WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the deep dive. You know, I was

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looking through the research for today and it

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got me thinking about political branding. Usually

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when a politician gets a nickname, it's it's

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not a compliment. It's usually pretty brutal.

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Oh, absolutely. It's almost always a weapon.

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You think of. Tricky Dick Nixon or Slick Willie

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Clinton. They're these sticky labels that your

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opponents just slap on you to highlight some

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kind of character flaw. It's really negative

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branding 101. Right. It's something you spend

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your entire career trying to scrape off your

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shoe. But today we're unpacking a story where

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the exact opposite happened. We're looking at

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a politician who didn't just accept a nickname.

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I mean, she bear hugged it. She made it her own.

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She essentially merged her identity with it until

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it became her legal middle name. abel mabel thomas

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it is one of the most enduring uh self -reinforcing

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brands in the history of georgia politics and

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looking at these files you know biographical

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records legislative history Old ballot results.

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We aren't just looking at a Kirky name. We're

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looking at a master class in survival. This is

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a woman who navigated the shark tank of Atlanta

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politics for nearly 40 years. And that's really

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the mission for this deep dive. We want to understand

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how someone survives that long in an arena that,

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well, it usually chews people up and spits them

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out in just a few terms. We're going to trace

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her path from the English Avenue neighborhood

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all the way to the Gold Dome and look at the

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kind of resilience it takes. to keep running,

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even when you're losing. And trust me, looking

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at this timeline, there is plenty of leasing

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mixed in with the winning. It's not a straight

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line at the top at all. It's a jagged line. So

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let's start at the foundation. Before she was

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able, who was Mabel Thomas? To understand Mabel

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Thomas, you really have to understand the geography.

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She was born November 8, 1957, in Atlanta. But

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specifically, she was raised in the English Avenue

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neighborhood. Okay, for our listeners who might

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not be familiar with Atlanta's layout, paint

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the picture for us. Is this like... The wealthy

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suburbs? No, far from it. English Avenue is a

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historic black community just west of downtown.

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Back in the late 50s and 60s, this was a working

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class stronghold. But it's an area that has faced

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pretty significant economic hardship over the

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decades. It's a place that requires a certain

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toughness. And her family background reflects

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that grit, right? Definitely. She was the youngest

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of five children. And her father, Bernard Thomas,

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was a boiler operator. Wait, boiler operator.

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I mean, that's a job that implies heat, pressure,

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getting your hands dirty. Precisely. There is

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no evidence in these files of some political

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dynasty here. No famous uncles, no inherited

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donor network. She didn't start on third base.

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She started in the dugout. Now, there's a detail

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in her high school and college years that I think

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is just crucial to her psychology. She wasn't

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in the debate club. She was in the gym. Right.

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She graduated from Booker II Washington High

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School in 1975. But the pivotal detail for me

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is that she earned a scholarship to play women's

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basketball for the Georgia State Panthers. I

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want to pause on that because I feel like the

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whole athlete, the politician pipeline is a real

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thing. But we rarely break down why. What does

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playing competitive basketball at the college

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level teach you that applies to the state legislature?

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It teaches you two things that are absolutely

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essential for a long career. First, it teaches

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you about spacing, just knowing where you are

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on the court relative to everyone else. In politics,

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that's knowing your coalition. Second, and maybe

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more importantly, it teaches you about the shot

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clock. You have to make decisions under pressure

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and you have to have physical endurance. Campaigning

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is exhausting. If you can run lines in practice,

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you can knock on doors for eight hours in July.

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That makes so much sense. You build up a tolerance

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for the grind. But she wasn't just running drills.

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The notes say she was also studying something

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very specific while she was at Georgia State.

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This is the key insight for her early career.

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She earned a Bachelor of Science in Public Administration

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in 1982. Okay, help us out here. Public administration

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sounds a little dry. How is that different from,

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say, a political science degree? That's a great

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distinction. Political science is often about

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the theory of power campaigns, voting behavior,

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all that. It's the why. Public administration

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is the how. It's the actual mechanics of government.

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It's budgeting. It's zoning laws. It's H .R.

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It's how a bill actually becomes a statute. So

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by studying that, Thomas wasn't just learning

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how to get elected. She was learning how the

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machine works once you're inside the building.

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So she walks into the arena knowing the rulebook

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better than the people who are already there.

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Exactly. She understood the levers and she didn't

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wait long to pull them. 1984 is the breakout

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year in all the documents. 1984. I mean, this

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is a massive year in American politics, specifically

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for black politics. Huge. Jesse Jackson is running

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for president. It's the Rainbow Coalition era.

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Mabel Thomas gets involved as a presidential

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delegate for Jackson at the DNC. That puts her

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right in the room with the national heavyweights.

