WEBVTT

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Welcome back to the deep dive. You know, there's

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a specific feeling, I think we've all felt it,

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where you open that envelope or check that portal

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on the first of the month. Oh, yeah. It's that

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tightness in your chest when you see the number

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that takes the biggest bite out of your paycheck.

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Rent. It is the universal pain point, isn't it?

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It sits right at that uncomfortable intersection

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of a basic human necessity. You know, having

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a roof over your head and the brutal, often cold

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efficiency of market forces. And because it's

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so emotional, it's arguably the topic that generates

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the most heat at dinner parties, in city council

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meetings, and definitely in the comment sections

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of the Internet. Oh, especially there. We are

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talking, of course, about rent regulation. We

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are. And I'm glad we're doing this deep dive

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because the public conversation on this is usually,

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well, it's usually a shouting match. It's so

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binary. You're either for protecting the vulnerable

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or you're for greedy landlords. There's no middle

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ground. Exactly. But looking at the stack of

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research, the history and the economic data we

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have here, the reality is so much messier and

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frankly fascinating. Right. It's not just a battle

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between a tenant and a landlord. It's a story

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about how cities survive, how history creates

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policy traps, and the absolute brutality of the

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law of unintended consequences. So our mission

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today is to step out of the shouting match. We

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want to understand the machine itself. The mechanics

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of it. Exactly. The mechanics of how these laws

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work, why the economic consensus is so overwhelmingly

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negative, where that consensus gets challenged,

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and then take a global tour from the Vatican

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in the 1400s to the crumbling facades of modern

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Cairo. It's going to be a wild ride. Before we

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get to the economic brawls and the history lessons,

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though, we have to do some housekeeping on the

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definitions. Yes, definitely. Because I think

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when I say rent control, most people have a very

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specific image in their heads. They do. They

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usually think of the French. apartment, a massive,

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beautiful loft in the West Village that costs,

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what, $300 a month because the lease was signed

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in 1975 and the price is frozen in a block of

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ice. Right. The frozen price tag. That's the

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mental model. That is definitely one type. But

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rent control is actually a sloppy term. In the

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literature, the accurate umbrella term is rent

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regulation. OK. And under that umbrella, the

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government has a few different levers they can

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pull. It's not just one thing. Okay, lay out

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the toolkit for us. What are we talking about

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here? The first lever is obviously price controls.

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That's the limit on what a landlord can charge.

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That's what we usually focus on. Oh, a cap? The

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cap, exactly. But you can't really have price

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controls without the second lever, eviction controls.

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Which is also called just cause eviction. Correct.

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Think about it. If I tell you, you can't raise

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the rent on John, but I don't stop you from evicting

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John, what are you going to do? I'm going to

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evict John immediately and bring in Steve at

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a higher price. It's a no -brainer. Exactly.

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So the government has to step in and say, no,

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you can only evict John for a legally valid reason.

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Right. Like nonpayment or destroying the property.

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You lose the right to end the tenancy at will.

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Okay. So you have to have a reason. You have

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to have a reason. Then you have the third lever,

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maintenance obligations. Because if I can't raise

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the rent, I'm probably not going to fix the boiler.

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Precisely. You have no incentive to. So the state

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has to mandate that the roof doesn't leak and

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the heat works. Which makes sense. And finally,

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you need oversight, a board or an ombudsman to

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enforce all this. So someone has to police it.

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Someone has to police it. It's a package deal.

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You pull one lever, you have to pull them all.

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It's an ecosystem. But within that price control

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lever, the research makes a really big deal about.

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generations of control. This feels like an important

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distinction because I think people often argue

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about the wrong one. It is vital. If you confuse

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these, you confuse the whole debate. First generation

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rent control is what economists call strict price

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ceilings or a rent freeze. That's the block of

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ice, the friend's apartment. Yes. The government

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says rent is X dollars and it stays X dollars.

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No increase is allowed or maybe very tiny ones

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that don't keep up with inflation. This is what

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we saw in wartime scenarios or in places like

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Egypt, which we will get into later. And this

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is pretty rare now, in the modern Western world

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at least. Very rare. It's seen as a kind of nuclear

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option. Okay, so if first gen is the freeze,

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what is second gen? Because that's what most

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cities have now, right? Right. Second generation

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is technically called tenancy, rent control,

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or vacancy decontrol. Break that down. Vacancy

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decontrol. It means the control is on the tenancy,

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not the unit. While you are living there, the

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rent increases are capped, maybe at inflation,

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or 2 -3%. You are protected. Okay, that sounds

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pretty standard. But, and this is the massive

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but, the moment you move out, the unit is decontrolled.

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The landlord can reset the price to whatever

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the market will pay for the next guy. Exactly.

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The price snaps back to reality. Or... you know,

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what the market calls reality. And is there a

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middle ground, something between a hard freeze

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and a total reset? There is. It's called vacancy

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control without the D. Oh. That's where the price

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is regulated, even between tenants. If you leave,

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the landlord can only charge the new guy roughly

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what you were paying. Maybe a small bump, but

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not a reset to market rate. So to recap, first

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gen is a total freeze. The price is locked. Second

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gen vacancy decontrol protects the current tenant,

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but resets for the new one. And vacancy control

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tries to keep the price low for the new tenant,

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too. You've got it. And the reason this matters

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so much and why we're spending time on it is

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that the economic incentives for the landlord

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change drastically depending on which system

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you're in. Which is the perfect segue. Let's

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walk onto the battlefield then. Section one,

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the economic battlefield. You brought up something

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right away in the notes, the elephant in the

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room. There is a stereotype that economists hate

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rent control. Is that just a stereotype or is

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it reality? It is one of the few things in the

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social sciences that approaches a law of nature.

