WEBVTT

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You know, I was driving through the suburbs the

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other day, just one of those standard sprawling

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subdivisions. And I had this moment of, I guess

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you'd call it architectural deja vu. You look

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at the setback of the lawns, the width of the

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driveway, the fact that the nearest gallon of

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milk is exactly an eight minute drive away. And

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you realize none of this is accidental. Far from

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it. No, it's arguably the most intentional design

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project in human history. But we usually think

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of cities as these organic beasts, right? Like

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they just sort of happen. People built houses,

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then a shop opened up, then a road. But looking

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at this stack of research you sent over, the

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articles, the legal history, the international

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comparisons, it's clear that organic died a long

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time ago. We are living inside a script. We are.

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And the script writer is a concept that is. Simultaneously,

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the most boring word in the English language

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and the most powerful force in your daily life.

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Zoning. Zoning. It sounds like the title of a

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spreadsheet that won't load. But our mission

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for this deep dive is to prove that zoning is

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actually the invisible hand that shapes everything.

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It decides who your neighbors are, how fat your

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wallet is, how much carbon you emit. This is

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the part that really surprised me. It might even

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determine the GDP of the entire country. It's

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the operating system of the built environment.

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Yeah. And like any operating system, when it's

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working, you don't notice it. Right. But when

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it crashes or when the code is bad, you get dysfunction.

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You get inequality. You get gridlock. So before

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we get into the heavy stuff, the segregation,

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the economics, the bagoom factories. We have

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to talk about the bagoom factories. We do. But

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first, we need to define our terms because I

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think a lot of people, myself included, conflate

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zoning with building codes. They seem like the

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same bureaucratic red tape. They are cousins,

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but they do very different jobs. I mean, think

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of a building code as the engineering manual.

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It tells you how to build. Okay. It says you

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need this much rebar in the concrete or you need

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a fire exit here or the wiring must be copper.

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It is purely about safety and structural integrity.

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If a building code fails, the roof falls on your

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head. Right. So building codes prevent gravity

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and fire from killing me. Pretty straightforward.

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Exactly. Zoning, on the other hand, is about

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land use. It doesn't care if your wiring is up

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to code. It cares about what that building is

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doing and where it sits in relation to everyone

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else. So it's the social layer on top of the

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engineering layer. That's a great way to put

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it. Zoning asks, is this a house? Is it a factory?

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Is it a park? How tall is it? How far back from

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the street is it? So building codes stop the

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house from burning down. Zoning stops me from

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turning that house into a slaughterhouse. Precisely.

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And that distinction is vital because zoning

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is a social tool. It's about the collective arrangement

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of the community. It's the rulebook that says

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these activities happen here and those activities

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happen there. And we have a lot of ground to

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cover today. We're basing this deep dive on a

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massive synthesis of sources, centering on the

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comprehensive history and mechanics of zoning

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from the Wikipedia archives, but pulling in economic

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studies and legal case law. It's a huge topic.

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It really is. We're going to look at the ancient

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origins, the dark side American zoning history,

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the toolkit planners use, and then... My favorite

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part, how the rest of the world does it completely

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differently. Oh, the international comparison

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is where you really see how arbitrary our American

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system is. It's. it's really eye -opening so

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let's rewind way back i assume zoning was a 20th

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century invention i pictured it arriving with

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the model t4 and the skyscraper but the research

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suggests this impulse to separate things is much

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much older it's ancient as long as humans have

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been clustering together in cities we've had

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to deal with the bad neighbor problem if you

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look at the walled cities of antiquity zoning

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was dictated by the walls themselves. It was

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binary, inside versus outside. Simple as that.

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Basically, the logic wasn't about property values

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or traffic flow. It was primal. It was about

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noise and smell. The U factor. Right. Because

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in 1000 BC, industry wasn't a guy with a laptop.

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It was messy. It was visceral. Tanning leather

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involves soaking hides. in, you know, urine and

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lime. Brick firing creates massive amounts of

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smoke. Slaughtering animals is bloody and attracts

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pests. Not stuff you want next to the temple.

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Not at all. So in the Zhu dynasty in China, or

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the Vedic era in India, the rule was simple.

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The clean stuff, temples, palaces, homes, goes

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inside the walls. The dirty stuff, the tanneries,

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the kilns, the graveyards, goes outside. It's

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the original NMBism. Not in my walled city. You

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could absolutely say that. Yeah. The Roman military

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camps were another example. They were incredibly

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standardized. You could drop a Roman soldier

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into a camp in Britannia or Syria and he would

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know exactly where the hospital was, where the

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commander slept and where the horses were capped.

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That is zoning in its purest form organization

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for efficiency. OK, so for a few thousand years,

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the logic is clean versus dirty. But then we

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hit the Industrial Revolution and the definition

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of dirty changes. It gets bigger. It gets industrial.

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This is the pivotal moment. Before the Industrial

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Revolution, a lot of production was cottage industry.

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You might weave cloth in your living room. You

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might make shoes in your kitchen. Home and work

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were the same place. The original work from home.

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Exactly. But when you move to steam power and

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mass production, you can't have a Bessemer steel

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converter in your kitchen. It's just not going

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to fit. Right. Industry had to scale up, and

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it became dangerous. You had massive factories

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belching coal smoke, loud machinery. Toxic runoff.

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And initially in places like London or Manchester,

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these factories were jammed right next to the

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tenements where people lived. And it was a public

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health disaster. Cholera, respiratory disease,

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squalor. I mean, it was just horrific. This forced

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society to rethink the city. We realized we couldn't

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just let cities grow organically anymore. We

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needed to intervene. We needed to separate the

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housing from the smokestacks. This leads us to

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the Garden City. The notes mention Adelaide,

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Australia. Which seems like a weird place for

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urban planning history to start. It's actually

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a critical milestone. In 1836, Colonel William

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Light designed Adelaide. He didn't just lay out

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a grid. He created a city center and completely

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surrounded it with parklands. A green belt. A

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literal physical buffer of green space. And he

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said the suburbs go outside the green belt. He

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legally defined where the city stopped and nature

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began. This was revolutionary. And this catches

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on. It inspires a guy named Ebenezer Howard in

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the UK to start the garden city movement. He

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saw Adelaide and thought, that's it. He envisioned

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cities as these neat, concentric rings, public

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buildings in the middle, then parks, then housing,

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then agriculture on the outside. It sounds very

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utopian, very orderly. It was. And it gave us

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the visual template for the modern suburb. But

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while the British were dreaming of garden cities,

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the Americans were figuring out how to enforce

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this separation legally. And this is where the

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story gets complicated. Complicated and, frankly,

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a little dark. We need to talk about the American

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origin story of zoning. The standard textbook

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narrative points to New York City in 1916, right?

