WEBVTT

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OK, I want to start with a visual that just completely

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shatters what we think a powerful politician

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looks like. So forget the boring Navy suits,

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the flag pins, all that. Right. I want you to

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picture a man. It's Chicago, maybe 1890. And

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he's wearing a suit that is just electric lime

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green. And not just the suit. Yeah. We're talking

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a frock coat the color of, you know, a billiard

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table. Maybe a pink waistcoat, yellow gloves.

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Exactly. He looks like he just walked off a vaudeville

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stage. Or maybe out of a circus tent. He writes

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this really sentimental, just awful poetry. Awful.

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He weeps openly at the opera, has this ridiculous

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mustache. You see this guy and you think, okay,

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local eccentric, town mascot maybe. But then

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you pull back the curtain. Yeah. And you realize

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this man is John Bathhouse John Coughlin. And

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he, along with his partner, a tiny, quiet guy

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named Hinky Dink Kenna. He isn't a mascot. Not

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at all. He's running one of the most ruthless,

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efficient and notoriously corrupt political machines

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in American history. It's the ultimate paradox.

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So today we're doing a deep dive into the Lords

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of the Levee. We're looking at how a former masseur

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and a saloon keeper basically held Chicago in

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a chokehold for nearly 50 years. Yeah. And the

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question isn't just how did they steal so much?

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It's how did they get people to love them for

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it? That really is the central tension, isn't

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it? I mean, Coughlin was the alderman of the

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first ward from 1892 all the way to 1938. That's

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a lifetime. It is a lifetime in politics. He

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was reelected 19 times, never defeated. 19 times.

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You don't win that many times just by, you know,

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stuffing ballot boxes, though, spoiler alert,

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they definitely do that, too. Oh, for sure. You

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win by being a character. So before we get to

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the corruption, we have to understand the bathhouse

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persona. Because he didn't start out as a political

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boss. No. His origin story is surprisingly humble.

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He was born in Chicago 1860. His parents were

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Irish immigrants and his dad ran a little grocery

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store. Right. Until the Great Chicago Fire in

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71. And that's when everything changes. The store

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burns down. The family loses everything. And

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usually, you know, in a politician's biography,

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that's the from the ashes I rose moment. Very

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serious. Very solemn. But not for Coughlin. He

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had a completely different take. He famously

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said why money didn't mean anything to me. I'm

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glad that fire came along and burned the store.

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Which sounds completely insane. Why would you

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be glad your house burned down? Because of what

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he said next. Say, if not for that bonfire, I

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might have been a rich man's son and gone to

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Yale. And never amounted to nothing. Never amounted

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to nothing. I love that. So he saw the Ivy League

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as like the road to failure. Exactly. For him,

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the real education was the street and specifically

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the bathhouse. OK, so that's where the name comes

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from. That's it. He started as a rubber, a masseur

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in a bathhouse. And that's how he got the nickname

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Bathhouse John. You have to remember, back then,

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the bathhouse was a social hub. Right. It's where

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the wealthy merchants, the gamblers, the politicians,

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they all stripped down and... you know, talk

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shop. So he was literally rubbing shoulders with

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the power players. Literally. He saved his tips,

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eventually bought his own bathhouse, then a tavern.

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And the tavern, well, that's the classic entry

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point for Irish politics in Chicago. And he gets

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elected alderman in 92 with zero experience.

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None. Just because he was a known, liked guy

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in the neighborhood. And this is where that eccentricity

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factor just explodes. Because once he gets a

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little power, he doesn't try to fit in. He cranks

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the volume up to 11. We mentioned the green suits.

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Oh, the fashion was absolutely a strategy. He

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hired costumers who designed clothes for actors

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to make his suits. But my favorite example of

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his style is the poetry. The dog roll. Yes. He

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really thought he was a bard. He'd write these

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incredibly sappy, structurally... questionable

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poems there was one dear midnight of love and

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he didn't just like keep it in a drawer no no

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he had it set to music he tried to hire a famous

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opera singer to perform it she refused wisely

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so he got a friend's daughter to sing it at the

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chicago opera house the audacity is just incredible

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but the public kind of ate it up didn't they

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Oh, they loved it. It became a running joke.

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People would write terrible poems and sign his

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name to them in the papers. And he didn't mind.