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But she doesn't just want to be a delegate. She

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decides to run for office herself that same year.

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And looking at this, she makes a decision that

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on paper looks completely irrational. Like a

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suicide mission. Right. She decides to run for

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the Georgia House of Representatives. Yeah. But

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she doesn't run for an open seat. She challenges

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the incumbent, Grace Towns Hamilton, in the Democratic

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primary. And Grace Towns Hamilton was the first

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African -American woman ever elected to the Georgia

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General Assembly. She was a legend. She was known

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as the most powerful black woman in Atlanta politics.

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Part of the, you know, the old guard. So you

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have Mabel Thomas, who's in her 20s, walking

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up to a living legend and saying, move over.

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It's like a rookie trying to dunk on Michael

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Jordan in their first game. It's not just ambitious.

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It was almost seen as disrespectful by the establishment.

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So what was the dynamic there? Was it just new

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versus old? It was generational, for sure. You

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had the established civil rights leadership versus

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the post -civil rights generation who wanted,

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you know, faster action, more aggression. And

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against all odds, Thomas won. That victory must

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have sent a shockwave through the city. It did.

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It made Mabel Thomas the youngest member of the

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Georgia General Assembly at that time. She was

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the giant killer. And this is right around the

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time the nickname shows up. Legend begins. Right

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around 84, 85, a colleague coined the phrase

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Able Mabel. Is it just because it rhymes? I mean,

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it's catchy, but was there more to it? Well,

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the implication was competence. Able implies

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utility. I'm able to get this done. In a world

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of bureaucratic red tape, being known as the

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person who is able is a very strong value proposition.

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And the fact that she eventually made it her

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legal middle name, I just think that's brilliant.

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It's basically SEO for the ballot. It is. Think

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about the voter in the booth. They're looking

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at a list of names. Smith, Jones, Thomas, all

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blurs together. But Abel Mabel, you remember

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the rhyme? It distinguishes her from... Every

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other name on that list. It's a masterstroke.

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So she's in the House. She's the young star.

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She serves four terms, 1985 to 1993. Most politicians

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would just stay there, build seniority, maybe

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run for speaker. But Thomas does something weird

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in 1997. She leaves the state legislature to

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run for Atlanta City Council. And this is where

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the career weave begins. It confuses a lot of

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political observers. To me, going from the state

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house to the city council feels like a demotion.

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At the state house. You're making laws for millions

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of people. City council is all trash pickup.

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Why make that move? See, I'd challenge the premise

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that it's a demotion. It really depends on what

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your goal is. If your goal is prestige and cocktail

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parties, yeah, the statehouse is better. But

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if your goal is tangible impact on your specific

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neighborhood, the city council is where the power

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is. Break that down for us. What can a council

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member do that a state rep can't? Zoning. That

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is the biggest one. The state rep can't stop

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a liquor store from opening next to a school.

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The state rep can't make sure the potholes on

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English Avenue get filled this week. The city

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council controls the police budget, the water

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mains, the trash schedule, land use. For a politician

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like Thomas, who was obsessed with her specific

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slice of West Atlanta, the city council offered

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a toolkit that the state house didn't. She could

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pull levers that immediately changed the view

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out her constituents' windows. That makes perfect

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sense. She wanted to get her hands on the actual

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machinery of the city. So she serves on the council

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from 97 to 2002. She's an at -large member, post

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-1. Does at -large mean she represented the whole

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city? Yes. She was elected by the entire city

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of Atlanta, not just one district, so she had

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citywide name recognition. But then the weave

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continues. In 2003, she goes back to the statehouse.

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She returns to the Gold Dome. She represents

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District 43, which later becomes District 55,

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and then District 56. I noticed those numbers

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jumping around in the note, 31, 43, 55, 56. Was

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she moving houses every few years? No, she stayed

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put. The map moved around her. This is a concept

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called redistricting. Which is always a headache

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to explain. It is, but here's the short version.

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Every 10 years after the census, the legislature

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has to redraw the map so every district has roughly

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the same number of people. A politician can wake

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up one morning and find that their street is

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now in a different district or that half their

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voters are new. That sounds chaotic for a career.

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How do you build a base if the lines keep moving?

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It kills a lot of careers. But Thomas survived

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it because her brand was stronger than the map.

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She consistently represented that core area west

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and southwest of downtown, parts of Midtown.

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No matter what number the state slapped on the

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district, the people in those neighborhoods knew

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Abel Mabel. So we have this picture of a hyper

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-local politician. She knows the streets. She

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knows the zoning codes. But there is this other

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side to her file that seems completely contradictory.