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The Equitable Building. That's the clean version

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of the story. The sanitized version. The Equitable

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Building was this massive skyscraper in lower

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Manhattan that went straight up from the sidewalk.

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A sheer cliff. No setbacks. None. It blocked

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the sun for acres. People were terrified that

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the city would become a dark... Windswept Canyon.

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So New York passed the 1916 zoning resolution

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to force buildings to step back. The wedding

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cake architecture you see in old skyscrapers.

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Right. Strictly about light and air. Very noble.

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It sounds like a good thing. It was. But if you

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dig deeper into legal history, the first true

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zoning ordinance in the U .S. wasn't in New York.

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It was in Modesto, California in 1885. And it

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wasn't about skyscrapers. It was about laundries.

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Specifically, wash houses. The ordinance made

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it illegal to operate a laundry in certain areas

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of the city. Now, on the surface, they argued

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it was about fire safety laundries, used wooden

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fires, chemicals, etc. It was a public nuisance

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argument. But that wasn't the real reason. The

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historical record is very clear on the intent

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here. Who owned the laundries in 1885 California?

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Chinese immigrants. Almost exclusively. The ordinance

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was designed to prevent Chinese business owners

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from expanding into white neighborhoods. It was

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a tool of segregation disguised as a safety regulation.

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That is a crucial distinction. We often assume

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regulations are these neutral, benevolent rules.

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But here, the very first tool in the zoning toolkit

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was weaponized for exclusion. And the tension

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between safety and exclusion. never really goes

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away. It flows right into the big Supreme Court

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case that legitimized zoning nationwide. Village

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of Euclid, Ohio v. Ambler Realty Co. in 1926.

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Euclid? That's why we call it Euclidean zoning.

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I always thought it was named after the geometry

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guy because of the squares on the map. A common

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mistake, but no, it's named after the town of

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Euclid, a suburb of Cleveland. Here's the setup.

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Ambler Realty owned a bunch of land. They wanted

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to build industry factories, maybe some shops.

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The highest and best use for their land, economically

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speaking. Absolutely. The village of Euclid said,

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no, we are zoning this for residential use only.

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Single family homes, to be precise. And Ambler

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sued, arguing that the city was effectively stealing

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their money. Industrial land is worth way more

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than residential land. By zoning it residential,

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the city destroyed the land's value. Exactly.

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They argued it was an unconstitutional taking

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of property without just compensation. The Supreme

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Court had to decide. Does a municipality have

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the right to tell a private landowner you can't

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do that simply to maintain the character of the

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neighborhood? And the court said yes. It said

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yes. Justice Sutherland wrote the opinion, and

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he used a very specific and now very infamous

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analogy. He called apartment buildings in single

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-family neighborhoods parasites. Oof. Parasites.

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That's not subtle. Not at all. He argued that

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they block the sun, they bring noise, they interrupt

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the peace. He literally wrote a nuisance, which

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should be restrained. This cemented the idea

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that single -family housing is the highest and

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purest use of land, and everything else, apartments,

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stores, factories, is a nuisance that needs to

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be kept away. So Euclid gave every town in America

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the green light to draw lines on a map and say,

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houses here, stores there, factories way over

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there. And that brings us to the dominant model

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we live with today. Euclidean zoning. Let's break

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down what Euclidean zoning actually feels like

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on the ground. Because we're so used to it, I

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don't think we realize how strange it is historically.

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It creates a landscape of extreme separation.

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In a Euclidean system, you have strict categories.

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Residential, commercial, industrial, and usually

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they are mutually exclusive. The color -coded

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maps, yellow for houses, red for stores, purple

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for factories. Exactly. And if you were in R1,

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which is residential zone one, you can build

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a house. You cannot build a corner store. You

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cannot build a dentist's office. You cannot build

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a duplex. Just a single family detached house.

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This is why we have the donut city effect in

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so many U .S. cities. The downtown business district

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empties out at 5 p .m. and the suburbs are empty

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at 11 a .m. It mandates a monoculture. It assumes

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that a house and a loaf of bread are incompatible.

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To buy the bread, you must leave the residential

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zone, enter the transit corridor, the road, and

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go to the commercial zone. It effectively mandates

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the car. It makes the car a prerequisite for

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participation in society. If you can't drive,

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you are functionally excluded from large parts

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of the city. But not everyone bought into this,

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right? I mean, there had to be a backlash. And

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this is where we have to talk about Jane Jacob.

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The patron saint of the messy city. She hated

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this separation. She loathed it. In her book,

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The Death and Life of Great American Cities,

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which came out in 1961, she argued that this

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rational planning was actually killing the spirit

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of the city. It was creating something that looked

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nice on a map, but was terrible to live in. And

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her famous concept was eyes on the street. Eyes

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on the street. Unpack that for us. She observed

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that in her neighborhood, Greenwich Village in

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New York. It was safe and vibrant because it

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was mixed. You had apartments above shops. You

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had bars next to libraries. You had little workshops

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next to homes. There were always people around.

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Always. Because of that mix, the sidewalk was

00:12:20.379 --> 00:12:23.100
always active. The shopkeepers watched the street

00:12:23.100 --> 00:12:25.340
in the morning. The office workers watched it

00:12:25.340 --> 00:12:27.720
at lunch. The residents watched it in the afternoon.

00:12:28.019 --> 00:12:31.179
The bar patrons watched it at night. This natural

00:12:31.179 --> 00:12:34.000
surveillance kept the peace better than any police

00:12:34.000 --> 00:12:36.919
force. Contrast that with a Euclidean suburb.