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If you look at the data, the consensus is overwhelming.

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It's actually staggering how much agreement there

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is. Give me the numbers. Well, there was a famous

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stratified random survey of 464 U .S. economists

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back in 1992. Okay. These were members of the

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American Economic Association, graduate students,

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serious people. They were asked about the statement,

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a ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality

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of housing available. And what was the verdict?

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93 % agreed. 93%. You can't get 93 % of people

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to agree that the sky is blue. I know. In the

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world of economics where people argue about everything,

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that is essentially unanimity. Has that number

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changed at all? I mean, 1992 was a while ago.

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It really hasn't softened over time. A 2009 review

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by Blair Jenkins looked at decades of literature

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and concluded, quote, the economics profession

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has reached a rare consensus. Rent control creates

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many more problems than it solves. Creates more

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problems than it solves. That is damning. It's

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about as direct as you can get in an academic

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paper. So walk us through the mechanism of failure

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here. Why does it break things? We're not just

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talking about landlords making less money. I'm

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sure there are plenty of listeners playing the

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world's smallest violin for the landlords right

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now. Sure. And that's a fair emotional response.

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But we have to look at the behavioral response.

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It goes back to basic supply and demand. If you

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cap the price of a good... in this case, an apartment

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below what the market is willing to pay, you

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reduce the producer's surplus. Which is just

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fancy talk for profit. Fancy talk for profit,

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yes. When you slash the return on investment,

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the landlord responds rationally. They don't

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just sit there and take the loss. First, they

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stop maintaining the building. Right. Why replace

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the carpets, fix the leaky faucet, or paint the

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lobby if you can't raise the rent to cover the

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cost? And more importantly, why do it if there

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are 10 people lined up outside desperate for

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the apartment anyway? So the quality drops because

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there is no competition for the tenant? The tenant

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is captive. Drastically. We call this housing

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deterioration. Secondly, landlords pull units

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off the market entirely. How do they do that?

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If renting becomes a losing game, they might

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convert the building to condos, sell it to owner

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-occupiers, or even Airbnb it if the law allows.

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They find an exit. So the actual quantity of

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rental housing drops. You shrink the pool. You

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shrink the pool. Which brings us to that incredibly

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dark but apparently famous analogy you shared

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with me. The bombing analogy. I read this and

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thought, there is no way a serious academic said

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this. But it was Saar Lindbeck, a Swedish economist,

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in 1971. Right. He wasn't being hyperbolic just

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for fun. He was looking at the post -war data

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from Europe. He said, rent control appears to

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be the most efficient technique presently known

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to destroy a city, except for bombing. That is

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heavy. He's literally saying the only thing worse

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you can do to your city's housing stock is drop

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bombs on it. It implies that the physical degradation

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of the city under strict rent control looks indistinguishable

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from a city that has been under siege. Crumbling

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facades, broken infrastructure, that sort of

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thing. But it wasn't just a Western capitalist

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saying this, right? You found a quote from Vietnam

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that I found even more striking. Yes. This is

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crucial because it strips away the ideology.

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This comes from a socialist government official.

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In 1989, Vietnam's foreign minister, Nguyen Khatak,

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was reflecting on the state of Hanoi. Yeah, and

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Hanoi had very strict price controls, first -generation

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stuff. Extremely strict. And he looked at the

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crumbling buildings and said, the Americans couldn't

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destroy Hanoi, but we have destroyed our city

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by very low rents. Wow. He literally compared

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his own policy to the bombing campaigns of the

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Vietnam War. That's an incredible admission.

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He realized that by keeping rents artificially

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low, No one had the money or the incentive to

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fix anything. The capital stock of the city,

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the bricks and mortar was dissolving. So if the

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math is so bad and if economists and even socialist

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foreign ministers are shouting from the rooftops

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that this destroys cities. Why do we still do

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it? Why is it so popular? That is the million

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dollar question. And to be fair, we have to look

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at the counter arguments. There are dissenting

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voices and there are valid reasons why voters

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want this. Play devil's advocate. What's the

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defense? Well, some economists argue that the

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negative impact on supply isn't always statistically

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significant. They'll say, you know, real world

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markets are messy and don't always follow the

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perfect textbook model. OK, so it's complicated

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argument. A little bit. Yeah. But the strongest

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argument. And the one that resonates most with

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voters is the insurance value. Insurance. Explain

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that. A 2021 study from Columbia Business School

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frames it this way. Rent regulation acts as insurance

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for low -income households against market volatility.

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The free market is volatile. Rents can spike

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20 % in a year if a tech company moves into town

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or a new subway line opens. Right. Suddenly your

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neighborhood is hot and you can't afford to live

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there anymore. You're priced out. Exactly. Rent

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regulation protects sitting tenants from those

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shocks. It offers stability that the market refuses

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to provide. It says you can stay in your home

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and your costs will be predictable. So it's valuing

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stability over efficiency. That's the tradeoff.

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And it's a powerful emotional argument. And then

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there's the anti -gentrification argument. Right,

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which is often the main selling point. It is.

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A 2016 study by the NYU Furman Center found that

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while rent regulation is very bad at redistributing

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wealth efficiently, because, as we'll see, rich

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people often get these apartments too, it is

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actually quite good at keeping sitting tenants

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in their homes during market spikes. So if your

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goal is solely keep grandma in her apartment,

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it works. It works for grandma. But as we move

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into Section 2, we have to ask, at what cost

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to everyone else? What happens to the person

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who isn't grandma but is trying to find their

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first apartment? Let's talk about those costs.

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Section 2, unintended consequences. Because when

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you interfere with a complex system, the side

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effects are often worse than the disease. We

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have some brutal U .S. case studies here. Let's

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go back to the 1940s. The WWII experiment. This

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was a massive implementation of rent control.