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He bathed in it. Made him seem accessible. You

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know, he wasn't some stiff bureaucrat. He was

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the bath. And then there's the elephant. You

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cannot tell the Coughlin story without Princess

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Alice. This is Pete Coughlin, the height of his

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using power for whimsy. He'd opened an amusement

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park out in Colorado Springs. Zoo Park. And he

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decided it needed an elephant. You need a star

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attraction. So he looks at the Lincoln Park Zoo

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in Chicago, a public zoo, and he sees they have

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an elephant named Princess Alice. Most people

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would just buy an elephant. But not Bathhouse

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John. He goes to the city council and makes a

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fiscal argument. He says essentially, why is

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the city wasting taxpayer money feeding this

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elephant? It's a burden. He framed stealing an

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elephant as budget cutting. And it worked. He

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actually argued that having another elephant

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was a waste, so he should just take Princess

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Alice off their hands. He moved a public zoo

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animal to his private amusement park, two states

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away. That is the definition of chutzpah. But

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it also shows you how he operated. He could wrap

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this totally selfish desire in the language of

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public good. Or at least make it so entertaining

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people let him get away with it. Which is the

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perfect transition to the darker side. Because

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while he's distracting everyone with green suits

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and elephants, he and his partner, Michael Hinky

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Dink Kenna, were building a machine that was

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robbing that same public blind. Yeah, let's talk

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about that partnership. You've got Coughlin Loud.

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large, flashy, the front man, and then you have

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Kenna. Hinky -dink Kenna. Yeah. So small, so

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quiet, rarely smiled. Ran a saloon called the

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Working Man's Exchange. If Coughlin was the voice,

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Kenna was the brain. The organizational genius.

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He was the one who made sure the votes were counted,

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whether they were real or not. There's that great

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quote from the mayor at the time, Carter Harrison

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Jr. He asked Kenna, basically, is your partner

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crazy? Right, which was a fair question. And

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Kenna defended him. He said, John isn't Dottie

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and he ain't full of dope. And then he says,

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to tell you the God's truth, Mr. Mayor, they

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ain't found a name for it yet. They ain't found

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a name for it yet. Like he was a force of nature.

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But their business model had a very specific

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name. Boodling. Boodling. It sounds like a cartoon

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noise, but it was serious, serious business.

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We need to break this down. People hear corruption

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and think of cash and envelopes, but the mechanics

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of bootling were really about franchises. Exactly.

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A franchise was a government -granted monopoly.

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So if you wanted to run a streetcar line or lay

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gas pipes, you needed the city council to give

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you the exclusive right to use the public streets.

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So if I'm a tycoon like Charles Tyson Yerkes,

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who's trying to build the transit system, I can't

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just build. You need permission. Yeah. And that

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permission is worth millions. Because if you

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get the franchise, you have no competition. It's

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a license to print money. So a bribe of, say,

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$50 ,000 to get that vote, that's a drop in the

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bucket. It's a toll booth. Coughlin, Kenna and

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their crew, the so -called gray wolves, were

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standing at the gate. You want to do business

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in Chicago, you pay the wolves. That's it. They

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were selling public rights for private gain and

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they were just relentless. But here's what I

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don't get. This wasn't a secret, right? Reform

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groups like the Municipal Voters League, the

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newspapers, they were screaming about this. Constantly

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on the front page. So how did the voters in his

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ward? The people in the levee put up with it.

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That's the key. Yeah. And the answer is they

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were providing a social safety net. Remember,

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this is before the New Deal. There's no Social

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Security, no unemployment, no welfare. If you

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lost your job, you were on your own. Unless you

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knew your alderman. Right. If you were starving,

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Kenna gave you a turkey. If you needed coal for

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the winter, Coughlin sent a truck. Your son gets

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arrested. Kenna's lawyer was there before the

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ink was dry on the police report. So they weren't

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just buying votes. They were buying loyalty.

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They were purchasing survival. The graft money

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from the streetcar lines and the vice districts,

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it subsidized this primitive welfare state. The

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voters knew Coffin was a crook. But he was their

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crook. And his neighborhood, the Levee, was the

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vice district. Brothels, gambling saloons. The

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Lords of the Levee. It was a symbiotic relationship.

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The vice lord paid the machine for protection

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from the police. The machine used that money

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to win elections. And the police, well, they

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did what the aldermen told them to do. Which

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brings us to the 1894 election. I want to slow

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down here because this whole thing plays out

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like a heist movie. It shows you the machine

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in action. This is their first real test. Coughlin

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is running against a guy named Billy Skakel.