00:12:37.289 --> 00:12:40.370
If everyone leaves for work at 9am, the neighborhood

00:12:40.370 --> 00:12:43.809
is a ghost town. No eyes on the street, it's

00:12:43.809 --> 00:12:46.919
an invitation for crime, or just... Soul -crushing

00:12:46.919 --> 00:12:49.940
boredom. Exactly. She argued that by separating

00:12:49.940 --> 00:12:52.919
uses, we were creating dangerous, sterile environments.

00:12:53.460 --> 00:12:55.940
Her work laid the foundation for what we now

00:12:55.940 --> 00:12:59.799
call mixed -use zoning and new urbanism. Which

00:12:59.799 --> 00:13:01.419
is the attempt to put the toothpaste back in

00:13:01.419 --> 00:13:03.759
the tube, trying to recreate that small -town,

00:13:03.860 --> 00:13:05.779
Main Street feel where you can live above the

00:13:05.779 --> 00:13:08.399
bookstore. It's the antidote to Euclid. Mixed

00:13:08.399 --> 00:13:11.120
-use zoning explicitly permits and even encourages

00:13:11.120 --> 00:13:13.700
combining residential, commercial, and cultural

00:13:13.700 --> 00:13:16.559
uses in the same building or block. But zoning

00:13:16.559 --> 00:13:18.960
isn't just about use. The outline highlights

00:13:18.960 --> 00:13:21.840
a shift towards form and performance. This seems

00:13:21.840 --> 00:13:24.500
a bit more abstract. It's a philosophical shift.

00:13:25.100 --> 00:13:27.860
Euclidean zoning asks, what happens inside the

00:13:27.860 --> 00:13:32.259
building? Is it a home? A store? A factory? Right.

00:13:32.440 --> 00:13:35.440
Form -based zoning asks, what does the building

00:13:35.440 --> 00:13:37.860
look like? How does it relate to the street and

00:13:37.860 --> 00:13:40.740
its neighbors? Wait, so form -based codes care

00:13:40.740 --> 00:13:42.899
about the container, not the contents? Correct.

00:13:43.039 --> 00:13:45.580
A form -based code might say, any building on

00:13:45.580 --> 00:13:47.940
this street must be four stories tall, built

00:13:47.940 --> 00:13:50.639
right up to the sidewalk, with 50 % of the ground

00:13:50.639 --> 00:13:53.120
floor being glass windows. And if I want to put

00:13:53.120 --> 00:13:55.779
a yoga studio in there, fine. A lawyer, fine.

00:13:56.019 --> 00:13:58.740
An apartment, fine. As long as it fits the physical

00:13:58.740 --> 00:14:01.080
rules? As long as the form respects the neighborhood

00:14:01.080 --> 00:14:03.759
character. The goal is to create a pleasant,

00:14:03.919 --> 00:14:06.919
walkable public realm, and they believe the use

00:14:06.919 --> 00:14:09.240
will sort itself out. The classic example of

00:14:09.240 --> 00:14:11.240
this, though it predates the term, is Paris.

00:14:11.720 --> 00:14:14.259
Absolutely. Paris is incredibly uniform. That's

00:14:14.259 --> 00:14:16.279
why it's so beautiful. That uniformity is law.

00:14:16.860 --> 00:14:19.200
Paris has strict height limits and facade rules,

00:14:19.460 --> 00:14:21.679
largely thanks to Haussmann's renovations in

00:14:21.679 --> 00:14:23.820
the 19th century. They realized that if they

00:14:23.820 --> 00:14:26.120
allowed modern skyscrapers to pop up randomly,

00:14:26.320 --> 00:14:28.480
it would destroy the Parisian feel. But they

00:14:28.480 --> 00:14:30.659
do have skyscrapers. I've seen pictures of that

00:14:30.659 --> 00:14:34.000
one big black tower. The Montparnasse Tower.

00:14:34.159 --> 00:14:38.059
Ah, the Tour Montparnasse. Built in 1973, it

00:14:38.059 --> 00:14:42.220
is a monolithic 210 -meter black skyscraper right

00:14:42.220 --> 00:14:45.059
in the middle of the low -rise city. It is almost

00:14:45.059 --> 00:14:47.960
universally hated by Parisians. It sticks out

00:14:47.960 --> 00:14:50.320
like a sore thumb. I've seen it. It really does.

00:14:50.659 --> 00:14:53.460
It was such a visual and architectural disaster

00:14:53.460 --> 00:14:56.460
for the skyline that two years later, the city

00:14:56.460 --> 00:14:59.120
banned buildings over seven stories in the center.

00:14:59.470 --> 00:15:01.950
They pushed all future high -rises out to a dedicated

00:15:01.950 --> 00:15:04.870
business district, La Défense. It's often said

00:15:04.870 --> 00:15:06.990
the best view in Paris is from the top of the

00:15:06.990 --> 00:15:09.110
Montparnasse Tower. Because it's the only place

00:15:09.110 --> 00:15:10.629
where you can't see the tower. That's brutal,

00:15:10.809 --> 00:15:13.730
but it proves the point. Bad form can ruin a

00:15:13.730 --> 00:15:16.259
city just as much as bad use. Then you have the

00:15:16.259 --> 00:15:18.779
third type, performance zoning or impact zoning.

00:15:18.980 --> 00:15:21.039
This is the most logical scientific approach.

00:15:21.259 --> 00:15:23.820
It says we don't care what you build or even

00:15:23.820 --> 00:15:25.679
what it looks like as long as it doesn't break

00:15:25.679 --> 00:15:27.639
the environment or overload the infrastructure.

00:15:27.980 --> 00:15:30.200
So instead of saying no factories, it says no

00:15:30.200 --> 00:15:34.100
noise above 50 decibels or no water runoff greater

00:15:34.100 --> 00:15:37.200
than X gallons per hour. Exactly. It uses a point

00:15:37.200 --> 00:15:40.700
system. You manage your sewage. Points. You mitigate

00:15:40.700 --> 00:15:43.139
traffic. Points. You provide affordable housing.

00:15:43.379 --> 00:15:45.940
Points. If you get enough points. You get your

00:15:45.940 --> 00:15:49.200
permit. That sounds incredibly sensible. Why

00:15:49.200 --> 00:15:51.059
don't we do that everywhere? It seems so rational.