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In 1941, roughly 80 % of U .S. rental housing

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was put under control to prevent gouging during

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the war effort. Which sounds noble. You don't

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want war profiteering. Of course. The intent

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was solid. But the economic gravity didn't turn

00:12:18.250 --> 00:12:20.450
off just because there was a war. Landlords did

00:12:20.450 --> 00:12:22.389
the math. They realized they couldn't make money

00:12:22.389 --> 00:12:24.669
renting under these caps. So what did they do?

00:12:24.830 --> 00:12:26.850
They sold the unit. They exited the market en

00:12:26.850 --> 00:12:29.169
masse. It sparked a massive sell -off. Now you

00:12:29.169 --> 00:12:30.990
could argue, great, more home ownership. Which

00:12:30.990 --> 00:12:33.649
some people did, right? They did. But it killed

00:12:33.649 --> 00:12:36.629
the rental market. If you were a young person,

00:12:36.750 --> 00:12:38.929
a soldier coming home, or someone who couldn't

00:12:38.929 --> 00:12:41.769
afford a down payment, there were simply no apartments

00:12:41.769 --> 00:12:45.629
to rent. The supply evaporated. It pushed the

00:12:45.629 --> 00:12:48.169
market away from rentals entirely. But let's

00:12:48.169 --> 00:12:50.029
look at something more recent. Because I think

00:12:50.029 --> 00:12:52.929
people hear 1940s and think it's ancient history.

00:12:53.269 --> 00:12:56.090
You found a fascinating comparison between St.

00:12:56.250 --> 00:12:58.129
Paul and Minneapolis from just a couple years

00:12:58.129 --> 00:13:02.299
ago. Yes. 2021 this feels like a perfect laboratory

00:13:02.299 --> 00:13:05.039
experiment it really is a tale of two cities

00:13:05.039 --> 00:13:07.860
you have twin cities geographically next to each

00:13:07.860 --> 00:13:10.259
other similar economies similar demographics

00:13:10.259 --> 00:13:14.379
in november 2021 st paul voters passed a very

00:13:14.379 --> 00:13:17.320
strict rent control ordinance it capped increases

00:13:17.320 --> 00:13:19.480
at three percent per year that sounds standard

00:13:19.480 --> 00:13:22.159
for rent control but here's the kicker it had

00:13:22.159 --> 00:13:24.379
no exemption for new construction and it included

00:13:24.379 --> 00:13:27.460
vacancy control oh wow okay that's huge it's

00:13:27.460 --> 00:13:29.700
huge it meant even if you built a brand new building,

00:13:29.779 --> 00:13:32.039
you were capped at 3%. And if a tenant left,

00:13:32.240 --> 00:13:34.360
you couldn't reset the rent to market rate. Oof.

00:13:34.659 --> 00:13:37.259
If I'm a developer, I'm looking at that and sweating.

00:13:37.960 --> 00:13:40.139
I'm taking on millions of dollars of debt to

00:13:40.139 --> 00:13:41.759
build a building, and you're telling me I can

00:13:41.759 --> 00:13:44.360
never raise rents to cover unexpected costs or

00:13:44.360 --> 00:13:46.279
even just keep up with market demand. You're

00:13:46.279 --> 00:13:48.899
not just sweating. You're leaving. The result

00:13:48.899 --> 00:13:51.639
was immediate. Requests for new multifamily housing

00:13:51.639 --> 00:13:54.840
permits in St. Paul dropped 80 percent. 80 percent.

00:13:54.919 --> 00:13:57.480
That is a collapse. A total collapse. The capital

00:13:57.480 --> 00:14:00.360
just vanished. Now look across the river to Minneapolis.

00:14:00.799 --> 00:14:03.360
What did they do? Voters there authorized the

00:14:03.360 --> 00:14:05.500
city council to craft an ordinance, but they

00:14:05.500 --> 00:14:07.399
didn't enact one immediately, and it was widely

00:14:07.399 --> 00:14:09.679
understood they would exempt new construction.

00:14:10.000 --> 00:14:12.480
So the developers felt safe there. The rules

00:14:12.480 --> 00:14:15.990
were predictable. They did. And the result. Permits

00:14:15.990 --> 00:14:18.649
in Minneapolis went up 68 % in the same period.

00:14:18.830 --> 00:14:21.929
That is staggering. St. Paul down 80%, Minneapolis

00:14:21.929 --> 00:14:24.690
up 68%. You can literally see the money moving

00:14:24.690 --> 00:14:26.929
across the river. It's a real -time lesson in

00:14:26.929 --> 00:14:29.370
how capital flees uncertainty and strict caps.

00:14:29.809 --> 00:14:32.289
If you tell developers you cannot make a return

00:14:32.289 --> 00:14:34.309
on your investment here, they will simply go

00:14:34.309 --> 00:14:36.389
five miles down the road where they can. And

00:14:36.389 --> 00:14:39.090
the irony is, St. Paul wanted to make housing

00:14:39.090 --> 00:14:41.870
affordable. But by stopping all new construction,

00:14:42.169 --> 00:14:44.350
they guaranteed a shortage in the future. Which

00:14:44.350 --> 00:14:47.009
creates scarcity, which drives prices up in the

00:14:47.009 --> 00:14:50.110
long run. It's a cell phone. A massive cell phone.

00:14:50.610 --> 00:14:54.350
Which brings us to San Francisco. The land of

00:14:54.350 --> 00:14:57.850
the Golden Gate and the $1 ,000 closet. San Francisco

00:14:57.850 --> 00:15:00.450
is the poster child for the gentrification paradox.