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And Skakel isn't some reformer. No, he's a rival

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gambler. It's shark versus shark. Skakel ran

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for alderman out of spite because Coughlin let

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a competitor move in on his turf. And Skakel

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had money and muscle. So how does the machine

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fight back? It starts with the nominating convention.

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Which was a complete farce. The sources say it

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lasted only a few minutes. Why? Because a big

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prize fight was starting and all the delegates

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wanted to go. They just shouted Coughlin and

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ran out. Priorities. But the election day itself.

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That was Kenna's masterpiece. It really was.

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Skankle was actually popular. So Kenna organizes

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what you could call the homeless infantry. He

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went to the flop houses, the rail yards, recruited

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hundreds of homeless men. The deal was simple.

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50 cents, a meal, and a place to sleep. In exchange,

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you vote for Coughlin. And probably not just

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once. As many times as you could get away with.

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It was an assembly line of fraudulent votes.

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But they also needed intimidation. So Kenna calls

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in the Quincy Street Gang. That sounds unpleasant.

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These were the toughs, the bouncers, the leg

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breakers. Ken has stationed them near the polling

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places to discourage any Skakel voters. And the

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police were just letting this happen. The police

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were part of the rig. The mayor was on their

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side. He ordered the police to actually detain

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Skakel's campaign workers until the polls closed.

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He even had them shut down any saloon that supported

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Skakel. It's total warfare. You've got bribery,

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intimidation and state power all working together.

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And it worked. Coughlin went on a landslide.

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The Chicago Tribune was horrified. They wrote

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that the methods would have disgraced even the

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worst river parishes of Louisiana. That is a

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serious burn for 1894. But Coughlin didn't care.

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He had the seat. And he wasn't afraid to use

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that power for petty revenge either. We have

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to talk about the boxing ordinance. Oh, it's

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wonderfully petty. So a rival named Sol Van Praag

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causes some trouble for the machine. Coughlin

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decides to destroy him. Von Praag had organized

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a huge boxing match, a huge moneymaker. And Coughlin

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decides to just cancel it. He introduces a city

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ordinance banning fighting, but he does it the

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night before the fight is scheduled. For maximum

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damage. Exactly. But then he realizes the new

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ordinance might not hold up. So he digs into

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the archives and finds an ancient ordinance banning

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bare -knuckle fighting. But they were using gloves.

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Didn't matter. Coughlin argued the spirit of

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the law applied. He sent the police to storm

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the ring right before the semifinals, arrested

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the fighters, the ref, everyone. He ruined the

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event, cost Van Praag a fortune, and sent a message.

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Do not cross us. It's terrifying power, but they

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also knew how to celebrate it. The first ward

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ball. The annual fundraiser. Yeah. This wasn't

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your typical rubber chicken dinner. Paint the

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picture. Okay, imagine the Chicago Coliseum,

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the biggest hall in the city. It's packed. And

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the guest list is a sociological nightmare. You've

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got high society businessmen next to safecrackers,

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pickpockets, madams, hitmen. It's the cantina

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scene from Star Wars, but in Chicago. With a

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lot more booze. Yeah. They were raising over

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$50 ,000 a night, which is millions today. It

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was the complete merger of crime and politics

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out in the open, daring anyone to stop them.

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But that party couldn't last forever. What happened?

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How does a machine that strong finally start

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to break? Well, the world changed around them.

00:12:04.360 --> 00:12:07.000
The biggest blow was prohibition. Right. If your

00:12:07.000 --> 00:12:09.440
whole power base is saloons, banning alcohol

00:12:09.440 --> 00:12:11.580
is kind of an existential crisis. They just dried

00:12:11.580 --> 00:12:14.039
up all the easy money from the levy. And at the

00:12:14.039 --> 00:12:16.559
same time, the reform movement was finally getting

00:12:16.559 --> 00:12:19.120
real traction. The chaos of the first ward ball

00:12:19.120 --> 00:12:22.039
became too much of an embarrassment. The mayor

00:12:22.039 --> 00:12:24.779
banned it in 1909. The beating of the end. It

00:12:24.779 --> 00:12:27.139
was a slow decline. Coughlin had to close his

00:12:27.139 --> 00:12:29.850
zoo. He lost his summer home. And then there's

00:12:29.850 --> 00:12:32.330
the personal tragedy of his finances. You'd think

00:12:32.330 --> 00:12:34.509
a guy who stole that much would die rich. But

00:12:34.509 --> 00:12:38.590
he didn't. No. Coughlin had his own vice. Horses.