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While she's grinding it out in local office,

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she keeps taking these massive long -shot swings

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at federal office. This is maybe the most controversial

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part of her record. We have to talk about her

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challenging John Lewis. Yes. I mean, we need

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to put this in context for people. John Lewis

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wasn't just a congressman. He was a secular saint,

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the hero of Selma. He was beaten on the Edmund

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Pettus Bridge. He was a moral icon. Running against

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John Lewis in Atlanta is like running against

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the Pope in the Vatican. It's just not done.

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You don't challenge the hero. But she did it.

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Twice. 1992 and 2008. Both times in the Democratic

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primary. What's the logic there? Is it delusion?

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Or is there a strategy I'm missing? It's easy

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to dismiss it as ego. But if you look at her

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history. Remember, Gracetown's Hamilton Thomas

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clearly believed that incumbency is not a birthright.

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There's a school of thought that says every seat

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should be contested every time. It keeps the

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incumbent sharp. It forces a debate. Did she

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actually think she could win? That's hard to

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say. But she campaigned like she could. She argued

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that while Lewis was a national hero, the district

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had local needs that weren't being met. It was

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that classic local servant versus national icon

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argument. Did she come close? Not really. Lewis

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defeated her soundly both times. But the fact

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that she was willing to put her name on the ballot

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against him speaks to that fearlessness we talked

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about. She wasn't afraid of the establishment.

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And she didn't stop with the House. The notes

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mention a Senate run. Yes. In October 2019, she

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announced she was running for the U .S. Senate.

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The setting for that announcement was pretty

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interesting. A conference called Let's Talk About

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Sex. Right. Organized by SisterSong. It was a

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reproductive justice conference. So that gives

00:11:17.029 --> 00:11:19.549
you a clue about her platform. She was very focused

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on women's health and bodily autonomy. Then in

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2020, tragedy strikes. John Lewis passes away.

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And suddenly that seat, the 5th District, is

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actually open. It's not a symbolic challenge

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anymore. It's a scramble. And Mabel Thomas jumps

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in. She ran in the special election to fill the

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remainder of his term. She didn't make the runoff.

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It's a tough pattern to look at. She dominates

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at the local level, winning the statehouse, winning

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city council. But every time she tries to go

00:11:46.659 --> 00:11:49.580
federal, she hits a brick wall. It really highlights

00:11:49.580 --> 00:11:51.879
the difference between local fame and federal

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viability. The skills required to fix zoning

00:11:54.720 --> 00:11:57.100
in English Avenue aren't necessarily the skills

00:11:57.100 --> 00:11:59.820
that big national donors look for in a U .S.

00:11:59.820 --> 00:12:02.240
senator. It's just a different game. But here's

00:12:02.240 --> 00:12:05.059
the thing about the Able brand. She takes a loss,

00:12:05.159 --> 00:12:08.059
but she doesn't go home. We skipped over a defeat

00:12:08.059 --> 00:12:09.840
in the timeline that I want to circle back to

00:12:09.840 --> 00:12:11.139
because I think it's the most revealing one.

00:12:11.559 --> 00:12:15.679
2010. Ah, yes. The 2010 primary. She was running

00:12:15.679 --> 00:12:18.179
for her old house seat district 55 at the time,

00:12:18.200 --> 00:12:21.580
and she lost to Rashad Taylor. Correct. So she's

00:12:21.580 --> 00:12:24.120
out. No office. Not on the council. Not in the

00:12:24.120 --> 00:12:26.799
house. For most people, losing a seat you've

00:12:26.799 --> 00:12:29.690
held for years is a career ender. It signals

00:12:29.690 --> 00:12:31.929
that the voters are tired of you. You take the

00:12:31.929 --> 00:12:34.990
hint. You retire. You become a lobbyist. Mabel

00:12:34.990 --> 00:12:38.409
Thomas. She waits. She regroups. And in 2013,

00:12:38.629 --> 00:12:41.929
she runs for District 56 and wins. She got back

00:12:41.929 --> 00:12:43.769
in the game. She served another eight years,

00:12:43.909 --> 00:12:47.870
from January 2013 until January 2021. That resilience

00:12:47.870 --> 00:12:50.190
is what's so impressive. Yeah. Goes back to the

00:12:50.190 --> 00:12:52.590
basketball analogy. She's the player who misses

00:12:52.590 --> 00:12:54.990
the shot, gets her own rebound, and puts it back

00:12:54.990 --> 00:12:56.889
up immediately. That is the perfect metaphor.

00:12:57.090 --> 00:12:59.429
She had a short memory for failure, which is,

00:12:59.450 --> 00:13:01.929
I think, a requirement for any long -term politician.

00:13:02.289 --> 00:13:04.549
She didn't let the loss define her. She just

00:13:04.549 --> 00:13:07.289
reapplied for her job. So how does the story

00:13:07.289 --> 00:13:09.129
end? Or at least, how does this chapter close?