00:15:01.289 --> 00:15:04.090
There was a major study in 2019 by researchers

00:15:04.090 --> 00:15:07.710
at Stanford Diamond, McQuaid, and Keehan. What

00:15:07.710 --> 00:15:09.419
did they look at? They looked at what happened

00:15:09.419 --> 00:15:11.779
after San Francisco expanded rent control in

00:15:11.779 --> 00:15:15.139
1994 to cover small multi -unit apartments that

00:15:15.139 --> 00:15:17.120
were previously exempt. And again, the intent

00:15:17.120 --> 00:15:19.460
was to protect renters and stop gentrification.

00:15:19.740 --> 00:15:22.340
Right. Noble goal. But landlords are clever.

00:15:22.720 --> 00:15:24.779
Faced with these new caps, they responded by

00:15:24.779 --> 00:15:27.159
removing units from the rental market. How? Same

00:15:27.159 --> 00:15:29.460
as in the 40s. They just sold them. Pretty much.

00:15:29.720 --> 00:15:32.220
They converted them into condos, tenancies in

00:15:32.220 --> 00:15:35.679
common, TIs, or moved into them themselves. The

00:15:35.679 --> 00:15:37.600
study found that landlords removed 30 percent

00:15:37.600 --> 00:15:39.419
of the regulated units from the rental stock.

00:15:39.679 --> 00:15:41.700
30 percent. That's almost a third of the housing

00:15:41.700 --> 00:15:44.080
stock just gone. Gone from the rental market.

00:15:44.419 --> 00:15:46.820
And because the supply of rentals dropped by

00:15:46.820 --> 00:15:49.730
15 percent citywide. The rents for everyone else,

00:15:49.730 --> 00:15:52.009
the people in non -controlled units, went up

00:15:52.009 --> 00:15:55.009
by 7%. Wait, hold on. So the law designed to

00:15:55.009 --> 00:15:57.629
keep rents low actually raised rents for the

00:15:57.629 --> 00:16:00.210
city as a whole? Yes. By shrinking the supply,

00:16:00.549 --> 00:16:02.250
it made the remaining apartments more expensive

00:16:02.250 --> 00:16:04.250
for everybody who wasn't lucky enough to have

00:16:04.250 --> 00:16:06.730
a rent -controlled unit. And here's the paradox.

00:16:07.529 --> 00:16:11.070
By converting rentals to expensive condos, who

00:16:11.070 --> 00:16:13.429
do you think moved in? Wealthier people who could

00:16:13.429 --> 00:16:17.039
afford to buy. Exactly. The policy actually fueled

00:16:17.039 --> 00:16:19.320
the gentrification it was trying to stop. It

00:16:19.320 --> 00:16:21.220
attracted higher income people who could afford

00:16:21.220 --> 00:16:23.940
to buy while pushing out working class renters

00:16:23.940 --> 00:16:26.340
who could no longer find a place to rent. That

00:16:26.340 --> 00:16:28.899
is the ultimate task failed successfully moment.

00:16:29.059 --> 00:16:31.440
You achieve the opposite of your stated goal.

00:16:31.679 --> 00:16:33.779
It gets worse when you look at who benefits from

00:16:33.779 --> 00:16:36.659
the units that stay. This is the haphazard targeting

00:16:36.659 --> 00:16:38.919
issue. This is the Cambridge, Massachusetts story.

00:16:39.080 --> 00:16:41.399
This is my favorite piece of trivia in the whole

00:16:41.399 --> 00:16:44.950
research stack. It is wild, isn't it? Cambridge

00:16:44.950 --> 00:16:49.169
had rent control from 1970 to 1994. And the assumption

00:16:49.169 --> 00:16:52.389
is always that rent control helps the poor. As

00:16:52.389 --> 00:16:55.330
it should. As it should. But because these units

00:16:55.330 --> 00:16:57.549
aren't means tested, you don't have to prove

00:16:57.549 --> 00:16:59.970
you're poor to get one. You just have to be lucky

00:16:59.970 --> 00:17:02.629
enough to sign the least wealthy people often

00:17:02.629 --> 00:17:05.470
end up in them. And you found a specific royal

00:17:05.470 --> 00:17:08.829
example. I did. While rent control was active

00:17:08.829 --> 00:17:11.289
in Cambridge, one of the tenants in a rent -controlled

00:17:11.289 --> 00:17:13.710
apartment was Frederick, the crown prince of

00:17:13.710 --> 00:17:15.990
Denmark. The actual crown prince, like future

00:17:15.990 --> 00:17:18.329
king of Denmark. The crown prince he was studying

00:17:18.329 --> 00:17:20.769
at Harvard. So you have local landlords in Massachusetts

00:17:20.769 --> 00:17:23.309
subsidizing the housing of European royalty.

00:17:23.569 --> 00:17:26.089
Exactly. And the data showed that at least 20

00:17:26.089 --> 00:17:29.029
% of controlled units in Cambridge housed people

00:17:29.029 --> 00:17:31.190
in the top half of the income bracket. Which

00:17:31.190 --> 00:17:34.490
is just, it's absurd. It illustrates the problem

00:17:34.490 --> 00:17:36.529
perfectly. Yeah. Benefit doesn't go to the person

00:17:36.529 --> 00:17:38.190
who needs it most. It goes to the person who

00:17:38.190 --> 00:17:41.150
gets there first. It's a lottery, not a social

00:17:41.150 --> 00:17:43.930
safety net. That is a crucial distinction. It's

00:17:43.930 --> 00:17:46.529
not based on need. It's based on tenure. If you

00:17:46.529 --> 00:17:49.049
get in, you win. If you're late, you lose. Right.

00:17:49.089 --> 00:17:51.130
And everyone who comes after you pays a higher

00:17:51.130 --> 00:17:53.509
price because you took a unit off the market.

