exactly. They often

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translate to really dismissive things like people

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of the unknown or wild people. Coy is simply

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their word for person. It's what they call themselves.

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Right. So 8 ,000 speakers. In the world of global

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linguistics, that's flashing red lights for endangered.

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Oh, definitely. But why is this specific language

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such a heavyweight? Why are linguists so obsessed

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with its complexity? It really comes down to

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just density, the sheer density of it. If you

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look at the phonology, the sound system, it's

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almost overwhelming. To give you a baseline,

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English gets by with about 24 consonant sounds.

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Sure. B, C, D, F. We all know the drill. K -Way

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has roughly 70. 70. Wait, so they're working

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with a... A toolkit almost three times the size

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of ours just to build basic words. Precisely.

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And a huge chunk of that comes from the clicks.

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Now, I know people have heard of click languages,

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you know, maybe from Ixosa or Zulu further south.

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Yeah. But Kare is part of the original source

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of those sounds. They have 36 distinct click

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foams. See, that's the part I really struggle

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to wrap my head around. To my ear, a click is

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a click. It's just a sound you make. How do you

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possibly get 36 distinct versions of that one

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noise? Okay, you have to break it down. Think

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of it like a coordinate system with two parts.

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First, you have the influx. That's the suction

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itself. Where is your tongue when you make it?

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Is it behind your teeth? Is it on the roof of

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your mouth, on the side? That gives you the bass

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sound. There are four of those in K -Way. Okay,

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so that's the position, like north, south, east,

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west, basically. A good way to think of it. But

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then you have the efflux, and that's the release.

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How do you let the air go after the click? Is

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it silent? Does it come out with a pop? Is it

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breathy? Do you vibrate your vocal cords? In

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K -Way, they combine those four positions with

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nine different releases. So it's like playing

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a chord on a piano. You're not just hitting one

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key. You're layering multiple things at once

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to get a specific texture. That is a perfect

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analogy. It is absolutely layering sounds. And

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some of these chords are incredibly rare. I mean,

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K -Way is the only language we know of that has

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a pre -nasalized voiced click. Okay, break that

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down for me. Pre -nasalized voiced click. What

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is my mouth even doing there? All right, try

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to picture this. You have to start humming, that's

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the voiced part, while you're creating the suction

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seal with your tongue and letting air flow through

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your nose that's pre -nasalized, and then you

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release the click, all in a fraction of a second.

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I'm trying to imagine doing that. That sounds

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like rubbing your stomach and patting your head,

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but, you know. with your tongue and nose. It's

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an incredible level of articulatory gymnastics.

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It's something most of us as English speakers,

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we basically age out of the ability to learn

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it. If you don't pick it up as a toddler, your

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brain just struggles to map those movements.

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It's amazing that an infant can just absorb that.

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But give it to me now and I'd probably just choke.

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It creates the symphony of sound that makes English

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look like a four -piece garage band. And that's

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just the consonants. The vowels aren't exactly

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simple either. Oh no. They have 25 vowel phonemes.

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They use diphthongs, so sliding between two vowel

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sounds like in boy or cow. And they have nasalized

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vowels where the sound resonates through your

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nose. And it's tonal on top of all that. The

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pitch changes the meaning. Drastically. Early

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analysis suggested maybe nine tones, but the

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more recent work has settled on three. High,

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mid, and low. But here's the kicker. They have

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something called tone sandy. I saw that in the

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notes. That implies the tone of a word isn't

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even fixed, right? Exactly. Imagine the word

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cat is pronounced with a high pitch. But if you

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say black cat and black has a low pitch, the

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tone on cat might actually shift to a mid pitch

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just to bridge the gap between the two. So it's

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like a social chameleon. The word... changes

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its personality depending on which words it's

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sitting next to. That's a great way to put it.

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It's like a chemical reaction. You can't just

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learn the words on flashcards in isolation. You

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have to learn how they behave in a sentence.

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That seems incredibly difficult to process in

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real time. You're not just listening for the

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words. You have to listen to the melody of the

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entire phrase to figure out what's going on.

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It suggests a very high context way of communicating.

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You're always anticipating the relationship between

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words, not just the words themselves. Which,

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actually, that's a perfect segue into the grammar.

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Yeah. Because it seems like relationship is the

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key theme here, too. I was reading about how

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they handle pronouns, specifically the word we,

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and it made English feel unbelievably lazy. It

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really does. In English, if I say, we went to

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the store. You have no idea if I mean me and

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you, me and my wife, or me and an army of people.

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It's totally vague. Right. I could mean... We,

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the two of us on this deep dive, or we as in

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all of humanity. Hiwi just doesn't allow that

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ambiguity. As you said, it's a suffixing language.