00:12:38.590 --> 00:12:40.990
He was obsessed with horse racing. Poured his

00:12:40.990 --> 00:12:43.309
entire fortune into his stable. But the horses

00:12:43.309 --> 00:12:45.210
weren't any good. They were terrible. He was

00:12:45.210 --> 00:12:47.549
just throwing bad money after bad horses, always

00:12:47.549 --> 00:12:49.649
thinking the next race would be the one. By the

00:12:49.649 --> 00:12:52.809
1930s, he was broke. What about Kenna? That partnership

00:12:52.809 --> 00:12:55.870
faded, too. In 1923, the ward boundaries changed.

00:12:56.210 --> 00:12:58.549
Kenna saw the writing on the wall. He stepped

00:12:58.549 --> 00:13:01.230
down, let Coughlin stay on as arterman, but Kenna

00:13:01.230 --> 00:13:03.470
was effectively retired. So Coughlin was left

00:13:03.470 --> 00:13:07.330
alone, a dinosaur in a lime green suit. Precisely.

00:13:07.330 --> 00:13:10.129
By the 30s, the press called him a vestige of

00:13:10.129 --> 00:13:12.629
a past era. The feared Lord of the Levee was

00:13:12.629 --> 00:13:15.649
gone. When he died in office in 1938, at 78,

00:13:15.850 --> 00:13:18.490
he was penniless. Penniless, the guy who treated

00:13:18.490 --> 00:13:21.210
the city treasury like his personal ATM. Left

00:13:21.210 --> 00:13:24.090
nothing behind. Nothing but the legend. So when

00:13:24.090 --> 00:13:26.029
you look back at Bathhouse, John, what's the

00:13:26.029 --> 00:13:28.289
legacy? Is he just a crook in a funny costume?

00:13:28.590 --> 00:13:31.330
I mean, he's definitely a crook. A 2012 study

00:13:31.330 --> 00:13:34.169
ranked him and Kenna as the third and fourth

00:13:34.169 --> 00:13:36.789
most corrupt officials in Illinois history. And

00:13:36.789 --> 00:13:39.500
that is a very competitive list, I'll bet. I

00:13:39.500 --> 00:13:41.360
think he represents something deeper about American

00:13:41.360 --> 00:13:44.539
politics. He represents the transaction. He never

00:13:44.539 --> 00:13:47.480
pretended to be a saint. He basically said, I'm

00:13:47.480 --> 00:13:49.500
going to steal, but I'm going to entertain you,

00:13:49.600 --> 00:13:51.120
and I'm going to make sure you have coal in the

00:13:51.120 --> 00:13:54.299
winter. And for 50 years, the voters said, deal.

00:13:54.759 --> 00:13:57.700
It's the charisma trap. We forgive so much if

00:13:57.700 --> 00:13:59.779
a politician is one of us or if they make us

00:13:59.779 --> 00:14:02.980
laugh. We do. And you see the DNA of the Coughlin

00:14:02.980 --> 00:14:05.240
-Kenna machine in Chicago politics for the rest

00:14:05.240 --> 00:14:07.500
of the century. The organization they built.

00:14:07.899 --> 00:14:10.240
Didn't die with them. The machine just kept humming.

00:14:10.519 --> 00:14:13.899
It did. Because the underlying need for a safety

00:14:13.899 --> 00:14:17.720
net, for favors, for a fixer, that never goes

00:14:17.720 --> 00:14:20.080
away. Well, that is a lot to process. We went

00:14:20.080 --> 00:14:23.399
from bad poetry to elephants to streetcar monopolies.

00:14:23.460 --> 00:14:25.960
Just other day in the first ward. I want to leave

00:14:25.960 --> 00:14:28.320
our listeners with this thought. We like to think

00:14:28.320 --> 00:14:30.360
we've evolved past the days of Bathhouse John.

00:14:30.600 --> 00:14:32.980
We have ethics committees, transparency laws.

00:14:33.279 --> 00:14:36.470
But ask yourself. How much eccentricity do we

00:14:36.470 --> 00:14:39.169
still tolerate today? If a politician is entertaining

00:14:39.169 --> 00:14:41.809
enough or charismatic enough, do we still turn

00:14:41.809 --> 00:14:43.889
a blind eye to the boodling that's happening

00:14:43.889 --> 00:14:46.190
right in front of us? It's a question worth asking.

00:14:46.590 --> 00:14:48.590
Thanks for diving in with us. We'll see you on

00:14:48.590 --> 00:14:49.009
the next one.