00:17:53.789 --> 00:17:56.029
OK, so we've seen the economic wreckage in the

00:17:56.029 --> 00:17:59.410
U .S. Let's zoom out. Section three, global perspectives

00:17:59.410 --> 00:18:02.930
and history, because the U .S. is. Definitely

00:18:02.930 --> 00:18:05.029
not the only place grappling with this. And you're

00:18:05.029 --> 00:18:06.970
telling me this all started with the Pope? Believe

00:18:06.970 --> 00:18:09.589
it or not, yes. One of the earliest recorded

00:18:09.589 --> 00:18:12.210
instances of rent control comes from the papal

00:18:12.210 --> 00:18:15.910
states in Rome around 1470. 1470. That is unexpected.

00:18:16.309 --> 00:18:19.029
What was the context? It was actually a religious

00:18:19.029 --> 00:18:22.150
protection measure. At the time, Jews in Rome

00:18:22.150 --> 00:18:24.950
were forbidden from owning property. This meant

00:18:24.950 --> 00:18:26.890
they were 100 percent dependent on Christian

00:18:26.890 --> 00:18:29.289
landlords. Which puts them in a terrible bargaining

00:18:29.289 --> 00:18:32.420
position. The landlord has total leverage. Total

00:18:32.420 --> 00:18:34.079
leverage. They could charge whatever they wanted

00:18:34.079 --> 00:18:36.279
and the tenants had nowhere else to go. They

00:18:36.279 --> 00:18:39.640
could be exploited. So to prevent price gouging

00:18:39.640 --> 00:18:42.839
and abuse, Pope Paul II and later Pope Sixtus

00:18:42.839 --> 00:18:46.940
V in 1586 issued orders. They froze the rents

00:18:46.940 --> 00:18:48.740
for Jewish tenants. So the first rent control

00:18:48.740 --> 00:18:51.359
was basically an anti -discrimination law. In

00:18:51.359 --> 00:18:54.279
a way, yes. It was about protecting a vulnerable

00:18:54.279 --> 00:18:57.039
minority from a market where they had no power.

00:18:57.690 --> 00:18:59.950
It's a surprising origin story that highlights

00:18:59.950 --> 00:19:02.670
that the intent of these laws is almost always

00:19:02.670 --> 00:19:06.049
noble. It's about protection. Speaking of protection

00:19:06.049 --> 00:19:08.990
and where it can go wrong, we have to talk about

00:19:08.990 --> 00:19:10.910
Egypt. This was the most shocking part of the

00:19:10.910 --> 00:19:13.069
research for me. I've been to Cairo and I know

00:19:13.069 --> 00:19:16.190
the buildings can be chaotic, but I didn't know

00:19:16.190 --> 00:19:19.230
about old rent. Egypt is the extreme example

00:19:19.230 --> 00:19:22.109
of first generation rent control. The rent freeze

00:19:22.109 --> 00:19:24.690
gone on for too long. It's a cautionary tale

00:19:24.690 --> 00:19:26.529
of what happens when you freeze a price and then

00:19:26.529 --> 00:19:28.430
just walk away for 80 years. Set the scene for

00:19:28.430 --> 00:19:32.869
us. So laws from the 1920s and 1940s froze rents

00:19:32.869 --> 00:19:34.869
in Cairo and other cities to protect tenants.

00:19:35.230 --> 00:19:37.210
But they didn't just freeze them for a few years.

00:19:37.269 --> 00:19:39.210
They stayed frozen for decades. Through massive

00:19:39.210 --> 00:19:41.849
inflation, political change, everything. Everything.

00:19:42.420 --> 00:19:45.200
Then, in 1996, the government introduced new

00:19:45.200 --> 00:19:48.460
rent, which deregulated new contracts. But they

00:19:48.460 --> 00:19:50.519
left the old rent contracts alone because they

00:19:50.519 --> 00:19:52.539
were terrified of mass evictions. So you have

00:19:52.539 --> 00:19:55.859
a two -tier system. A massive one. Today, about

00:19:55.859 --> 00:19:59.059
1 .6 million households, that's 7 % of Egypt,

00:19:59.240 --> 00:20:01.960
are still onto these old rent contracts. And

00:20:01.960 --> 00:20:03.779
because of inflation over the last 80 years,

00:20:03.920 --> 00:20:07.220
the prices are absurd. How absurd? We are talking

00:20:07.220 --> 00:20:10.829
about rents of 50 Egyptian pounds or less. That

00:20:10.829 --> 00:20:15.089
is roughly USD $1 per month. Wait, pause. $1

00:20:15.089 --> 00:20:18.369
a month for an apartment in Cairo? Yes, in the

00:20:18.369 --> 00:20:22.849
heart of the city. You have sprawling, beautiful,

00:20:23.029 --> 00:20:25.589
high -ceilinged apartments overlooking the Nile

00:20:25.589 --> 00:20:27.829
that rent for the price of a pack of gum. That

00:20:27.829 --> 00:20:29.630
is mind -blowing, but I assume the buildings

00:20:29.630 --> 00:20:32.049
are falling apart. Completely. And this is the

00:20:32.049 --> 00:20:34.990
tragedy. Why would a landlord fix the elevator,

00:20:35.269 --> 00:20:37.750
paint the lobby, or repair the structural beams

00:20:37.750 --> 00:20:40.549
when the total rental income for the whole building

00:20:40.549 --> 00:20:42.930
is $20 a month? It wouldn't even cover the electricity

00:20:42.930 --> 00:20:45.950
for the hallway lights. Exactly. Entire neighborhoods

00:20:45.950 --> 00:20:48.150
are crumbling because of this. It's the new and

00:20:48.150 --> 00:20:50.809
cut thatch, quote, come to life. The city is

00:20:50.809 --> 00:20:52.789
destroying itself with low rents. It's a zombie

00:20:52.789 --> 00:20:55.250
market. The buildings are dead, but people are

00:20:55.250 --> 00:20:57.650
still living in them. But I read in the notes

00:20:57.650 --> 00:20:59.910
that this is finally changing. It is, and it

00:20:59.910 --> 00:21:03.029
is going to be painful. In 2025, a new law law,

00:21:03.269 --> 00:21:08.829
12034 .25, was ratified to finally end this system.