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They add information to the ends of words and

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they are so rigorous about gender and number.

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How specific do they actually get? They mark

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gender and number even in the first person. So

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they have a specific word for we. That means

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me and one other male. Wow. And a totally different

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word for me and one other female and another

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for me and a mixed group. So the language forces

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you to constantly acknowledge the identity of

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who you're with. You cannot speak about a group

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without defining its composition. It builds social

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awareness directly into the grammar. You just

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can't hide behind a generic we. It's almost like

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the language itself is checking your ID. Who

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exactly is with you? Precisely. And that specificity

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carries over into how they tell stories. I saw

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you had a note on serial verb construction. Yeah,

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it sounds so industrial, like an assembly line

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for verbs. And it works like one. It's a very

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efficient way to narrate. In English, we might

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say, he took the knife and then he cut the meat.

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Two separate actions, joined by an. Action one,

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then action two. Right. A Cuy speaker might just

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string the verbs together. He knife, take cut

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meat. Very efficient. But the really fascinating

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part is the grammar tags, the suffixes that tell

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you when it happened or how. They only put those

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on the very last verb in the chain. So the first

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few verbs are just raw action and only the last

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one gets the timestamp. Exactly. The last verb

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is like the locomotive pulling this whole train

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of action. It creates a very fluid, rapid fire

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way of describing a complex event as one single

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continuous flow, not a list of steps. This brings

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us to the part of the research that honestly

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just stopped me in my tracks. We've talked sound.

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We've talked structure. But what about perception?

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The big aha moment for me was how Queer speakers

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categorize their senses. Ah, yes. The verb um.

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Um. And that translates to? Well, see, that's

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the problem. We don't really have a single translation.

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In English, we have taste, smell, and touch.

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Three very separate buckets. Completely separate.

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Touching a wall is a different universe from

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smelling a flower. One's my hand. One's my nose.

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Right. But for quiz speakers, those three experiences,

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taste, smell, and touch, are all covered by this

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one verb, ham. So they're all bundled together.

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Yes. They have a separate word for seeing, which

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is ha, and one for hearing, ka. And if you think

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about it, those are the distant senses. You don't

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have to be near something to see it or hear it.

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True. But the contact senses, the ones where

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the world is physically meeting your body, They're

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treated as one unified experience. That's a profound

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philosophical shift. It implies that for a Cuy

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speaker, tasting a piece of fruit and feeling

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the rough texture of a stone are just different

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flavors of the same core sensation. It makes

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you wonder, doesn't it, about the neurology.

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If your language groups them, do you actually

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perceive them as more connected? In English,

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we separate them so rigidly, but in Quay, there's

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this recognition that they are all proximal experiences,

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things happening up close. It's like they have

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a single proximity sensor verb. I am experiencing

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something right here next to me. That's a great

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way to put it. And you see similar kind of blending

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with numbers. You mean the word excora. Yes.

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Excea is the word for three, but it also works

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as a verb that means to be few or to be a little.

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So three isn't just a number. It's also the feeling

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of scarcity. It fuses quality and quantity. The

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number three is the definition of a few, which

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is really unique among African hunter -gatherer

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languages. Usually the number systems are very

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distinct. Here, the number three is tied to the

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concept of a small amount. It really paints a

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picture of a worldview that is deeply observational,

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deeply connected to the physical world. But this

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brings us to the history and the conflict. Because

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this language didn't develop in a vacuum. Not

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at all. And this is where we have to sort of

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overturn a common historical narrative. Usually

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when we talk about African history, we talk about

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the Bantu expansion. About 5 ,000 years ago,

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you have Bantu -speaking farmers moving south

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and east, displacing the indigenous hunter -gatherers.

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Right. The standard story is that the farmers

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have the numbers and the technology, so their

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language just takes over. The Conqueror writes

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the dictionary. That's the usual pattern. But

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in this region, the Okavango and Zambesi, the

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linguistic evidence, tells a totally different

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story. The Bantu languages that moved in their

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languages like Yayi or Mukushu, they actually

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adopted clicks from the Ko languages. Which is

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not normal. It's extremely rare. Usually the

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dominant language imposes its sounds. Here, the

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incoming Bantu speakers heard these complex clicks

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and actually integrated them into their own speech.

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We call it... Parallaxification. Parallaxification.

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Sounds technical. It just means a parallel building

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of vocabulary. But what it implies is that the

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co -speakers must have held significant status.