00:15:51.340 --> 00:15:53.419
Because it's a bureaucratic nightmare. Who measures

00:15:53.419 --> 00:15:56.419
the decibels? Who predicts the traffic? It requires

00:15:56.419 --> 00:15:59.019
a massive amount of technical study for every

00:15:59.019 --> 00:16:01.960
single project. It slows development to a crawl

00:16:01.960 --> 00:16:04.019
because every building becomes a science experiment.

00:16:04.340 --> 00:16:07.919
Ah, so it's logical but impractical at scale.

00:16:08.019 --> 00:16:10.740
For most cities, yes. It's just too complex and

00:16:10.740 --> 00:16:13.000
expensive to administer fairly. So we're stuck

00:16:13.000 --> 00:16:15.480
with the simpler, blunter tools. Speaking of

00:16:15.480 --> 00:16:18.059
tools, let's open up the zoning toolkit. Because

00:16:18.059 --> 00:16:20.539
as I read through the source material, I realized

00:16:20.539 --> 00:16:22.740
planners have come up with some very creative

00:16:22.740 --> 00:16:25.559
and sometimes shady ways to bend the rules. The

00:16:25.559 --> 00:16:27.700
mechanics of zoning. This is where the rubber

00:16:27.700 --> 00:16:29.940
meets the road. Let's start with incentive zoning.

00:16:30.120 --> 00:16:32.740
This feels like a negotiation. It is a transaction.

00:16:32.940 --> 00:16:36.340
It's a deal. The city says to a developer, the

00:16:36.340 --> 00:16:38.399
zoning map says you can only build 10 stories

00:16:38.399 --> 00:16:41.639
here. But if you build a public plaza at the

00:16:41.639 --> 00:16:44.909
bottom, or you include a daycare, Or you fix

00:16:44.909 --> 00:16:47.830
the subway station entrance. We'll let you build

00:16:47.830 --> 00:16:50.850
15 stories. They're selling the air. Critics

00:16:50.850 --> 00:16:52.509
would say they are selling the integrity of the

00:16:52.509 --> 00:16:55.330
plan. They are selling zoning rights. If the

00:16:55.330 --> 00:16:57.570
infrastructure can't handle a 15 -story building,

00:16:57.789 --> 00:16:59.830
why are you allowing it just because they built

00:16:59.830 --> 00:17:02.590
a plaza? But supporters would say what? Supporters

00:17:02.590 --> 00:17:04.470
say it's the only way to get private developers

00:17:04.470 --> 00:17:07.390
to pay for public goods in an era of tight city

00:17:07.390 --> 00:17:10.369
budgets. Then there's TDRs, transferable development

00:17:10.369 --> 00:17:13.640
rights. This concept blew my mind. It's like

00:17:13.640 --> 00:17:16.279
carbon credits, but for concrete. Yeah, it's

00:17:16.279 --> 00:17:19.359
fascinating. In the U .S. property system, owning

00:17:19.359 --> 00:17:22.319
land gives you a bundle of rights. One of those

00:17:22.319 --> 00:17:24.220
is the right to build up to the zoning limit.

00:17:24.599 --> 00:17:26.500
Let's say you own a historic theater. It's only

00:17:26.500 --> 00:17:29.299
two stories call. But the zoning allows for 40

00:17:29.299 --> 00:17:32.720
stories. So I have 38 stories of invisible skyscraper

00:17:32.720 --> 00:17:35.259
that I'm not using. Exactly. Yeah. And you can't

00:17:35.259 --> 00:17:36.819
use them because you can't tear down the historic

00:17:36.819 --> 00:17:40.410
theater. With TDRs. The city lets you sever those

00:17:40.410 --> 00:17:42.869
air rights from your land and sell them to the

00:17:42.869 --> 00:17:44.630
guy across the street. Hold on, let me get this

00:17:44.630 --> 00:17:47.509
straight. You can sell the air. You can sell

00:17:47.509 --> 00:17:49.269
the development potential. Yeah. The guy across

00:17:49.269 --> 00:17:51.710
the street, who is capped at 40 stories, buys

00:17:51.710 --> 00:17:55.529
your 38 stories and builds a 78 -story megatower.

00:17:55.650 --> 00:17:57.970
Yeah, I get paid. You get paid, which gives you

00:17:57.970 --> 00:18:00.329
the money to maintain the historic theater. He

00:18:00.329 --> 00:18:02.950
gets his tower, and the city keeps the same total

00:18:02.950 --> 00:18:05.490
density. It's just shifted from your lot to his.

00:18:05.670 --> 00:18:08.880
So it preserves landmarks? Or farmland. It's

00:18:08.880 --> 00:18:11.640
often used to save open space. Farmers in a rural

00:18:11.640 --> 00:18:14.079
sending zone sell their development rights to

00:18:14.079 --> 00:18:17.160
developers in an urban receiving zone. The farm

00:18:17.160 --> 00:18:19.640
stays a farm forever. It's clever. But then we

00:18:19.640 --> 00:18:22.299
have the ugly tools, spot zoning. Spot zoning

00:18:22.299 --> 00:18:24.799
is the black sheep. This is when a city council

00:18:24.799 --> 00:18:27.359
takes one specific lot, maybe owned by a friend

00:18:27.359 --> 00:18:30.299
or a major donor, and changes the zoning just

00:18:30.299 --> 00:18:32.559
for that lot in a way that makes no sense with

00:18:32.559 --> 00:18:34.829
the surroundings. This is a quiet residential

00:18:34.829 --> 00:18:37.930
street, but this lot can be a 24 -hour gas station.

00:18:38.289 --> 00:18:42.029
Exactly. It's zoning for a single parcel that's

00:18:42.029 --> 00:18:44.950
inconsistent with the comprehensive plan. It's

00:18:44.950 --> 00:18:47.450
frequently overturned in court because it's arbitrary

00:18:47.450 --> 00:18:50.630
and looks like corruption. It violates the principle

00:18:50.630 --> 00:18:53.130
that zoning should be applied uniformly. And

00:18:53.130 --> 00:18:56.269
the most cynical one of all, fiscal zoning. This

00:18:56.269 --> 00:18:58.890
explains so much about American suburbia. This

00:18:58.890 --> 00:19:01.970
is the root of many evils. In the U .S., local

00:19:01.970 --> 00:19:04.410
municipalities are funded largely by property

00:19:04.410 --> 00:19:06.789
taxes, but they also have to pay for services.