00:21:08.930 --> 00:21:11.390
What does the undoing look like? How do you unwind

00:21:11.390 --> 00:21:13.349
something like that? It's a shock to the system.

00:21:13.740 --> 00:21:15.839
Rents for these regulated apartments will jump

00:21:15.839 --> 00:21:18.539
10 to 20 times in the first year alone. Then

00:21:18.539 --> 00:21:21.480
they will rise 15 % annually until they hit market

00:21:21.480 --> 00:21:23.700
rates. That sounds terrifying for the tenants.

00:21:24.019 --> 00:21:26.500
It is. The source gives an anecdote of a tenant

00:21:26.500 --> 00:21:28.440
who has lived there since 1984. Perfect analogy.

00:21:28.819 --> 00:21:31.019
Okay, let's look at a place that usually values

00:21:31.019 --> 00:21:34.160
order and structure, Germany. They do things

00:21:34.160 --> 00:21:36.039
differently there. They seem to have found a

00:21:36.039 --> 00:21:37.900
middle path. Germany is interesting because they

00:21:37.900 --> 00:21:39.839
rely on the Mietzsche Beagle. Mietzschpiegel,

00:21:39.920 --> 00:21:42.420
I love German compound words. What does it translate

00:21:42.420 --> 00:21:46.180
to? It translates to rent mirror. Ooh, poetic.

00:21:46.299 --> 00:21:49.500
I like that. It's a database, a mirror of the

00:21:49.500 --> 00:21:52.660
market. It reflects the local reference rents

00:21:52.660 --> 00:21:55.160
based on new contracts from the past four years.

00:21:55.359 --> 00:21:58.319
So how does it work? Is it a hard cap? No. Instead

00:21:58.319 --> 00:22:01.740
of hard cap like 3%, landlords can only increase

00:22:01.740 --> 00:22:04.579
rent in line with this index, the Mietzschpiegel.

00:22:04.759 --> 00:22:06.779
If the average rent in the neighborhood goes

00:22:06.779 --> 00:22:09.839
up, you can raise yours. If it stays flat, you

00:22:09.839 --> 00:22:12.299
stay flat. And there are limits to that, I assume.

00:22:12.519 --> 00:22:15.220
Yes. They have strict usury laws. Any price rise

00:22:15.220 --> 00:22:18.039
above 20 % over three years is illegal. So it's

00:22:18.039 --> 00:22:20.539
not a freeze. It is a dampener. It smooths out

00:22:20.539 --> 00:22:22.579
the spikes. Exactly. It allows the market to

00:22:22.579 --> 00:22:25.519
move, but it prevents the shocks. Germany generally

00:22:25.519 --> 00:22:28.000
balances tenants. Stability tenants have unlimited

00:22:28.000 --> 00:22:29.920
contract durations. You can't just kick them

00:22:29.920 --> 00:22:32.339
out with regulated increases. It worked reasonably

00:22:32.339 --> 00:22:36.029
well. Except. Berlin tried to get fancy recently.

00:22:36.349 --> 00:22:40.230
Ah, yes. The Berlin Mietendeckel or rent lid

00:22:40.230 --> 00:22:43.910
of 2020. They tried a hard freeze. First generation

00:22:43.910 --> 00:22:47.950
stuff. Same old story. It benefited the people

00:22:47.950 --> 00:22:50.809
already living there. But the supply of new housing

00:22:50.809 --> 00:22:53.569
for people looking for a home plummeted. The

00:22:53.569 --> 00:22:55.410
number of apartments available for rent dropped

00:22:55.410 --> 00:22:58.549
by more than half in one year. Wow. It was actually

00:22:58.549 --> 00:23:01.700
repealed by the courts in 2021. It showed that

00:23:01.700 --> 00:23:03.720
even in a well -regulated market like Germany,

00:23:03.880 --> 00:23:06.720
hard freezes break the machine. Let's make a

00:23:06.720 --> 00:23:08.579
quick stop in Australia. I feel like Australia

00:23:08.579 --> 00:23:10.819
is usually a pretty free market with housing.

00:23:11.039 --> 00:23:13.339
They are, with one exception, the Australian

00:23:13.339 --> 00:23:15.960
Capital Territory, basically Canberra. The capital.

00:23:16.160 --> 00:23:18.579
Right. It's the only place in Australia with

00:23:18.579 --> 00:23:21.910
maximum rent increase caps tied to CPI. Everywhere

00:23:21.910 --> 00:23:24.609
else Sydney, Melbourne relies on freedom of contract.

00:23:24.890 --> 00:23:27.109
So if you're in Sydney, the landlord can say

00:23:27.109 --> 00:23:29.309
rent is doubling next month and if you don't

00:23:29.309 --> 00:23:31.650
like it, you leave. There are some notice periods,

00:23:31.849 --> 00:23:34.730
but essentially, yes, it creates a very dynamic

00:23:34.730 --> 00:23:38.309
but also very volatile market for renters. It's

00:23:38.309 --> 00:23:41.049
the opposite of Egypt. High churn, high prices,

00:23:41.089 --> 00:23:44.029
but generally high quality because landlords

00:23:44.029 --> 00:23:46.009
have to compete for tenants who can leave at

00:23:46.009 --> 00:23:48.480
any time. Okay, we've toured the world. We've

00:23:48.480 --> 00:23:50.680
seen the wreckage of first -gen controls in Egypt,

00:23:50.920 --> 00:23:53.319
the gentrification paradox in San Francisco,

00:23:53.440 --> 00:23:56.599
and the collapse of permits in St. Paul. This

00:23:56.599 --> 00:23:59.460
brings us to section four. Alternatives and solutions.