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They weren't just being pushed aside. They likely

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had ritual knowledge or environmental knowledge

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that the newcomers respected. You don't borrow

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the sounds of a people you see as inferior. So

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the hunter -gatherers were, linguistically speaking,

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the cool kids on the block for a while. In a

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way, yes. Their language had prestige. The problem

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is, over thousands of years, this seems to have

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backfired on the Kowai. How so? Well, once the

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neighboring Bantu languages adopted clicks, they

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started to sound more familiar. It became much

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easier for a co -speaker to learn and switch

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over to, say, Tswana, because the sound system

00:12:01.299 --> 00:12:03.879
wasn't so alien anymore. It greased the wheels

00:12:03.879 --> 00:12:07.070
for their own linguistic assimilation. Wow. That

00:12:07.070 --> 00:12:09.470
is a cruel irony. Their own influence made it

00:12:09.470 --> 00:12:12.049
easier for their language to eventually be eroded.

00:12:12.129 --> 00:12:14.470
Exactly. And that erosion is speeding up right

00:12:14.470 --> 00:12:16.990
now. We're seeing something called semantic broadening,

00:12:17.009 --> 00:12:19.730
which is a very clinical term for what is really

00:12:19.730 --> 00:12:22.029
a cultural tragedy. Give me an example of that.

00:12:22.070 --> 00:12:23.870
What does that look like on the ground? Okay.

00:12:23.950 --> 00:12:26.950
Take the word angara. Traditionally, this word

00:12:26.950 --> 00:12:29.330
meant something very specific. It described a

00:12:29.330 --> 00:12:31.950
ritual act of making marks on the body or in

00:12:31.950 --> 00:12:34.629
the sand during a healing ceremony. It was a

00:12:34.629 --> 00:12:37.950
sacred act. Okay. And today? Today, it just means

00:12:37.950 --> 00:12:40.470
to write. You know, write your name on this government

00:12:40.470 --> 00:12:43.529
form. So the deep, sacred cultural context is

00:12:43.529 --> 00:12:45.690
just stripped away, and it becomes a utility

00:12:45.690 --> 00:12:48.370
word. The shell of the word is still there, but

00:12:48.370 --> 00:12:51.899
the ghost inside it is gone. The meaning is broadened

00:12:51.899 --> 00:12:55.539
until it's generic. And this really mirrors what's

00:12:55.539 --> 00:12:57.440
happening to the people themselves. You can't

00:12:57.440 --> 00:12:59.700
separate the language loss from the land loss.

00:13:00.000 --> 00:13:02.200
The notes mention that many Kiwi speakers describe

00:13:02.200 --> 00:13:05.059
themselves as landless. And this isn't just a

00:13:05.059 --> 00:13:07.960
feeling. It's actual policy. It's a mix of things.

00:13:08.139 --> 00:13:11.080
Conservation policy in Botswana and Namibia often

00:13:11.080 --> 00:13:13.480
excludes traditional inhabitants from national

00:13:13.480 --> 00:13:16.299
parks. But the darkest chapter really involves

00:13:16.299 --> 00:13:18.860
the military. This is the 31 Battalion. Yes.

00:13:20.009 --> 00:13:21.769
In the Libyan War of Independence in the 70s

00:13:21.769 --> 00:13:24.649
and 80s, the South African Defense Force actively

00:13:24.649 --> 00:13:28.200
recruited Kuemen. Why them specifically? Because

00:13:28.200 --> 00:13:30.779
of their incredible tracking skills, again, that

00:13:30.779 --> 00:13:33.259
deep environmental connection was weaponized.

00:13:33.320 --> 00:13:35.399
They were phenomenal soldiers in that terrain.

00:13:35.659 --> 00:13:38.519
And when the war ended in 1990, South Africa

00:13:38.519 --> 00:13:41.299
pulled out. And they took about 4 ,000 Kirei

00:13:41.299 --> 00:13:43.840
and Exxon people with them. They were afraid

00:13:43.840 --> 00:13:45.639
of reprisals from the new Namibian government.

00:13:46.039 --> 00:13:48.820
And they moved them from the lush Okavango Delta

00:13:48.820 --> 00:13:52.200
to a tent town in a place called Schmitzdrift,

00:13:52.220 --> 00:13:54.779
South Africa. Which is a semi -desert environment,

00:13:55.059 --> 00:13:57.559
isn't it? It's a moonscape compared to the Delta.

00:13:57.679 --> 00:14:00.139
I mean, can you imagine taking people whose entire

00:14:00.139 --> 00:14:02.659
language is built around wetlands and rivers

00:14:02.659 --> 00:14:05.019
and dense bush and dropping them in the arid

00:14:05.019 --> 00:14:07.559
Karoo? They lived in tents for over a decade.

00:14:07.799 --> 00:14:10.000
When you displace a community that completely,

00:14:10.240 --> 00:14:12.539
you just fracture all the social structures that

00:14:12.539 --> 00:14:14.620
keep a language alive. Of course. The elders

00:14:14.620 --> 00:14:16.620
aren't walking the bush with the children anymore.