00:19:07.349 --> 00:19:11.069
Schools, police, roads. And schools are expensive.

00:19:11.390 --> 00:19:13.549
Very expensive. So if you are a town planner,

00:19:13.769 --> 00:19:16.609
you do the math. A shopping mall pays huge property

00:19:16.609 --> 00:19:19.349
taxes and sends zero children to school. Pure

00:19:19.349 --> 00:19:22.339
profit. A rateable. Right. A big office park

00:19:22.339 --> 00:19:24.680
is another great rateable. A subdivision of starter

00:19:24.680 --> 00:19:26.680
homes, on the other hand, brings in modest taxes

00:19:26.680 --> 00:19:29.279
but sends hundreds of kids to school. That's

00:19:29.279 --> 00:19:31.359
a financial loss for the town. So the town zones

00:19:31.359 --> 00:19:33.420
everything for commercial or light industrial

00:19:33.420 --> 00:19:35.940
and bans affordable housing just to balance the

00:19:35.940 --> 00:19:38.079
budget. They try to attract uses that generate

00:19:38.079 --> 00:19:41.420
taxes and repel uses that consume services. Exactly.

00:19:41.559 --> 00:19:44.700
They zone for rateables. taxable assets, and

00:19:44.700 --> 00:19:47.500
zone -out families. It's why you see huge office

00:19:47.500 --> 00:19:49.759
parks sitting empty while people can't find a

00:19:49.759 --> 00:19:52.380
place to live. The zoning map is being used as

00:19:52.380 --> 00:19:54.359
a budget spread feed. We've also got pattern

00:19:54.359 --> 00:19:56.759
zoning here in the toolkit, which seems a bit

00:19:56.759 --> 00:19:59.500
more hopeful. It is. This is a strategy to combat

00:19:59.500 --> 00:20:02.019
the housing shortage. Instead of a developer

00:20:02.019 --> 00:20:04.619
spending a fortune on custom architectural drawings

00:20:04.619 --> 00:20:08.119
that might get rejected, the city provides a

00:20:08.119 --> 00:20:11.059
pattern book. A menu. Like ordering a combo meal.

00:20:11.450 --> 00:20:14.430
a menu of pre -approved designs. Here are three

00:20:14.430 --> 00:20:16.869
styles of duplexes, two styles of fourplexes.

00:20:16.990 --> 00:20:19.589
If you choose one of these patterns, your permit

00:20:19.589 --> 00:20:22.369
is expedited. You skip the line. That makes a

00:20:22.369 --> 00:20:24.410
ton of sense for filling in the missing middle,

00:20:24.529 --> 00:20:26.509
those small apartment buildings that fit into

00:20:26.509 --> 00:20:28.930
neighborhoods but are usually illegal to build.

00:20:29.150 --> 00:20:31.410
It reduces the risk for builders and lowers the

00:20:31.410 --> 00:20:34.089
cost of housing. It's a return to how we used

00:20:34.089 --> 00:20:36.609
to build, like the Sears catalog homes of the

00:20:36.609 --> 00:20:39.549
early 1900s. Okay, so that's the U .S. toolkit.

00:20:40.569 --> 00:20:43.029
And honestly, it feels a bit depressing. It feels

00:20:43.029 --> 00:20:48.210
rigid and easily manipulated. But the most eye

00:20:48.210 --> 00:20:50.130
-opening part of this research was looking abroad.

00:20:50.809 --> 00:20:53.289
Because I assumed the whole world did it the

00:20:53.289 --> 00:20:55.589
Euclidean way. Oh, absolutely not. The U .S.

00:20:55.609 --> 00:20:57.369
is an outlier. If you want to see a completely

00:20:57.369 --> 00:20:59.170
different philosophy, you have to look at Japan.

00:20:59.509 --> 00:21:02.710
Tell me about Japan. Because Tokyo looks chaotic,

00:21:02.789 --> 00:21:05.430
but it functions incredibly well. Japan uses

00:21:05.430 --> 00:21:08.240
what we call inclusive zoning. In the U .S.,

00:21:08.240 --> 00:21:10.599
our zoning is exclusive. If it's residential,

00:21:10.819 --> 00:21:13.440
it's only residential. In Japan, they use maximum

00:21:13.440 --> 00:21:15.700
nuisance limits. What does that mean in practice?

00:21:16.000 --> 00:21:18.059
It means that in a lower zone, you can almost

00:21:18.059 --> 00:21:21.019
always do the higher zone's activity. So in an

00:21:21.019 --> 00:21:23.220
industrial zone in Japan, you can build a factory,

00:21:23.359 --> 00:21:25.900
but you can also build a house. In a commercial

00:21:25.900 --> 00:21:27.640
zone, you can build a department store, but you

00:21:27.640 --> 00:21:30.160
can also build an apartment. Wait, so I can legally

00:21:30.160 --> 00:21:33.890
build a house next to a factory? Yes. The Japanese

00:21:33.890 --> 00:21:36.369
philosophy is, if you want to live next to a

00:21:36.369 --> 00:21:39.190
factory, that's your choice. We won't stop you.