00:23:59.619 --> 00:24:01.960
Right. Because the problem is real. Rents are

00:24:01.960 --> 00:24:04.759
too high. People can't afford to live. If economists

00:24:04.759 --> 00:24:06.900
hate rent control, what do they actually suggest?

00:24:07.180 --> 00:24:09.019
We can't just say let the market rip and let

00:24:09.019 --> 00:24:11.559
poor people be homeless. Absolutely not. And

00:24:11.559 --> 00:24:13.500
economists aren't heartless. They just prefer

00:24:13.500 --> 00:24:16.220
efficient tools. This is where we have to pivot

00:24:16.220 --> 00:24:18.960
from price controls to supply and subsidy. OK.

00:24:19.039 --> 00:24:21.299
If the goal is affordable housing, there are

00:24:21.299 --> 00:24:24.119
two main levers economists prefer. The first

00:24:24.119 --> 00:24:27.170
is the demand side. Vouchers. Explain that. How

00:24:27.170 --> 00:24:29.750
is that different from rent control? Lisa Sturdivant's

00:24:29.750 --> 00:24:33.210
review points this out. Rent control tries to

00:24:33.210 --> 00:24:36.269
lower the price of the bread. Vouchers give the

00:24:36.269 --> 00:24:38.789
hungry person money to buy the bread at the market

00:24:38.789 --> 00:24:40.849
price. I like that analogy. It's much clearer.

00:24:41.069 --> 00:24:43.450
We're talking about federal housing vouchers

00:24:43.450 --> 00:24:46.470
or expanding the Low Income Housing Tax Credit,

00:24:46.630 --> 00:24:50.130
LIHTC. Instead of breaking the price mechanism

00:24:50.130 --> 00:24:53.710
of the market, you give money directly to the

00:24:53.710 --> 00:24:56.119
poor people who need it. So let the landlord

00:24:56.119 --> 00:24:58.700
charge $2 ,000, but give the low -income tenant

00:24:58.700 --> 00:25:02.279
$1 ,000 to help pay for it. Precisely. This does

00:25:02.279 --> 00:25:05.059
two things. One, it targets the help. Remember

00:25:05.059 --> 00:25:06.940
the crown prince of Denmark? Hard to forget.

00:25:07.119 --> 00:25:08.980
He wouldn't qualify for a voucher. You have to

00:25:08.980 --> 00:25:11.220
prove income. So the money goes only to the poor.

00:25:11.460 --> 00:25:14.079
Two, it keeps the incentive for the landlord

00:25:14.079 --> 00:25:16.160
to maintain the building. Because they're still

00:25:16.160 --> 00:25:18.059
getting the market rate. Exactly. If they're

00:25:18.059 --> 00:25:20.250
getting market rate... partly from the tenant,

00:25:20.349 --> 00:25:21.789
partly from the government. Yeah. They have the

00:25:21.789 --> 00:25:23.829
cash flow to fix the roof. They don't pull the

00:25:23.829 --> 00:25:25.950
unit off the market. That makes sense. It solves

00:25:25.950 --> 00:25:28.289
the haphazard targeting and the housing deterioration

00:25:28.289 --> 00:25:30.349
problems. But vouchers are expensive for the

00:25:30.349 --> 00:25:32.569
government. What's the second lever? The supply

00:25:32.569 --> 00:25:35.670
side. This is the argument from groups like the

00:25:35.670 --> 00:25:38.289
Reason Foundation and the YMBY movement. Yes.

00:25:38.529 --> 00:25:40.970
In my backyard. I've heard of them. They argue

00:25:40.970 --> 00:25:44.049
the problem is simply a lack of supply. We aren't

00:25:44.049 --> 00:25:46.750
building enough homes. Full stop. And why aren't

00:25:46.750 --> 00:25:49.730
we? Is it just... greedy developers holding back.

00:25:49.910 --> 00:25:51.950
Quite the opposite. Developers want to build.

00:25:52.170 --> 00:25:55.910
The problem is zoning and regulation. It is incredibly

00:25:55.910 --> 00:25:58.250
expensive and difficult to build in cities like

00:25:58.250 --> 00:26:00.930
San Francisco or New York. If you have restrictive

00:26:00.930 --> 00:26:03.539
zoning. height limits and endless community review

00:26:03.539 --> 00:26:06.200
processes, you inflate the cost of development.

00:26:06.420 --> 00:26:08.500
So if it costs me a million dollars just to get

00:26:08.500 --> 00:26:10.859
the permit, I can only build a luxury condo to

00:26:10.859 --> 00:26:13.200
make my money back. I can't build a starter home.

00:26:13.420 --> 00:26:16.279
Exactly. You can't build affordable housing if

00:26:16.279 --> 00:26:19.000
the land and legal fees cost a fortune. If you

00:26:19.000 --> 00:26:22.019
deregulate the building process, simplify approvals,

00:26:22.099 --> 00:26:24.440
allow more density, let people build taller,

00:26:24.680 --> 00:26:27.480
you lower the cost of construction. This is the

00:26:27.480 --> 00:26:31.359
housing first concept. Yes. Focus on increasing

00:26:31.359 --> 00:26:33.980
the total pile of housing. If there is a surplus

00:26:33.980 --> 00:26:36.319
of apartments, landlords have to compete for

00:26:36.319 --> 00:26:39.900
tenants. When supply exceeds demand, prices fall

00:26:39.900 --> 00:26:42.140
naturally. You don't need a law to lower the

00:26:42.140 --> 00:26:44.680
price. The market does it for you. It sounds

00:26:44.680 --> 00:26:47.599
so simple. Supply and demand, build more, prices

00:26:47.599 --> 00:26:50.220
drop. Yet it seems so hard to do politically.