00:14:16.740 --> 00:14:19.159
You can't teach the word for a specific medicinal

00:14:19.159 --> 00:14:21.740
plant if that plant doesn't exist where you live.

00:14:21.960 --> 00:14:24.340
And usually, this is where you'd hope schools

00:14:24.340 --> 00:14:26.399
could help. You know, if you can write the language

00:14:26.399 --> 00:14:28.980
down, you can preserve it. But the story of the

00:14:28.980 --> 00:14:32.299
writing system, the orthography, is just a mess.

00:14:32.659 --> 00:14:36.980
It's a classic ivory tower failure. In the 1950s,

00:14:36.980 --> 00:14:39.820
a brilliant German scholar, Oswin Kohler, he

00:14:39.820 --> 00:14:42.600
developed a system to write co. Did all the hard

00:14:42.600 --> 00:14:45.860
work mapping those 36 clicks. Sounds great. Except

00:14:45.860 --> 00:14:48.679
he published all his work in German and French.

00:14:49.200 --> 00:14:51.179
You're kidding. So the people who actually spoke

00:14:51.179 --> 00:14:53.019
the language couldn't read the manual on how

00:14:53.019 --> 00:14:55.159
to write it. Exactly. It was a... project for

00:14:55.159 --> 00:14:57.500
other European academics, not for the community

00:14:57.500 --> 00:15:00.200
in the Kalahari. It was a scientific specimen,

00:15:00.500 --> 00:15:04.139
not a living tool. That is just so incredibly

00:15:04.139 --> 00:15:07.360
frustrating to hear. It took until 1996 for new

00:15:07.360 --> 00:15:10.059
scholars to finally sit down with the Kowa community

00:15:10.059 --> 00:15:12.240
and revise the system into something they could

00:15:12.240 --> 00:15:15.320
actually use. But even today, that writing system

00:15:15.320 --> 00:15:18.620
has no official status in Namibian schools. So

00:15:18.620 --> 00:15:20.600
if you're a six -year -old Kowa child, you go

00:15:20.600 --> 00:15:23.740
to school. And you're taught in English or Tawana.

00:15:23.799 --> 00:15:26.340
And you learn very quickly that your home language

00:15:26.340 --> 00:15:28.299
is for the bush and these other languages are

00:15:28.299 --> 00:15:30.580
for success. And that's the psychological tipping

00:15:30.580 --> 00:15:32.559
point. That's when a language really begins to

00:15:32.559 --> 00:15:34.679
die. When the children stop wanting to speak

00:15:34.679 --> 00:15:37.789
it. It's devastating. Because, going right back

00:15:37.789 --> 00:15:39.909
to where we started, we're not just losing a

00:15:39.909 --> 00:15:43.149
code, we're losing that symphony of 70 consonants.

00:15:43.210 --> 00:15:45.929
We're losing the ability to say we with that

00:15:45.929 --> 00:15:48.570
incredible precision. We're losing a unique map

00:15:48.570 --> 00:15:51.389
of the human mind. Every language is a different

00:15:51.389 --> 00:15:53.769
solution to the problem of how to describe the

00:15:53.769 --> 00:15:57.000
universe. And Quay's solution... bundles senses,

00:15:57.360 --> 00:16:01.059
it fuses number and quality, and it demands social

00:16:01.059 --> 00:16:03.460
awareness in every sentence. It makes you look

00:16:03.460 --> 00:16:05.480
at your own language and realize how much it

00:16:05.480 --> 00:16:08.220
filters out. We think English is this neutral

00:16:08.220 --> 00:16:10.840
window onto the world, but it's just as biased

00:16:10.840 --> 00:16:13.440
in how it slices reality up. That's the big takeaway.

00:16:13.639 --> 00:16:16.559
We think we see the world as it is, but really

00:16:16.559 --> 00:16:19.159
we see the world as our language lets us describe

00:16:19.159 --> 00:16:21.000
it. So here's the thought to leave you with.

00:16:21.100 --> 00:16:23.059
We talked about that verb alam, the one that

00:16:23.059 --> 00:16:25.960
means taste, smell, and touch all at once. If

00:16:25.960 --> 00:16:28.360
the Quay language vanishes and that word disappears,

00:16:28.860 --> 00:16:32.159
does the human capacity to experience those senses

00:16:32.159 --> 00:16:35.200
as one unified feeling disappear with it? Does

00:16:35.200 --> 00:16:37.820
a piece of reality itself change when the word

00:16:37.820 --> 00:16:40.220
for it is gone? Something to think about. Thanks

00:16:40.220 --> 00:16:41.879
for diving to deep with us. My pleasure.