00:21:40.009 --> 00:21:43.210
But the reverse is not true. You cannot build

00:21:43.210 --> 00:21:46.029
a factory in a low -rise residential zone. It's

00:21:46.029 --> 00:21:48.490
a one -way hierarchy of nuisance. That explains

00:21:48.490 --> 00:21:50.950
the texture of Japanese cities. You turn a corner

00:21:50.950 --> 00:21:53.609
and there's a quiet house next to a ramen shop

00:21:53.609 --> 00:21:55.910
next to a small workshop. It creates incredible

00:21:55.910 --> 00:21:58.869
density and convenience. It allows the city to

00:21:58.869 --> 00:22:01.690
evolve organically. If a neighborhood needs more

00:22:01.690 --> 00:22:04.839
shops, Houses can slowly convert to shops. In

00:22:04.839 --> 00:22:07.220
the U .S., that would require a massive legal

00:22:07.220 --> 00:22:10.140
battle to change the zoning map. In Japan, it

00:22:10.140 --> 00:22:12.059
just happens. And they don't have the same minimum

00:22:12.059 --> 00:22:14.440
pay power, right? The local homeowners can't

00:22:14.440 --> 00:22:17.039
block everything. No. Zoning is controlled at

00:22:17.039 --> 00:22:19.339
the national level in Japan. A local neighborhood

00:22:19.339 --> 00:22:21.640
in Tokyo can't just vote to ban apartment buildings

00:22:21.640 --> 00:22:23.440
because they don't like the look of them. The

00:22:23.440 --> 00:22:25.900
national government sets the standard. If it

00:22:25.900 --> 00:22:28.720
fits the box, you can build it. And they focus

00:22:28.720 --> 00:22:31.759
on form, too. Yes. They rely on sunshine laws.

00:22:32.240 --> 00:22:35.059
Heavily. Instead of worrying about use, they

00:22:35.059 --> 00:22:37.700
worry about light. The building envelope is shaped

00:22:37.700 --> 00:22:40.200
by angles to ensure that shadows don't perpetually

00:22:40.200 --> 00:22:42.900
cover the neighbor's property. It results in

00:22:42.900 --> 00:22:45.039
those interesting slanted roofs you see in anime

00:22:45.039 --> 00:22:48.039
or Tokyo photos. Contrast that with the UK. I

00:22:48.039 --> 00:22:50.000
was shocked to read that the UK doesn't have

00:22:50.000 --> 00:22:52.980
zoning maps at all. Correct. The British system

00:22:52.980 --> 00:22:54.759
is discretionary. They don't have by -right development.

00:22:55.180 --> 00:22:58.119
By -right means if I follow the rules, I get

00:22:58.119 --> 00:23:01.140
the permit automatically. Yes. In the US or Japan,

00:23:01.420 --> 00:23:03.980
if the map says commercial and I draw a store

00:23:03.980 --> 00:23:06.319
that meets the code, the city must give me the

00:23:06.319 --> 00:23:09.619
permit. It's a right. In the UK, almost every

00:23:09.619 --> 00:23:12.380
development requires planning permission. You

00:23:12.380 --> 00:23:14.440
submit a proposal and the local council looks

00:23:14.440 --> 00:23:16.819
at it and says yes or no. Based on what? Based

00:23:16.819 --> 00:23:19.480
on a local plan and their own judgment. It's

00:23:19.480 --> 00:23:21.539
extremely subjective. It's a vibe check from

00:23:21.539 --> 00:23:23.880
the local council. A vibe check. Basically, it

00:23:23.880 --> 00:23:25.900
allows for all the community input, but it creates

00:23:25.900 --> 00:23:28.240
massive uncertainty. A builder never knows for

00:23:28.240 --> 00:23:30.200
sure if they can build until the very end of

00:23:30.200 --> 00:23:32.740
the process. That must make housing incredibly

00:23:32.740 --> 00:23:35.420
expensive to build. The risk has to be priced

00:23:35.420 --> 00:23:37.819
in. It does. The supply of housing in the UK

00:23:37.819 --> 00:23:40.400
is strictly constrained by this process. And

00:23:40.400 --> 00:23:42.559
it's a huge political issue over there. Now,

00:23:42.599 --> 00:23:44.779
we have to talk about the anomaly. The city that

00:23:44.779 --> 00:23:46.720
always gets thrown around in libertarian arguments,

00:23:47.019 --> 00:23:51.940
Houston, Texas, the city with no zoning. A famous

00:23:51.940 --> 00:23:55.700
exception. Is it true? Is Houston a lawless wasteland

00:23:55.700 --> 00:23:57.819
where you can build a glee factory next to a

00:23:57.819 --> 00:24:02.329
kindergarten? Well, yes and no. It is true that

00:24:02.329 --> 00:24:04.569
Houston does not have a zoning ordinance. The

00:24:04.569 --> 00:24:06.869
voters have rejected it multiple times. There's

00:24:06.869 --> 00:24:09.549
no map that says commercial or residential. But

00:24:09.549 --> 00:24:13.230
the city is not unplanned. Houston relies heavily

00:24:13.230 --> 00:24:16.450
on private deed restrictions or covenants. When

00:24:16.450 --> 00:24:19.150
a developer subdivides land, they write rules

00:24:19.150 --> 00:24:22.150
into the property deeds. This land can only be

00:24:22.150 --> 00:24:25.349
used for single family homes or no business that

00:24:25.349 --> 00:24:27.269
sells alcohol. So the government doesn't ban

00:24:27.269 --> 00:24:30.200
the factory, the private contract. Bans the factory.

00:24:30.359 --> 00:24:33.099
It's private zoning. Exactly. And the city of

00:24:33.099 --> 00:24:36.140
Houston enforces those private contracts. Plus,

00:24:36.279 --> 00:24:39.019
they have parking requirements, lot size minimums

00:24:39.019 --> 00:24:41.440
and setback rules that act very much like zoning.

00:24:41.579 --> 00:24:43.960
So if you drive through Houston, it looks surprisingly

00:24:43.960 --> 00:24:47.200
like Dallas or Phoenix. The mechanism is different.

00:24:47.599 --> 00:24:50.619
Private law versus public law. But the outcome

00:24:50.619 --> 00:24:54.079
is often similar sprawl. One last global stop

00:24:54.079 --> 00:24:56.900
because I love the detail here. The Philippines.

00:24:57.720 --> 00:24:59.299
The Philippines is interesting because of how

00:24:59.299 --> 00:25:02.119
granular they get with industrial zones. They

00:25:02.119 --> 00:25:04.559
don't just say factory. They rank them by hazard

00:25:04.559 --> 00:25:06.559
and nuisance level. I have the list. Industrial

00:25:06.559 --> 00:25:09.539
one is non -polluting. It says biscuit factories,

00:25:09.859 --> 00:25:12.660
small watercraft. Harmless stuff. Things you

00:25:12.660 --> 00:25:14.480
probably wouldn't mind living near. Industrial

00:25:14.480 --> 00:25:17.019
two gets into polluting things. Canning plants,

00:25:17.440 --> 00:25:19.240
textile mills. That's getting a bit smellier.