00:26:50.559 --> 00:26:53.480
Because building more takes years. Rent control

00:26:53.480 --> 00:26:56.039
can be passed overnight. Politicians like solutions

00:26:56.039 --> 00:26:58.819
that voters can feel immediately. That is a profound

00:26:58.819 --> 00:27:01.730
point. Rent control is a quick fix that causes

00:27:01.730 --> 00:27:04.609
long term pain. Building supply is short term

00:27:04.609 --> 00:27:06.730
pain construction noise, changing neighborhoods,

00:27:07.069 --> 00:27:09.829
ugly cranes on the skyline for long term gain.

00:27:09.950 --> 00:27:13.230
You nailed it. And humans are very bad at delayed

00:27:13.230 --> 00:27:16.089
gratification. especially when it comes to politics.

00:27:16.289 --> 00:27:18.329
So we are coming to the end of our deep dive.

00:27:18.450 --> 00:27:20.529
Let's try to synthesize all this. We've gone

00:27:20.529 --> 00:27:23.009
from the papal states protecting Jewish tenants

00:27:23.009 --> 00:27:25.869
to the modern rent mirror in Berlin. We've seen

00:27:25.869 --> 00:27:28.329
that strict price freezes, first generation control

00:27:28.329 --> 00:27:30.849
are almost universally disastrous. They are the

00:27:30.849 --> 00:27:33.170
bombing effect. They kill supply. They kill quality.

00:27:33.230 --> 00:27:35.970
And undoing them like in Egypt is a nightmare.

00:27:36.190 --> 00:27:39.779
We've seen that. Second generation vacancy decontrol

00:27:39.779 --> 00:27:42.799
is the modern standard, but it has its own demons.

00:27:43.160 --> 00:27:46.160
It can fuel gentrification, incentivizing landlords

00:27:46.160 --> 00:27:48.819
to convert to condos. Right. And it creates this

00:27:48.819 --> 00:27:51.240
weird lottery system where the crown prince gets

00:27:51.240 --> 00:27:53.759
a cheap apartment while a working class family

00:27:53.759 --> 00:27:56.940
pays market rate next door. It creates an insider

00:27:56.940 --> 00:27:59.299
outsider market. Yeah. If you are inside, you

00:27:59.299 --> 00:28:01.619
are safe. If you are outside trying to get in,

00:28:01.680 --> 00:28:04.619
the door is locked. And the consensus from economists,

00:28:04.859 --> 00:28:08.259
93 percent of them, is that price ceilings reduce

00:28:08.259 --> 00:28:11.420
the quantity and quality of housing. It's a tradeoff.

00:28:11.440 --> 00:28:13.940
You buy stability for the current tenant at the

00:28:13.940 --> 00:28:15.900
expense of everything else. That's the summary

00:28:15.900 --> 00:28:18.039
in a nutshell. So I want to leave our listeners

00:28:18.039 --> 00:28:20.440
with a final thought. We always try to end with

00:28:20.440 --> 00:28:22.079
something provocative. Here's what I want you

00:28:22.079 --> 00:28:24.200
to think about. When you hear a debate about

00:28:24.200 --> 00:28:27.579
rent control. It is almost always framed as the

00:28:27.579 --> 00:28:30.200
greedy landlord versus the struggling tenant.

00:28:30.359 --> 00:28:33.019
Right. It's a story of profit versus people.

00:28:33.319 --> 00:28:35.319
Right. That's the movie script. Good guy, bad

00:28:35.319 --> 00:28:38.640
guy. But the data suggests the real conflict

00:28:38.640 --> 00:28:41.779
is different. The real conflict is between the

00:28:41.779 --> 00:28:44.160
current tenant and the future tenant. Oh, that's

00:28:44.160 --> 00:28:46.380
interesting. The current tenant wants to stay

00:28:46.380 --> 00:28:49.539
put, pay a low price, and never be forced to

00:28:49.539 --> 00:28:52.859
move. Rent control is great for them. But the

00:28:52.859 --> 00:28:55.740
future tenant? The future tenant is the young

00:28:55.740 --> 00:28:58.819
graduate, the immigrant family, the person moving

00:28:58.819 --> 00:29:01.299
for a new job. They can't find a place to live

00:29:01.299 --> 00:29:03.720
because no one is moving and nothing is being

00:29:03.720 --> 00:29:06.680
built. Rent control locks the door in their face

00:29:06.680 --> 00:29:09.240
to protect the person already inside. So the

00:29:09.240 --> 00:29:11.619
question isn't just, are landlords greedy? The

00:29:11.619 --> 00:29:14.740
question is, who does the city owe more to? The

00:29:14.740 --> 00:29:16.539
person who is already there or the person who

00:29:16.539 --> 00:29:18.900
wants to come? That is the question. And there

00:29:18.900 --> 00:29:21.569
is no easy answer. That is going to keep me up

00:29:21.569 --> 00:29:23.390
tonight. Thank you for taking this deep dive

00:29:23.390 --> 00:29:25.589
with us. My pleasure. It was a lot to get through.

00:29:25.710 --> 00:29:27.650
And thank you to you, the listener. Check your

00:29:27.650 --> 00:29:29.990
lease, check your local laws, and we will see

00:29:29.990 --> 00:29:30.529
you next time.