00:13:09.350 --> 00:13:11.750
In March 2020, she announced she wouldn't seek

00:13:11.750 --> 00:13:13.909
re -election. She retired from the Georgia House

00:13:13.909 --> 00:13:17.309
on January 11, 2021. That's nearly 40 years after

00:13:17.309 --> 00:13:19.009
she first walked onto the floor as the youngest

00:13:19.009 --> 00:13:21.700
member. It's a lifetime. Think about the changes

00:13:21.700 --> 00:13:25.259
in Atlanta between 1984 and 2021. The Olympics

00:13:25.259 --> 00:13:28.019
came and went. The population boomed. The West

00:13:28.019 --> 00:13:30.940
Side gentrified. And she was a legislative constant

00:13:30.940 --> 00:13:33.580
through all of it. The notes mention her personal

00:13:33.580 --> 00:13:35.919
life briefly toward the end. She's a member of

00:13:35.919 --> 00:13:38.080
the cosmopolitan African Methodist Episcopal

00:13:38.080 --> 00:13:40.059
Church, and we shouldn't overlook that. The church

00:13:40.059 --> 00:13:42.379
is so often the bedrock of political organizing

00:13:42.379 --> 00:13:45.480
in the black community in the South. That connection

00:13:45.480 --> 00:13:48.679
likely fueled her longevity as much as her policy

00:13:48.679 --> 00:13:51.419
positions did. As we step back and look at the

00:13:51.419 --> 00:13:54.120
legend of Abel Mabel, what is the big takeaway

00:13:54.120 --> 00:13:57.399
here? Is it the winds? Or is it something else?

00:13:57.559 --> 00:13:59.320
I think the takeaway is about the definition

00:13:59.320 --> 00:14:02.080
of service. We tend to glorify the politicians

00:14:02.080 --> 00:14:04.820
who give big speeches on cable news, you know,

00:14:04.840 --> 00:14:07.700
the viral moments. But Mabel Thomas spent decades

00:14:07.700 --> 00:14:10.759
in the rooms where the boring work happens. Committee

00:14:10.759 --> 00:14:14.240
meetings, budget hearings, zoning boards. The

00:14:14.240 --> 00:14:16.759
unglamorous stuff. The essential stuff. When

00:14:16.759 --> 00:14:18.960
she retired, she took a massive amount of institutional

00:14:18.960 --> 00:14:21.379
memory with her. She knew why a law was written

00:14:21.379 --> 00:14:23.259
that way in 1995 because she was in the room

00:14:23.259 --> 00:14:24.799
when they wrote it. You can't replace that easily.

00:14:25.059 --> 00:14:27.960
And she did it all while ensuring that you literally

00:14:27.960 --> 00:14:30.940
could not forget her name. Legally, you had to

00:14:30.940 --> 00:14:33.980
read the word able to vote for her. It really

00:14:33.980 --> 00:14:35.960
changes how I think about political ambition.

00:14:36.220 --> 00:14:38.220
We look at people climbing the ladder, trying

00:14:38.220 --> 00:14:41.159
to get to the top rung. But maybe the real power

00:14:41.159 --> 00:14:43.419
is just holding on to the ladder for 40 years

00:14:43.419 --> 00:14:45.600
so it doesn't fall over. That's a powerful way

00:14:45.600 --> 00:14:48.179
to put it. Stability has a value all its own.

00:14:48.539 --> 00:14:51.620
In a city that changes as fast as Atlanta, Mabel

00:14:51.620 --> 00:14:53.740
Thomas was a landmark. Well, that's our deep

00:14:53.740 --> 00:14:56.440
dive on the life and career of Mabel Abel Thomas.

00:14:56.840 --> 00:14:59.779
From the basketball court to the Gold Dome, she's

00:14:59.779 --> 00:15:01.559
certainly made her mark. And changed the ballot

00:15:01.559 --> 00:15:04.399
forever. Here's a thought I want to leave you

00:15:04.399 --> 00:15:07.340
with today. We often judge a politician's success

00:15:07.340 --> 00:15:10.080
by how high they climb state rep to senator to

00:15:10.080 --> 00:15:12.700
president. But Mabel Thomas bounced between the

00:15:12.700 --> 00:15:16.559
statehouse and city hall. Makes you wonder. Where

00:15:16.559 --> 00:15:19.700
does a politician actually touch your life? Is

00:15:19.700 --> 00:15:21.659
it in Washington passing some trillion -dollar

00:15:21.659 --> 00:15:24.519
bill? Or is it the person who ensures the streetlights

00:15:24.519 --> 00:15:27.899
on your block actually turn on at night? Mabel

00:15:27.899 --> 00:15:29.759
Thomas seemed to think the latter was worth a

00:15:29.759 --> 00:15:32.120
40 -year fight. Thanks for listening.