00:25:19.400 --> 00:25:21.789
And then industrial three. High polluting and

00:25:21.789 --> 00:25:24.910
hazardous. And the code specifically lists bagoon

00:25:24.910 --> 00:25:27.769
factories. Bagoon is that fermented fish paste,

00:25:27.890 --> 00:25:30.730
right? It's famously pungent. It's pungent. It's

00:25:30.730 --> 00:25:32.829
delicious. But you do not want to smell it being

00:25:32.829 --> 00:25:35.900
made 24 -7. I love that the zoning code explicitly

00:25:35.900 --> 00:25:38.839
acknowledges the smell of fermenting fish as

00:25:38.839 --> 00:25:41.799
a level three hazard. It shows how zoning adapts

00:25:41.799 --> 00:25:44.279
to the specific culture and economy of a place.

00:25:44.500 --> 00:25:47.460
Absolutely. It's a reminder that zoning is ultimately

00:25:47.460 --> 00:25:49.960
about how people live together without driving

00:25:49.960 --> 00:25:52.420
each other crazy. What's a nuisance in Manila

00:25:52.420 --> 00:25:54.859
might not be a nuisance in Munich. Okay, so we've

00:25:54.859 --> 00:25:57.400
seen the mechanics, the history, the global variations,

00:25:57.480 --> 00:26:00.470
but... We need to land the plane on why this

00:26:00.470 --> 00:26:02.210
matters to the listener right now, because we

00:26:02.210 --> 00:26:05.210
opened by saying zoning determines your commute,

00:26:05.390 --> 00:26:08.009
your wallet and your neighbors. Let's prove it.

00:26:08.109 --> 00:26:10.049
The consequences. This is where the academic

00:26:10.049 --> 00:26:12.349
literature gets really damning. Let's start with

00:26:12.349 --> 00:26:14.630
the wallet, the economics. There was a study

00:26:14.630 --> 00:26:17.549
in 2017, Shia Moretti, that made my jaw drop.

00:26:17.809 --> 00:26:20.069
The GDT study. It's a famous one. They looked

00:26:20.069 --> 00:26:21.970
at the U .S. economy and asked a simple question.

00:26:22.470 --> 00:26:24.569
How much growth are we losing because people

00:26:24.569 --> 00:26:27.140
can't move to where the jobs are? Right. The

00:26:27.140 --> 00:26:29.900
most productive places in America, New York,

00:26:29.960 --> 00:26:32.740
San Francisco, Boston are incredibly expensive.

00:26:33.099 --> 00:26:36.240
And they are expensive largely because zoning

00:26:36.240 --> 00:26:39.059
restricts the supply of housing. If you can't

00:26:39.059 --> 00:26:41.980
build apartments, rent goes up. It's simple supply

00:26:41.980 --> 00:26:45.359
and demand. If rent is high, a normal worker,

00:26:45.539 --> 00:26:48.140
a teacher, a mechanic, a nurse can't afford to

00:26:48.140 --> 00:26:50.880
move there for a better job. So they stay in

00:26:50.880 --> 00:26:53.279
a lower productivity area. And this study found.

00:26:53.519 --> 00:26:56.349
They estimated that if just three cities. New

00:26:56.349 --> 00:26:59.049
York, San Francisco and San Jose relaxed their

00:26:59.049 --> 00:27:01.589
zoning to be median level, not even Texas level,

00:27:01.650 --> 00:27:04.609
just average for a U .S. city. U .S. GDP would

00:27:04.609 --> 00:27:07.630
be 8 .9 percent higher. Almost 9 percent of GDP.

00:27:07.809 --> 00:27:10.369
That's that's trillions of dollars. Trillions

00:27:10.369 --> 00:27:12.809
of dollars of wealth that doesn't exist because

00:27:12.809 --> 00:27:14.730
we won't let people build apartments. Other estimates

00:27:14.730 --> 00:27:17.450
go up to 12 percent. It's a massive self -inflicted

00:27:17.450 --> 00:27:19.930
wound on the economy. We are locking labor out

00:27:19.930 --> 00:27:21.549
of the places where it could be most productive.

00:27:21.710 --> 00:27:24.869
Then there's the social cost. Segregation. We

00:27:24.869 --> 00:27:26.869
talked about Modesto and the laundries, but this

00:27:26.869 --> 00:27:29.690
isn't just 19th century history. No. Modern zoning

00:27:29.690 --> 00:27:32.509
is often called exclusionary zoning for a reason.

00:27:32.630 --> 00:27:35.589
Yeah. There's a very strong statistically significant

00:27:35.589 --> 00:27:38.289
correlation between strict density limits and

00:27:38.289 --> 00:27:40.650
racial segregation. Jonathan Rothwell and Douglas

00:27:40.650 --> 00:27:43.210
Massey did the big study on this. They did. They

00:27:43.210 --> 00:27:45.730
found that in areas where zoning only allows

00:27:45.730 --> 00:27:48.569
large lots and single family homes, you have

00:27:48.569 --> 00:27:51.269
significantly higher racial segregation, even

00:27:51.269 --> 00:27:53.769
after you control for other factors. The mechanism

00:27:53.769 --> 00:27:56.970
is simple. Large lots are expensive. If you ban

00:27:56.970 --> 00:27:59.690
small lots in apartments, you set a minimum price

00:27:59.690 --> 00:28:02.289
of entry for the neighborhood. And because of

00:28:02.289 --> 00:28:04.250
the history of the racial wealth gap in the U

00:28:04.250 --> 00:28:07.230
.S., setting a high price of entry effectively

00:28:07.230 --> 00:28:10.569
filters out minority populations. It's an economic

00:28:10.569 --> 00:28:12.890
wall that functions just like a racial wall,

00:28:13.049 --> 00:28:15.349
but it's legal under current law. And the homeowners

00:28:15.349 --> 00:28:17.990
defend this wall fiercely. It's what economists

00:28:17.990 --> 00:28:21.869
call the home voter hypothesis. Homeowners see

00:28:21.869 --> 00:28:24.269
their house as their main financial asset. They

00:28:24.269 --> 00:28:26.690
believe, often incorrectly, that apartments or

00:28:26.690 --> 00:28:28.970
density will lower their property value. So they

00:28:28.970 --> 00:28:31.069
show up to city council meetings and scream no

00:28:31.069 --> 00:28:34.869
at any proposed change. And enbyism. Not in my

00:28:34.869 --> 00:28:39.049
backyard. Enbyism. It's a cartel behavior. Existing

00:28:39.049 --> 00:28:41.269
residents collude to restrict supply to boost

00:28:41.269 --> 00:28:43.569
the value of their own asset at the expense of

00:28:43.569 --> 00:28:45.950
everyone else, particularly the young and those

00:28:45.950 --> 00:28:47.789
trying to move in for opportunity. And finally,

00:28:47.809 --> 00:28:50.769
there's the human cost, the sheer rigidity of

00:28:50.769 --> 00:28:53.950
it. The notes mention the Gloversville Free Methodist

00:28:53.950 --> 00:28:57.410
Church in New York. This story is just awful.

00:28:57.829 --> 00:29:00.890
This is a heartbreaking story from 2022. It was

00:29:00.890 --> 00:29:03.950
freezing, minus four degrees Fahrenheit, dangerously

00:29:03.950 --> 00:29:06.500
cold. The church wanted to open its doors to

00:29:06.500 --> 00:29:08.900
let the homeless sleep inside, just to keep them

00:29:08.900 --> 00:29:10.960
from freezing to death on the street. A basic

00:29:10.960 --> 00:29:14.299
act of charity, of human decency. And the city

00:29:14.299 --> 00:29:16.880
shut them down. Why? Because the church was in

00:29:16.880 --> 00:29:19.119
a zone that didn't allow homeless shelters. The

00:29:19.119 --> 00:29:20.880
zoning code didn't care that people might die.

00:29:21.059 --> 00:29:23.359
It only cared that the use didn't match the map.

00:29:23.619 --> 00:29:26.039
That's when you know the system is broken. When

00:29:26.039 --> 00:29:28.839
bureaucracy overrides basic humanity, it's the

00:29:28.839 --> 00:29:31.460
definition of a failed system. It illustrates

00:29:31.460 --> 00:29:33.900
the fundamental problem. Zoning is a tool for

00:29:33.900 --> 00:29:36.779
order. But it often lacks empathy. It lacks common

00:29:36.779 --> 00:29:39.480
sense. It's a blunt instrument. So we're left

00:29:39.480 --> 00:29:42.420
with this duality. Zoning saves us from the tannery

00:29:42.420 --> 00:29:44.900
next door. It stops the skyscraper from blocking

00:29:44.900 --> 00:29:48.000
our sun. But it also creates traffic, segregates

00:29:48.000 --> 00:29:50.779
our cities and stifles the economy. It's a powerful

00:29:50.779 --> 00:29:54.380
tool that has been used bluntly. The shift we

00:29:54.380 --> 00:29:57.420
are seeing now toward mixed use, toward form

00:29:57.420 --> 00:29:59.579
-based codes, toward allowing missing middle

00:29:59.579 --> 00:30:02.539
housing is an admission that we overcorrected.

00:30:02.859 --> 00:30:05.220
We tried to turn the city into a machine, and

00:30:05.220 --> 00:30:07.160
we forgot it's supposed to be a habitat for humans.

00:30:07.339 --> 00:30:09.200
We're trying to find our way back to the organic

00:30:09.200 --> 00:30:11.259
city, but using a better rulebook this time.

00:30:11.380 --> 00:30:13.880
Exactly. A smarter, more flexible rulebook. Here's

00:30:13.880 --> 00:30:15.880
a final thought to leave you with. We started

00:30:15.880 --> 00:30:17.880
by saying zoning was invented for the Industrial

00:30:17.880 --> 00:30:20.380
Revolution to separate the dangerous factory

00:30:20.380 --> 00:30:23.960
from the peaceful home. Right. But today, most

00:30:23.960 --> 00:30:25.940
of us don't work in dangerous factories. We work

00:30:25.940 --> 00:30:28.140
in the knowledge economy. My factory fits in

00:30:28.140 --> 00:30:30.460
my backpack. It's a laptop. It makes no noise,

00:30:30.500 --> 00:30:33.220
no smoke. Precisely. So if the nuisance is gone,

00:30:33.380 --> 00:30:36.359
if work is clean and quiet, why are we still

00:30:36.359 --> 00:30:39.039
separating it from our homes? Are we living in

00:30:39.039 --> 00:30:42.420
cities designed for a 1920s reality that doesn't

00:30:42.420 --> 00:30:45.160
exist anymore? I think we are. And I think the

00:30:45.160 --> 00:30:47.500
cities that figure out how to reintegrate life

00:30:47.500 --> 00:30:49.819
and work like we used to have before the car,

00:30:49.940 --> 00:30:51.859
before Euclid, are going to be the winners of

00:30:51.859 --> 00:30:54.079
the 21st century. They'll be more affordable,

00:30:54.279 --> 00:30:56.759
more sustainable, and... Frankly, more interesting

00:30:56.759 --> 00:30:59.180
places to live. Something to mull over the next

00:30:59.180 --> 00:31:01.240
time you're stuck in traffic, driving past a

00:31:01.240 --> 00:31:04.000
strip mall. And do yourself a favor. Look up

00:31:04.000 --> 00:31:06.779
your local zoning map. Yes. Google your town

00:31:06.779 --> 00:31:09.599
name plus zoning map. It's almost always online.

00:31:09.880 --> 00:31:12.000
Find your house. See what color is. Read the

00:31:12.000 --> 00:31:14.119
code. You might be shocked to find out what you

00:31:14.119 --> 00:31:15.960
are and aren't allowed to do on your own land.

00:31:16.119 --> 00:31:18.960
It's an eye -opener. A real one. Thanks for listening

00:31:18.960 --> 00:31:21.000
to this deep dive. We'll catch you on the next

00:31:21.000 --> 00:31:21.559
one. Goodbye.
